Category: Sunday

  • What a world we live in!

    Along with their Excellencies, our honourables are creating a world in which the haves are plundering and the have-nots are gnashing their teeth in hunger and anger

    I am an unabashed student of the many-worlds theory. The theory says many things, among which is that you and I don’t live in the same world if we don’t share a viewpoint, a purpose, a government, or even a tube of toothpaste. Come to think of it, when we do share toothpaste but don’t both believe in capping it after use or that it should be pressed from below, then your world is as removed from mine as Mt. Everett. I just love that theory. Oh yeah, it also says that whatever you can imagine to have happened really did happen, in another world. So, I shook my head when I heard about the Aviation minister ordering and paying for two armoured cars at the rate of 255 million Naira. I just thought, now look what you’ve gone and done! How could I have gone and imagined such a horrid thing? What in the world was I doing? Because of my stupid imaginations, now we live in a world where Stella Oduah actually went and purchased two vehicles for the price of six!

    When I watch a programme where some westerner who is bored to death about the monotony of his world where everything is so readily available he is spoilt for choice, and he takes off for the wilds for some camping experience, I marvel at his/her hankerings. You see, all he/she wants at that moment is some kind of change: a scenario where the bed is a sodden mass of hay; the cooking stove is a soaked paraffin lamp; the food is enriched by bush roaches, centipedes and crickets; the paved walk-ways are actually pot-holed ditches. He/she wants that world where nothing works; he/she experiences that world by soaking it in, revelling in it and sniffing it appreciatively! What a thing to do! I say, when I see such people, I usually go, ‘there is no pleasing mankind’. Here we are in Africa, hankering after the perfect world of the West; and there they are in the West, hankering after the world of Africa where nothing works. I suspect though, that should you ask them both to exchange worlds, they would soon get bored with what they’ve got and begin to hanker after the other’s world all over again. There is just no pleasing mankind.

    I think I’ve told this story before but I will repeat it nevertheless because, yeah, you’ve guessed it, I love repeating myself. It’s a little like the man who says he repeats his jokes because no one is listening to him anyway. Perhaps it never occurred to him that perhaps, just perhaps, people would start listening to him were he to stop repeating his jokes. Anyway, there is this story told of Paul Getty, the then oil magnate. At an interview, he was said to have stated that were the world’s riches to be gathered together and then redistributed to everyone equally, the sharp gap between the rich and the poor would reappear within five minutes. Why? Because within five minutes, some would have lost theirs, some would have had theirs stolen, some would have gambled theirs away in exchange for something else they value more than the riches, some would have given theirs away, and some would have hidden theirs and pretended to be poor again.

    The antics of the leaders of this country certainly post an impression to the rest of the known world that we in Nigeria live in a world where the majority still have their own riches intact in their hands, pockets and banks. The streets in this here world are just flowing with the stuff. Just look at the way the presidency spends the stuff; see how lavishly the government functionaries live; see our shameful list of national purchases; see the latest national purchase – the armoured vehicles. Once upon a time, our Obj. used to fly around the world in commercial planes. Now, we hear the presidency and government houses have so many planes and jets that regularly ply the routes between their Excellencies’ living and bedrooms the places are practically hangars. In this kind of world then, how can we ask the Honourable minsters to be quiet?

    The Honourable ministers, not to be outdone, have thus joined the fray. Rather than construct hangars, they have taken to constructing super garages built of impenetrable armour filled with vehicles exotic enough to make the car plants in U.S. and Tokyo gnash their teeth in envy. That is all Stella Oduah did. So, along with their Excellencies, our honourables are creating a world in which the haves are plundering and the have-nots are gnashing their teeth in hunger.

    The sad thing is that the have-nots, the rest of us not so excellent and honourable Nigerian people, are really gnashing our teeth in hunger and grinding it in anger. The world where we live in is not in need of hangars and garages. We are not there yet. The real world we live in is just interested in constructing soil heaps where we hope to raise some yams and tomatoes to ward off a world where hunger, famine, death and decay follow one another in uncanny succession. But, being such excellent and honourable people who live in a world of plenty, the Nigerian leaders would not know a thing about that. In these parts then, there is none of that ‘the people are starving’ plea bargaining meant for the ears of the sympathising judges in the West.

    I ask myself, what does anyone around here need an armoured vehicle for? True, there are security challenges (and that’s putting it very politically mildly), but they certainly do not warrant this armoury of armoured vehicles being stockpiled. One, that kind of armoury will not fight the security war; two, unless the user has a bathroom, kitchen, streets, offices and all the people he/she would ever have to interact with in a lifetime inside that armoured vehicle, I honestly do not see their use. What I am saying is that the user has to come out of it sometime, if only to pee. Then he/she would be accosted by the real world we live in. And what a world that is!

    Oh yes, very obviously, these infernal purchases do not reflect the real world of the average Nigerian. In that world, the streets are paved with potholes and there is no knowing the roads from the fields for the grass. That world contains the majority of us watching the drama of the absurd, albeit in hunger and want. We watch as our leaders tell the entire world that the country is on a rigid diet; no alcohol before breakfast, please, and then go on a binge afterwards.

    Nigerian leaders need to begin to take themselves seriously, if they want the world to do the same. They need to show that statecraft is not about satisfying their personal wants and desires. That is more likely to drive the country into penury. It is about leading the nation out of want and danger, poverty and silliness. By their antics, our leaders are giving the nation a world of want, danger, poverty and silliness. And what a world it is we live in!

  • Better a national conference on corruption

    Better a national conference on corruption

    Nigerians, no, the  entire world, had known that corruption, not  even structure, is Nigeria’s greatest undoing

    It will be pretty difficult for any accusation of not wanting a national conference, called by whatever name, to be sustained against me. In articles upon articles on this page, I tried to call the rulers’ attention  to the need for a national conference at which Nigerians can take hold of their destinies by vigorously interrogating what manner of an ideal federal structure they should put in place to right the wrongs of amalgamation to which Nigerians made no contribution. I will rely on only two of such articles to properly situate my objection to the National Conference which the President recently pronounced and about which I will advise Nigerians not to invest much hope. The articles are: Why President  Jonathan  Should Convoke A National Conference Now,  19 May, 2013 and North’s Unnecessary Fears May Create A Federal Monster, 4 August, 2013.

    I began that of 19 May, 2013 by quoting from a forthcoming book by Professor Banji Akintoye, where he wrote: ‘If the Arewa North’s resistance to the restructuring of the federation continues to remain immovable, and the rest of Nigeria continues to be impotent to overcome that resistance, then indeed the much-to-be-feared mass uprisings will be more likely to come, and Nigeria will be more likely to break up’.

     I went further to say that “Under successive Northern Heads of state, civilian and military, scant if any , attention was paid to sustained  development policies in education or Agriculture, entrepreneurship, integrated rural development, large infrastructure procurement  in  roads, rails and transportation generally,  heavy industries, venture capital and micro-credit systems for small businesses development etc; failure to do which the Nigerian nation is reaping now in multiples, not only in crass under development but even in home grown terrorism. I then concluded as follows: ‘In order to build a peaceful, prosperous and powerful country that will take its rightful place in the comity of nations, there must be a deliberate move on the part of Mr President to structurally rejig Nigeria in a manner that will empower each part to  have autonomy  over much of its own affairs, so  that  each can develop at its own pace, practice whatever religion and adopt whatever economic models  that will  best suit its citizenry’.

    Unfortunately, that was at a time when the President believed, and was, indeed, confident, that his party, the PDP, was strong enough to again ride roughshod and make a mince meat of the small parties masquerading as opposition.  But two totally unexpected things happened. Like a bolt from the blues, and for the first time ever in Nigeria, three opposition political parties, the ACN, CPC and the ANPP with a vibrant wing of APGA, merged and were accordingly  registered by INEC as the All Progressives Congress, but worse was to come when the seemingly impregnable PDP crumbled; with a group of seven governors, a former Vice President and sundry other leading lights of the party dramatically walked out of its mini conference in  Abuja to form a splinter group.

    And the president panicked

    This so-called National conference is therefore the result of a Presidential think tank that went into over drive to get the President a breathing space. And he sure needed one with Boko Haram not going anywhere, in fact wreaking  more havoc and literally attacking at will,  the economy, on its belly as  result of massive oil thefts and a consuming 2015 presidential election ambition. The opposition, both internal and external, the think tank must have surmised, must  not only be checkmated  but must be maximally distracted while a distraught  President and his handlers ups the ante towards the 2015 elections which has since assumed a do or die status and for which he can give an eye. This obviously was why a President, who had raved and spurned the very idea of a national conference, could  suddenly turn a full 360 degrees to declare  a national conference with gusto and with the spectacle of  a national conference’s enemy-in-chief, the Senate President, David Mark, tagging along jauntily. They must both be congratulated for successfully believing that majority of Nigerians can be successfully fooled and going ahead to give it a try. This conference is the very equivalent of bones to the dogs and Nigerians are eagerly going to be at it for a while before they know what hit them. Or how many reports of this President’s many committees have seen the light of day critical though, we were told they all are? While the late President Yar Adua killed off issues  by remitting them to his National Security Adviser Mukhtar, example being the celebrated  Ekiti PDP bribes to INEC officials in 2009, President Jonathan achieves the same purpose by referring them to up committees.  I hope this latest one will not last, anyway, since the President has  himself given the game away by, I guess, mistakenly divulging that the National Assembly will have the  final say on what all Nigerians would have wasted precious time discussing with all manner of tempers. Again, happily for those who can see beyond their noses, that is a National Assembly which, in a mere constitution amendment exercise that has taken like forever, is dubiously planning to  completely undermine the states whilst creating a centre with limitless powers. So all-encompassing is the autocracy it is currently constructing that one cannot be accused of exaggeration if he says that Abuja would be turned into a monster should they succeed in getting those totally anti-state laws passed. It’s funny members were not shame-faced the other day when, in a federation where the citizenry is clamouring for autonomy, they announced ,with glee, that ‘the House has voted overwhelmingly to give full financial, administrative, executive and legislative autonomy to local government councils in Nigeria; making them a tier of government with a uniform four years tenure, regimenting their mode of exercising legislative power and abolishing Joint State Local Government Account which they replaced with the “Local Government Council Allocation Account.’  So, the least these fellows would do will be to shred any conference recommendation that  goes against their fascist tendencies by conferring any modicum of autonomy on states.

    Before Mr Walter Carrington, former U.S Ambassador came the other day to lay it bare in Ilorin, Nigerians, no, the  entire world knew that corruption, not structure, however warped,  is Nigeria’s greatest undoing. Declared the former envoy as he was being awarded a honorary degree at the University of Ilorin: “corruption is the most terrible monster that confronts Nigeria, and, I am certain that virtually all the problems associated with governance would be removed if we can summon the courage to tackle corruption and banish it from our activities adding that development does not have a bigger enemy than corruption and also that the development of Nigeria is hinged on ridding politics from corruption and corrupt practices’.

    Should we need a home grown ‘Carrington’ on corruption, Opeyemi Agbaje should please step forward. Wrote Agbaje on the consequences of corruption not too long ago: ‘‘Corruption means that at least 100 million Nigerians live on less than a dollar per day; it means that thousands of infants die before their first birthday due to poverty. It means that life expectancy for the average adult Nigerian is less than 50 years; that millions of destinies are ruined as lack of educational facilities ensures that individuals who have the intellectual potential to be university professors end up only as primary school teachers! I am convinced that corruption has reached a stage at which, if not drastically curtailed, it will destroy Nigeria’. The reality is, indeed, far worse since it means high and  intolerable maternal deaths, pensioners dying on queues, court decisions going to the highest bidder, two different auditor’s reports for same company, police ex torsions and armed gangs claiming they too want their own share of the largesse, to mention but a few. Not surprisingly, a recent study has shown that not jut te Nigerian police, but its ant-corruption agencies, namely, EFCC and  ICPC themselves,  rank highest in corruption.

    Can somebody, in view of al these and  the deleterious consequences of corruption on our country, please tell Mr President to convert this national conference to one on CORRUPTION?

    That way he would serve Nigeria better than by this stampede to nowhere

  • Baba Omojola: the social democrat with a culture

    Baba Omojola: the social democrat with a culture

    BabaMojola inserted himself in the efforts of youth, especially undergraduates to spread the message of social justice in different parts of the country

    Baba Omojola, as he was known in the progressive circles that he helped to nurture for over fifty years in Nigeria in particular and across Africa or the African world in general, is a man being remembered prematurely, given his level of intellectual, spiritual, and cultural energy that even at 75 defied the law of diminishing returns. None of his admirers and co-workers in the vineyard of the struggle for federalism and social democracy in Nigeria ever expected to be in a position of remembering him in the past tense so soon, certainly not with the radiating and infectious energy he evinced only eight weeks ago at the celebration of his 75th birthday anniversary. With the calling of death, remember BabaMojola we must today, but with a heavy heart.

    He was a man of rare talent and understanding of the role of culture in development and the place of social democracy in the development of any nation that wants to be remembered as a nation of human progress that is devoid of class prejudice and injustice. More than any other activist for social and economic justice and cultural democracy, BabaMojola fought for the cause of justice with unflinching belief in the power of example, which was most graphically illustrated by his humility and simplicity.

    Baba, as he was fondly referred to by his younger associates, had some magnetic power to draw younger believers in the cause of freedom and justice for all to his person, ideas, and ideals. In the progressive circles from the 1970s till the 1990s, many young radical intellectuals often confused Comrade Baba Omojola with Comrade Ola Oni. I, for one, often in the late 1970s used to refer to Baba as the Ola Oni of Lagos and to Ola Oni as the BabaMojola of Ibadan. So close were these two public intellectuals in terms of sincerity of purpose and commitment to the building of a Nigeria with a capacity to dispense social and economic justice to all its citizens that it was not difficult for new initiates to confuse the two.

    At a time that it was fashionable for scholars to flaunt their academic credentials and wear the names of the universities from which they acquired training on their faces, Baba was unmistakable in his unassuming nature. It was not necessary for him to advertise that he attended the London School of Economics where he left behind him an academic reputation that was rare even in the history of the institution. It was not necessary for Baba to impress his audience with the jargons of his two kindred disciplines: econometrics and statistics. As an activist for social democracy, he knew that horizontal communication was what is needed to preach the message of progress and justice in a country with less than 50% literacy rate. But he never lost touch with the complexity of the discourse of change from a pre-Bendal postcolonial state to a social democratic one while also showing commitment to inter-ethnic harmony and cooperation across religious and cultural divides in the Nigerian multiethnic state-nation.This disposition was most illustrative in his interaction with youths across the country.

    For example in the 1970s and 1980s, BabaMojola inserted himself in the efforts of youth, especially undergraduates to spread the message of social justice in different parts of the country. He was in the 1970s a major organiser of progressive youths in northern Nigeria. In this process, he helped to nurture progressive-minded undergraduates in the Progressive Youth Movement of Nigeria (NYMN), particularly in Kano and Kaduna in the 1970s. He also assisted NYMN in publication of Struggle, a radical journal published in the Kano-Kaduna axis. Baba was not content with spreading the message of social democracy to undergraduates, he also ensured that he assisted to link new graduates with working-class organisations and struggles. Similarly, in the 1980s, BabaMojola, along with late Alao Aka-Bashorun, gave intellectual and financial assistance to facilitate publication of Forward, a workers’ journal published in Lagos, which served as the cradle of ideological growth for many of today’s progressive political thinkers and activists now in their middle age.

    I became re-connected with Baba Mojola in the mid-1990s after Babangida’s annulment of the 1993 presidential election won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola. It was during his participation in NADECO at home and my own participation with NALICON and NADECO-abroad that I got to see the cultural side of Baba Mojola. As a mentor for several organisations committed to restoration of democracy and federalism in Nigeria during the Abacha reign of terror, BabaMojola was an inspiration to many of us in the struggle in the Diaspora for de-militarisation and re-federalization of Nigeria. I was privileged to work with Baba to mobilise the Yoruba diaspora in the West African sub-region to support the activities and demands of NADECO.

    Still as committed as ever to the struggle for social democracy in Nigeria without any trace of dogmatism, Baba prepared several papers and inspirational talks in accessible Yoruba that we took to several Yoruba communities in Benin, Togo, Ghana, and Ivory Coast. He provided examples to all of us involved in the Diaspora Project on how to communicate effectively with our audience via verbal, gestural, and kinesic images. His address to a Yoruba community town-hall meeting in Akuedo in Abidjan, laced with proverbs relevant to the struggle for democracy and federalism in Nigeria remains memorable till today. Baba inspired many oldish Yoruba men and women whose lingua franca was French to renew their interest in reading Yoruba. So powerful and resonant was the voice in his small frame that audience hailed him for coming to address them in a place so far from home and a from a country that has basically forgotten them.

    BabaMojola left many legacies: courageous and self-sacrificing struggle for justice and national development; consistent commitment till the end to the cause of a Nigeria that can sustain democracy and its unity through a constitution that is devoid of traces of domination and exploitation of one group by another; a public and private persona that was not diminished by any trace of ethnocentrism; a non-doctrinaire acceptance of the compatibility of Yoruba nationalism and development of a social democraticethos in a united Nigeria; and an unshaking belief in a simple lifestyle that makes infinite acquisition non-essential to a life of fulfillment and self-satisfaction.

    To paraphrase an Ifa verse BabaMojola gave me in Atlanta during a peace meeting organized for Yoruba leaders after the election of Alliance for Democracy’s presidential candidate at Di Rovans in 1998, ‘BabaMojola, like the primordial community lover in Ife, had added the struggle for the progress of others and his communities: the Yoruba Nation, Nigeria, and the African world to his own responsibility throughout his life and never gave up until he could no longer do so, Edumare, afunni ma siregun’ (the one that gives with unfettered generosity and without conditionalities), will also, while you rest in perfect peace, give your wife and children all they need to have a more stress-free and fuller life than yours.

  • America: A convergence of the politics of ignorance and hatred

    America: A convergence of the politics of ignorance and hatred

    Anyone who looks at present course of American politics as a model for modern governance engages in the rather quixotic exercise of searching for a tiny pearl among a herd of chortling swine and those who, for whatever reason, pretend to be swine. Perhaps because America has enjoyed such a protracted run of relative safety and prosperity, its current politicians suffer two degenerative illusions.

    First, they believe their nation invulnerable to challenge in the global order. They harangue about terrorism but do not really see it as other than a costly nuisance. It will beget expenditure of trillions of dollars to enlarge the already behemoth military corporate network just for the sake of fighting an amorphous, minor foe. Money and profit are to be had from portraying this sometimes lethal sideshow as a major war when it is not.

    Because, most American politicians do not see any serious foreign threat, they view domestic political opponents as their most ardent foes. When borders seem inviolate from external threat, internal opposition becomes the wretched bogey. This is because most politicians are irrational bundles of hopes and hatreds. Hatred rarely dissipates. It usually gets redirected at another target. Such is the human condition. Some people feed on anger as if a choice buffet. For them, to live is to hate.

    Second, because they have personally been successful, these politicians believe their peculiar notions and actions contributed to national greatness. They dub themselves architects of the national order. Thus, they acquire a sense of personal superiority that may have a most tenuous link to reality. Never do they contemplate that national progress may have come despite their ideas and actions.

    Every nation is an imperfect mixture of fitness and indirection, of wise action and embarrassing folly. Great nations tip the balance toward the positives. Yet, every nation holds the sublime and ridiculous within. Thus,

    not every well-heeled citizen is great. Princes are to be found in the gutter and buffoons walk the most princely courts and tony boardrooms. Many American politicians are not javelins of achievement. So many are but polished mud — the incidental beneficiaries of a national greatness to which they contributed little but of which they have tasted much.

    To study their nostrums is to engage in a fool’s inquest akin to listening to a lottery winner give counsel on how to build a complex financial empire. Anything these folks hold of worth, they did not create and anything they create is of little worth. These people cannot advance a nation any more than a toothpick can prod uphill a massive boulder.

    What this sanctimonious group of men with ambitions and appetites far exceeding their abilities does best is cling to position. They thwart change and reform whenever possible so that people occupying lower aspects of the economic ladder do not invade their club. Often the rich man is not concerned he will lose his fortune. He is often more concerned the poor will become rich, thus revealing him for what he is: nothing more than a poor man in disguise.

    Unfortunately, American politics is densely populated by these baser characters. Politics does not function to make things better. It is now a game of tricking the people to see one political group’s pursuit of its elite interests is better for the nation than another group’s dash toward its own narrow desires. All tricks are to be employed in this contest for this is no longer about reality. The game is one of deception; prestidigitation is the field upon which it is played.

    Thus, the Democratic Party has adopted traditional Republican Party economic doctrine only to falsely retag it “liberal or progressive.” Democrats engage in this false flag operation not because the adopted notions are condign. Democrats embrace these notions because they are so simplistic that they average person can easily understand them; most people more readily believe to be true that which is easier to comprehend. More importantly, these notions also benefit corporate donors upon whom the party relies.

    The Democrats speak of the people but that is the craft of a cunning ventriloquist. The master puppeteers have the party dancing a jig that conflicts with the tune of their rhetoric.

    Meanwhile, the Republican Party has not been satisfied with winning the important battle over nation’s political ideology. The national political economy bears the Republican stamp even if the one doing the stamping is a Democratic President. But that President is Black and this fact has accelerated the Republican descent into an orgy of bias.

    Republicans seek to redraw a national tableau so estranged from reality that it courts danger. Anything that does not accord with rule by conservative White men, Republicans reject as foreign and subversive. However, the Republicans fight the tide of demographic inevitability. Soon, the White majority will become a minority as the growth of the Latino community and, to a lesser extent, the Black community outpaces that of White America.

    The Republicans cannot escape this fact. Because this process is inescapable, they fight it with greater vigor than reason. Like the pro-slavery confederates during the American Civil War, the Republican Party believes it fights to save a noble way of life from assault by lesser humans. In effect, today’s Republican Party is the cultural equivalent of the confederate leadership that sparked gruesome civil insurrection. Like those rebels, Republicans fight with desperate courage, knowing that fate runs against them. Like the rebels, they proclaim they would rather die than surrender. Again, like rebels of lore, they will eventually break and surrender to the inevitable. Until that moment, they will engage in political guerilla warfare against the Democratic Party establishment that now holds the White House.

    Thus, American politics has become a battleground between the sophisticated corporate establishment and Money Power allied with the economically conservative/socially centrist Democratic Party and the arch-conservative White cultural alliance represented by the Tea Party faction of the Republican grouping.

    Despite their growing numbers, other political constituencies and ethic groups are mere platoons and expendable foot soldiers in this historic encounter. Because they have been convinced that their fate rests upon joining one or the other of these competing power nodes, these other groups are lesser than they should be.

    The evolution of and political contest over health insurance reform (Obamacare) must be viewed in this context. Having outflanked Republican attempts to shutter government, President Obama should now face sunny days and moonlit nights ahead. Instead, he walked into an ambush over the rollout of his landmark measure.

    The current major trouble is with the website created for people to enlist in Obamacare. People cannot access the site. If not enough people register, then the entire system will collapse because it was built on an unnecessarily risky economic model. It was built on such a model because the Democrats who constructed it had as their overriding priority the interests of the corporate world instead of the people’s health.

    Roughly 50 million of 300 million Americans are uninsured. This is the highest percentage among developed nations. For the richest nation on earth, it is a travesty. Ostensibly, the basic benefit of Obamacare was to provide insurance to people heretofore uninsurable because they had pre-existing illnesses or could not afford then existing insurance plans. (Yes in America, insurance companies could refuse to insure someone if seriously ill before. They could also terminate a person’s insurance if medical costs exceeded a certain amount.) The plan would insure to this prohibited group by forcing uninsured but healthy people to purchase insurance.

    Expanding the number of healthy people who purchased would increase revenues of the private insurers. This revenue would allow for them to incur the costs of medical payments for people with extant medical conditions. In essence, Obamacare is an indirect government tax or redistribution scheme wherein one set of private citizens are to help fund the health care of another set. If it works, then the number of uninsured will be reduced by 20-25 million people.

    Unfortunately, for the plan, not enough healthy people can access the website to purchase the insurance. If the site’s technological problems are not timely cured, the entire plan might collapse because there will be an insufficient number of healthy new insurance buyers to pay for the influx of people with preexisting conditions. If this happens, the system might implode or government will be forced to subsidize it.

    Now we come to the real fault in the system. All other developed nations have health care systems funded by government. In fact, America funds health care for senior citizens under the Medicare program. This program works well. If the nation would merely expand the principles of Medicare to the rest of the population, America would be in line with the rest of the developed world. Its citizens would be much the better. However, big insurance companies would no longer occupy the enriched position they now hold. Some highly paid executives would be cast from the penthouse into the unemployment lines. This could not be allowed to happen.

    The plan to reform health care hit a detour. Instead of reforming health care, it merely reforms how citizens procured health insurance. The plan was devised not so much to help people but guarantee insurance companies a certain level of profit.

    This overly complex plan was developed because mainstream Democrats dared not look at the most effective and straightforward solution. Government should operate the health care system as in other nations. Democrats flinched not due to Republican opposition but because their corporate donors threatened to pull the plug if the Democrats placed public interest over those of the corporate structure.

    Consequently, Democrats inaugurated this heavily bureaucratic scheme. To work, the multiple parts of this plan must move in complete synchronicity. However, the first portal – website access – now fails, placing the entire edifice in jeopardy. The situation is like inviting guests to a party at a faraway mansion only to find, after travelling the long distance, that no one can open the entry gate.

    Ironically, President Obama unnecessarily exposed his flank to mortal danger through an abundance of misplaced caution. Not wanting to offend the corporate network, he agreed to serial tactical compromises when drafting the health reform law. One layer of bureaucratic complexity was laid upon another in an attempt to assuage the insurance firms. However, the President’s team did a poor job assessing the overall impact of this patchwork, piecemeal aggregation. The tactical compromises, when amassed, constitute a risk to the operation of the law and thus the man’s political legacy. This is a classis instance of starting with so much that the person believes he can eagerly give away half of what he has yet still retain all of what he needs. Before too long, he has yield so often that he winds up with half of almost nothing.

    Chaos with the website has rejuvenated Republican atavists. They should have been contrite after fumbling the government shutdown. They have quickly returned to the attack. They rant that the website fiasco demonstrates government can’t operate complex systems and should not attempt big things. This is pure sewage but people tend to be duped by enthusiastic repetition of categorical statements regardless of the inaccuracy thereof. War is the most complex venture known to man and the American government is singularly adept at that enterprise. Had government funded and treated the website like it does the Pentagon, things would not be as they now are. Additionally, the government managed the space race and the construction of the very internet for which the website was built. One transient technical failure does not mean the government is inherently capable of such efforts any more than the bankruptcy of one firm peal the demise of the private sector.

    Hard-line Republicans have exploited the initial troubles with the new program to revive calls for President Obama’s impeachment. The man has done nothing remotely illegal or impeachable but most Tea Party members believe he must be impeached. Their goal is not to allow the Black man to finish his term in office. They seek to impeach him not for what he has done but for what or who he is. They will cite Obamacare as the battle cry for this rude and foolish gesture.

    Their racial hatred is so intense that some Republicans can barely contain their anger. During a meeting between Republican Congressmen and President Obama, one Republican reportedly told the President he “could barely stand to look at him.” No other president in recent history has tasted such disrespect, particularly when the substance of his policies is not far off the Republican compass. Something else is at work.

    Recently, a Republican Party official in North Carolina gave a television interview wherein he described Black people as lazy and wanting government to given them everything. That the vast majority of Blacks work for a living and get paid less for doing equal work did not seem to discomfort the man.

    Worst, the Republicans have again trooped out a Black man to cover their own racism. During last year’s presidential campaign, the buffoonish Herman Cain served as the prop. This year, the Republicans selected a person with a better intellectual pedigree and no skeletons in his personal closet, Dr. Ben Carson, the globally renowned surgeon. Speaking before an eager Republican cohort, Carson described Obamacare as “the worst thing since slavery.” With that, he legitimized every extremist claim against Obama. If Carson were as unskilled at medicine as he is unacquainted with the history of his own race, the man would be barred from coming within twenty miles of the nearest hospital. His statement was abject. What ambition or motive drove Carson to say such a shameless, false thing is unclear. Hopefully, it was for something valuable; otherwise, it is difficult to understand why he would so publicly sell his integrity.

    To criticize Obamacare for its failings is appropriate; to equate it to slavery is the cheapest slander a Black man could do. The moment Carson uttered his remark, he estranged himself the majority of Black Americans. For his efforts to please the conservative throng he will find his reward a bitter one. He will find himself on the growing heap of black opportunists discarded by the Republicans upon finding their latest Black marionette had little traction with most Black people.

    All in all, American politics is a dismal mess. President Obama’s victory on the government shutdown thrust straight into an intense fusillade over the actual rollout of his signature health law. His penchant to compromise principle at the drop of a hat placed himself in this awkward position. Last week, he was on the offensive and hopefully prepared to move a bit more boldly and a bit more to the left of his usual cautious stance. Now that he has been again bitten, he will likely return to his haltering way.

    Obama’s self restraint will encourage the Republicans not to curb themselves. They will highlight the trouble surrounding Obamacare, hoping their attention adds to its woes and sends it to an early demise due to lack of sufficient public participation. In the meantime, they will also use it as leverage to push the President on other issues, particularly further trimming the federal budget which has already sunk too low to sustain the current level of economic activity. If he takes their bait, he will agree to measures capable of deflating the American economy as will has sabotaging his health measure.

    Already, he has presided over the contraction of the number of federal government employees and a reduction in food assistance for poor people, both firsts for any American president. This conservatism is not the legacy he should strive for because it is more malignant than helpful. But it will be legacy that he writes for himself should he persist in trying to befriend people who will be consoled only if he were to make an ungracious and quick exit from office.

     

    08060340825 (sms only)

     

  • Oduah’s pilgrimage

    Oduah’s pilgrimage

    BEFORE embarking on pilgrimage to Jerusalem last Wednesday, President Goodluck Jonathan reportedly ordered a probe into the scandal surrounding the purchase of two bulletproof cars by the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) at the outrageous price of N255m and for the use of the Minister of Aviation, Stella Oduah. Ms Oduah should of course have resigned since last week in order to save the Jonathan presidency embarrassment over the scandal, but public officials in this clime hold on to office tenaciously and are loth to resign their appointments when they fall short of public morality.

    Instead of resigning, the Aviation minister has opened up herself to public scorn, and investigations by both chambers of the National Assembly and the anti-graft agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Rather than die down, the scandal expectedly worsened as the minister headed to Jerusalem ostensibly for matters connected with aviation. It was speculated that during the trip she might take the opportunity to get the ears of the president. This column cannot independently confirm that objective. The president it was learnt, however, sensibly avoided meeting the minister in Jerusalem.

    Indeed, it would have been better if the president directed someone else to represent Nigeria in the signing of an air agreement between Nigeria and Israel. Given the weight of the allegations against her and the controversy she has triggered, Ms Oduah had no business going to Jerusalem either for secular or non-secular reasons. She ought to have stayed back in Nigeria as a modest form of the deep contrition that ordinarily becomes the office of a minister of any decent country governed by laws, including this federal republic.

     

  • David Mark not providing leadership

    David Mark not providing leadership

    PRESIDENT of the Senate, David Mark, surprised the public last week when he launched into a caustic attack on those who were party to the 2009 agreement between the federal government and university teachers. Both sides, he said trenchantly, were ignorant and mischievous. But his blistering attack suggested something much more insidious. In a subtle way, it indicated his underlying impatience with the unresolved Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) strike, and it also reflected his worldview, one inextricably connected with or subordinated to the futile worldview of Nigerian leaders in the past three decades or so. That worldview, however, transcends party affiliation, and is driven more by his innate desire to cooperate with the country’s leadership than by his desire to promote good governance and stability.

    After considering the issue of the university strike last week, the Senate mandated its president to mediate between the striking teachers and the federal government in order to resolve the dispute. But it is not clear to what extent his unguarded remarks about the university teachers, whom he described as opportunistic, and the federal government team whom he called outright ignoramuses, had weakened his own hand as a mediator and diminished the respect the teachers should have for him had he been more temperate and magisterial.

    Hear Senator Mark at his fulsome worst: “Listening to the agreement that was signed by the Federal Government, as Comrade Uche Chukwumerije read it out, I was really wondering whether this was signed or it was just a proposal. But when he concluded, he said it was signed. It only shows the level of people the executive sent to go and negotiate on their behalf because ab initio, people must be told the truth what can be accomplished and what cannot be accomplished. If a leader says I am going to accomplish this, he is morally duty bound to honour it. But even if you decided immediately after that you could not accomplish it, I think it is only proper for you to go back and start renegotiating…On the other hand, I think ASUU simply took advantage of the ignorance of those who were sent and simply just allowed this agreement to go on because it is obvious that this is going to be very difficult piece of paper to implement. They found that those who were sent there simply didn’t know their right from their left and they just went ahead.”

    Put simply, Senator Mark does not believe the 2009 agreement between the government and ASUU can be implemented, nor will he get the Senate to help the process. In addition, he thinks nothing of the quality of minds on both sides of the negotiating table that produced the 2009 deal. It is instructive that the president is of the same opinion, though he was as vice president an indirect party to the deal. And to underscore the paralysis that has made the Jonathan cabinet detached from reality, most members of the cabinet think the same way too, not the least vociferous among whom is the Minister of Finance, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. However, Senator Mark’s tirade is more significant for what it does not say than what it says. His remarks go far beyond his opinion on the ASUU strike, or his unsavoury view on the teams that negotiated the 2009 agreement, whether they were competent or not. I’ll prove this assertion amply.

    I concede that for the more than six years Senator Mark has been president of the Senate, he has brought stability and order to the upper chamber of the National Assembly. His temperament, perhaps also his military training, and his ability to transform status quo into a dignified thing, are not altogether unsuited to the role of leading and guiding the legislature, whether at the lower level or at the upper level. Indeed, they help him check the adventurousness of senators, some of whom have a fondness for whimsically baying for blood. Elected to head the Senate in 2007, some say with the help of the (then) just departed President Olusegun Obasanjo, Senator Mark, I must acknowledge, seems both able and eager to continue in that position for a few more years, even beyond the 2015 polls. He has mastered the art of doing nothing significant regally.

    Indeed, there are many people who would want Senator Mark to continue presiding over the affairs of the Senate ad infinitum. President Goodluck Jonathan is one. So, too, would both Chief Obasanjo and the late President Umaru Yar’Adua, had they continued in office. To these three presidents, Senator Mark represents the archetypal Senate leadership upon which they would have felt comfortable and even enthusiastic to build their hopes, their programmes, no matter how ephemeral, and their unadulterated conservatism. The basic elements of Senator Mark’s political worldview are unrepentantly opposed to any form of surprise or radicalism. Had he been president of the Senate in the burdensome but insular days of the Obasanjo presidency, it is almost certain the former president would have had little desire to instigate the kind of leadership changes that convulsed the upper chamber and whittled down its prestige.

    As this column suggested last week, Nigeria is battling with the twin evils of leadership incompetence and creeping fascism, with the latter promoted and rendered lethal by the former. Though the Jonathan presidency has not given the impression it fully understands the weight of the problems afflicting Nigeria, and so cannot proffer the appropriate panaceas, few Nigerians doubt how perilously close the country is to the precipice. There is the unending Boko Haram revolt in the Northeast, sundry crimes such as kidnapping and armed robbery in the Southeast and South-South made worse by the most sustained piece of grand thievery of oil resources amounting to close to a billion dollars monthly, a host of socio-economic and political crises that are robbing every part of Nigeria of a great future, and a series of disaggregated but potent malfeasances enacted by ministers, commissioners, police and other security chiefs. The stark truth is that Nigeria has not had it so bad, no, not even in the larcenous days of the hedonist, Sani Abacha.

    It is precisely at this time of an underperforming presidency sustained by lies, propaganda and a grievous assault on the constitution in Rivers and other states, that the country requires the services of a wise, patriotic, visionary and courageous legislature. Sadly, it is at this time that the Senate is led by a pro-establishment, if not entirely reactionary, leadership, whose full-grown conservatism makes the moderating and restraining efforts of the House of Representatives look like sophomoric radicalism. Recall that the House of Representatives had to risk its credibility to restrain the Jonathan presidency from declaring a vicious and autocratic form of state of emergency in the Northeast, after the Senate had virtually given the president a carte blanche to do as he pleased. And now, the Senate under Senator Mark, is angry that ASUU sticks to its guns. How deep in ignominy will the Senate plumb before it reaches the bottom?

    It is time Senator Mark recognised that posterity is calling on him to build a legacy. But that legacy will not be built on the foundation and altar of a cosy relationship that has made the Senate under him indistinguishable from the executive. Even if he comes back to the Senate for a record fifth time, Senator Mark must realise he is unlikely to return as Senate President, no matter which archconservative takes Aso Villa and promotes his candidature. He should reflect on his tenure and those of his predecessors, recognise that a vibrant and knowledgeable Senate could have checked the misdeeds of the Obasanjo presidency, especially the former president’s mindlessly raucous and retrogressive privatisation policy (which stand in sharp contrast to his crazy nationalisation policy of the late 1970s), and that it is time the Senate was made to form an ironclad partnership with the House of Representatives to protect the constitution, checkmate fascism and destroy any appetite Dr Jonathan might have to undermine the veneer of federalism still sustaining the country’s unity.

    Senator Mark’s antecedents do not give hope that he can manage the needed transition, for apart from being thoroughly elitist, as his military days showed, he is not even a natural or artificial democrat, as his time in the Senate is showing effusively in all its unedifying colours. But I hesitate to write him off. Perhaps, he will view this admonition as the honest, plaintive cry of someone who cares about what legacy he would leave behind, and not the writing of one whom Dr Jonathan and his aides habitually denigrate as a destructive critic.

     

  • Jonathan’s SNC: a gathering of the elites, by the elites and for the elites? (2)

    Jonathan’s SNC: a gathering of the elites, by the elites and for the elites? (2)

    readily admit it: it is no easy task to link the urgent need to redefine relations between the centre and the geopolitical zones and states of the Nigerian federation toward equitable administrative and fiscal federalism with the equally urgent need to redistribute the wealth and resources of the country equitably between the few haves with the vast multitudes of the have-nots across the length and breadth of the country. Part of the difficulty lies in precisely the fact that, with few exceptions, the majority of the proponents of the SNC in Nigeria in the past few decades have not given much thought to the need to link the two.

    But there is another reason for this difficulty and it is this: everywhere in the world, it is always a daunting task to simultaneously fight for just and equitable distribution of wealth and resources between, on the one hand, the various parts of a nation and, on the other hand, between the few rich and the teeming masses of the poor and the dispossessed. And on this point, one of the great ironies – or perhaps tragedies – of the politics of just and equitable distribution of wealth and resources in the nation-states of the world is the fact that far too often, the poor and the disenfranchised themselves are successfully co-opted into service as foot soldiers of the struggles of political elites for equality and parity between the constituent or federating parts of nations. The post-independence history of Africa and other parts of the developing world is rife with the terrible consequences of this great misplacement of priorities and allegiances in which the poor and the dispossessed wage wars against one another at the behest of political elites whose one and only goal is to carve out ethnic or geopolitical fiefdoms for themselves. How does this general pattern apply to Nigeria and, more concretely, what is its relevance to the SNC?

    Even with its vast oil wealth, Nigeria is still a poor country and the struggle for sharing the nation’s resources equally between the geopolitical zones and ethnic groups of the country occupies a commanding space in the political imagination of our elites and their supporters, leaving little or no space for attention to the struggles of the poor and socially and politically marginalised across the length and breadth of the land. We know only too well the slogans, catchphrases and demands through which this fixation on sharing the nation’s wealth only among our elites are manipulatively framed by reference to the nation’s constituent parts. But just for the records, here are some of them: Whose turn is it to produce the next president? Why are appointments to key posts in the federal cabinet and directorships of major, lucrative parastatals so skewed in favour of particular zones and ethnic groups? Which zones of the country get the lion’s share of federal contracts? Ambassadors, heads of the different units of the armed services, the large entourage of favored elites that typically accompany the President on his countless foreign trips, cronies who get generous grants to make government-sponsored pilgrimages to Mecca and Jerusalem, Pro-Chancellors and Heads of Council of our universities – how well do they reflect the federal character of the nation? Why must responsibility for many public services and amenities like policing, education, health, licensing of companies, registering of patents, youth development, and sports and recreation be located at Abuja when they could be much better organized and dispensed at the state or local level? And again, let us state the most weighty and portentous of then all: Whose geopolitical and ethno-national turn is it to produce the next president? And when he is elected – so far, it has always been a “he” – will he use the vast concentration of power and authority in his office to the benefit of all parts of the country rather than just his own “people”, his own region?

    If the reader of this piece has noticed or suspected a note of sarcasm in my profile of these elements of the politics of ethnic and geopolitical manipulation among our elites, I readily admit that, yes, I am being somewhat sarcastic here. This is because I look around me and I observe that the only people who have really benefitted from the struggles for fair sharing of resources among all the parts of the country have been our elites, pure and simple. But having made this admission, I will be the first to also admit that no matter how much sarcasm one may make about how elites from different parts of the country manipulate struggles over the sharing of the nation’s wealth and resources between the constituent parts of the nation to their own benefit, this kind of politics will always be with us. I repeat: just as no nation in the world has transcended the politics of revenue sharing among all the demographic and geopolitical units of any given nation, so will we in our country always have to contend with this politics of equitable balance of forces between the parts within the whole.

    But then there arises the absolutely crucial question of the other side of the equation in the sharing of the wealth and resources of nations between the rulers and the ruled, the wealthy and the poor, the powerful and the powerless. The happy nations and societies of the world combine these two levels and forms of political struggles over the sharing of resources; the unhappy nations and societies keep them apart simply by substituting one for the other. In other words, in the more progressive and egalitarian nations of the world, simultaneously as every effort is made to cement equitable distribution of resources between different parts of a nation, strenuous efforts are also made to prevent wide gaps between the rich and the poor of all parts of the nation. Our own country is such a tragically unhappy and unstable land at the present time precisely because with regard to this principle that operates among all the nations of the world, we have for the most part kept rigidly apart the distribution of resources between the different parts of the country and the distribution of resources between the tiny minority that have too much and the vast majority that have far too little.

    If Jonathan’s SNC does in fact take place look, compatriot, for the conference to be dominated in composition and agenda by political elites whose primary, if not exclusive interest will be to redefine or redraw the lines of power and sovereignty between the centre and the states of the federation and between the different geopolitical zones and ethno-national communities of the country. Look for great attentiveness of the confreres to fiscal and administrative federalism. Look for talk of resource control and the principle of derivation. Look even for much talk around the idea of a rotational or collegiate presidency. There is nothing inherently wrong in having these themes or ideas robustly engaged at the coming SNC. Only let us not fool ourselves into believing that Jonathan’s SNC can have any iota of credibility or legitimacy if the terrible social and economic conditions of the great majority of Nigerians at the present time are excluded from the deliberations or are deferred to another day, another SNC of the future. There is no shortage of very knowledgeable, wise, just and patriotic individuals and civil society groups in our country that can ably represent these interests at the SNC. And also: workers, tradesmen and women, professional associations, youth organizations, pensioners representatives, all have able leaders and spokespersons aplenty that can present the experience and aspirations of the masses of ordinary Nigerians at the SNC. Their inclusion in the SNC of Jonathan would be about the only indicator, the only guarantee we have that the President is not thinking of convening a gathering of political elites, by the elites and for the elites.

    Like many others who have commented on this subject, I too wonder why Jonathan, who has steadfastly refused to consider, let alone talk of the necessity of the SNC for many years now, all of a sudden decided to spring this surprise on us all at precisely the moment of great weakness and total loss of sense of direction in his presidency. But I suggest that this is no reason to boycott the SNC, given a readiness to get out of the proceedings at the very first signs that Jonathan has his own agenda, his own secret reasons for convening the conference. Almost without exception, the Jonathan presidency has botched just about every opportunity that has come its way to rid the land of insecurity, mounting levels of poverty and immiseration, disunity, statist and non-statist violence and anxiety and fear around the coming elections of 2015. Perhaps, but only perhaps, this coming SNC may be his and our last chance to arrest the nation’s drift toward chaos, anarchy or worse.

    Biodun Jeyifo

    bjeyifo@fas.harvard.edu

  • Trivial women  protesters of Abuja

    Trivial women protesters of Abuja

    Last Monday, hundreds of market women under the aegis of the Market Women Association of Nigeria staged a protest to the National Assembly and Ministry of Education to put pressure on striking university teachers. The reason given by the women for the protest is, however, difficult to rationalise. According to them: “We are here to tell you (the person who received the protesters) we have done our investigation and seen that we can no longer keep our children in the house. What ASUU is looking for is for us to cut our heads and give them. You cannot compare federal and state universities… We trade to send our children to school. It took America 350 years to get there; hence we need to do things gradually. Let us repair our country. Our children have not been in school for the past four months. If the lecturers don’t do what is expected of them, we will go and close their schools…We took to the streets because ASUU has refused to have the face of humans. We are stakeholders because we are mothers. They should resolve this thing between them and government so that our children can go back to school.”

    Had the women discussed with their husbands and children before taking to the streets, it is unlikely their protests would be directed at ASUU, for ASUU is as much a victim as the idle students and longsuffering parents. The problem, notwithstanding the hysteria of paid and misguided students’ union leaders, is plainly the refusal of the government to honour agreements. What kind of character and principles are market women teaching their children when they sanction the breaking of agreements and contracts?

    The problem of education is of course much more complex than ASUU strike can resolve; but first, pressure should be applied in the right place in order not to leave us beaming like fools, and our mothers preening like drunken peacocks.

  • What  quick way to abort a National Conference!

    What quick way to abort a National Conference!

    That the definition of the political reality of Nigeria by the North is starkly different from that of the South indicates that the division in the country is very deep.

    President Jonathan’s most recent statement on the national conference he proposed about two weeks ago has almost thrown the idea back in the ocean of doubt that had characterised the efforts of those who tried the idea before him. More importantly, the president has himself applauded Senator Bola Tinubu as an infallible analyst of Nigerian party politics and as the prophet whose assessment of Jonathan’s presidency must not be missed. The worrisome part of Jonathan’s assurances to his visitors on the occasion of the just concluded Muslim festival is his taking back with the left hand what he offered with the right hand just two weeks ago.

    While several commentators on the announcement of a committee to work out modalities for a national conference “to provide a platform that will reinforce the ties that bind the country’s many ethnic nationalities and ensure that Nigeria’s immense diversity continues to be a source of strength and greatness,” have, despite their awareness of the problems with governance of the country in the last four years, been pleading that the message be separated from the messenger, President Jonathan himself assured Nigerians on the last day of this year’s Eid-El-Kabir that it is more appropriate to conflate the message and the messenger. What an easy way for a ruling president to confirm the prescience of his opposition leader!

    But the emphasis today is not on President Jonathan’s attempt to pre-empt a committee he set up only fifteen days ago nor to castigate him for quickly confirming Senator Tinubu’s fears. He will not be the first president in recent times to make nonsense of his advisers. President Olusegun Obasanjo said when he was swearing in his Special Advisers a few years ago that he did not appoint them because he wanted to take their advice and that they should always remember that he was under no obligation to take their advice. The advisers still accepted to be sworn in, even when the person who appointed them told them upfront that the game was over. President Jonathan does not have the brusqueness of Obasanjo, but by announcing his intention to send the outcomes of the conference to the national assembly as part of items for amendment, he too has shown that he is ready to do the job of the committee whenever he chooses to do so. The purpose of today’s piece is to let the president and his advisers know that opting to send the outcomes of the national conference to the legislators that have been talking about amending the 1999 Constitution for over two years is a quick way to abort the conference before its due date.

    It is necessary to discuss the implications of following President Jonathan’s new route to “providing a platform to reinforce the ties that bind the country’s many ethnic nationalities and ensure that Nigeria’s immense diversity continues to be a source of strength and greatness.” To believe that the national assembly, as presently structured, can transform conference outcomes to amendments during the life of the current assembly is unrealistic. The assembly has not been able to agree on items that grew up within its chambers in over two years; it is not likely to be able to digest new constitutional provisions arrived at by a conference that may not include members of the national assembly.

    In addition, the national assembly itself is part of the problem that a national conference is to address, particularly the lop-sided nature of the House of Representatives in favour of the North, the site of the longest and loudest opposition to calls for sovereign national conference or a constitutional conference to craft a people’s constitution. This approach is, as I said in a recent book: Federalism and the Yoruba Character, similar to attempting to cure drunkenness with more drunkenness. Nigerians have since its inception challenged the accurateness of the census upon which the proportional representation that created the current national assembly was made. Leaving the outcomes of the conference to the national assembly to ratify is making the conference to be dead on arrival, as people say in popular language.

    Given the vitriolic nature of opposition from the North to calls for sovereign national conference or constitutional conference, expecting the current national assembly to ratify any recommendations from Jonathan’s national conference is over-sanguine. For example, some northern governors have been reported to refuse to send people from his state to any conference. Some leaders from the North have started singing war songs, to counter calls for national conference.Pundits from the North have argued that our constitution is not the problem and that it is the people that use the constitution that need to be upgraded. Just as President Jonathan was assuring his visitors that the final destination of the conference outcomes is the national assembly, the spokesman for the most authoritative socio-cultural organisation from the North Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) said unapologetically: “The ACF does not believe that the problem with Nigeria is the structure of the country or the pattern of governance….For now, we do not have any position to present to them [the Advisory Committee] because we did not ask for a conference in the first place.”

    On the contrary, Ohaeneze Ndigbo has agreed to meet on Saturday to produce a position for the Committee’s visit to the former Eastern Region while Chief Reuben Fasoranti’sAfenifere and the Afenifere-Renewal Group have completed position papers to take to the Committee’s first meeting in the former Western Region in Akure. That Nigeria is a divided country does not need the expertise of rocket scientists to decipher. Two of the three regions that agreed to go into one Nigeria at independence in 1960 are ready to send delegates to attend the preliminary fact-finding meeting of the Committee set up by President Jonathan with spokespersons for federating units, the unity of which the proposed conference is designed to reinforce while the third region has already announced a boycott.

    Offering to send the outcomes of the conference to the national assembly on the same day that ACF indicated its intention not to be bothered by any zonal meeting in Jos or Minna, can possibly be interpreted to mean an attempt to assure the North that there is nothing to worry about. Everybody in the country knows that without any cooperation from northern members in the national assembly, there can be no two-thirds to alter one sentence in the current constitution, even after years of conference deliberations. That the definition of the political reality of Nigeria by the North is starkly different from that of the South indicates that the division in the country is very deep. And this situation should worry anyone that cares about Nigeria. The claim that President Jonathan has not suggested any No-Go areas is countered by his most recent decision to use the national assembly, a body that has, like the country’s 774 local governments, grown out of decades of political re-designing of Nigeria by military dictators. Given the new confusion created by the president’s latest decision, it is advisable for president Jonathan to let his advisory committee members give him some advice on how to proceed. Pre-empting the committee in any way is likely to dampen the spirit of the millions of Nigerians who want a platform to provide ideas that can reinforce the ties that bind Nigeria’s ethnic nationalities together over the years and ensure that the country’s immense diversity becomes a source of strength and greatness for the parts and the whole of the ‘Federal Republic of Nigeria.”

  • A peep into Fayemi’s second term

    A peep into Fayemi’s second term

    Kayode Fayemi’s second term, built solely on  the grace of God, and  excellent performance is already assured 

    When I indicated last week that this Sunday’s article will be a peep into Fayemi’s 2nd term, some people must have wondered whether I am a Nostradamus or simply playing god. I answer no, to both charges as all I am going to do, like the typical student of society, is to critically interrogate events and trends and from them, draw justifiably valid conclusions. Writing in The Nation of Monday, October 14, 2013, Sam Omatseye, the paper’s Editorial Board Chairman, observed as follows : ‘When on 16, October 2010, governor Fayemi was sworn in, I wrote in this column about the high road ahead of him, and wondered how he was going to tackle a state so idealistic, yet so forlorn. Within a year and half, I drove through the streets of Ado-Ekiti, and witnessed a transformation at variance with what obtained while I left the city on the day of his swearing in: the streets narrow, unlit and dust-laden, the houses discoloured, the brow of its inhabitants shorn of optimism, Ekiti did not seem, even with its new chaperon’s good intentions, capable of the lift you see in its streets today’.

    Also writing on the same subject, 23 December, 2012, my brother, Tunde Fagbenle, said: ‘over the years, even those little graces -earlier itemised – had wilted and become virtually the stuff of distant memories. Ekiti land, with all its vaunted brains, had proved not immune to the malaise of a country gone to the dogs; the fate that befell her had befallen virtually the entire old West. Successive (PDP) governments had been preoccupied with the glamour and self-opportunities of office. Lacking in depth, vision and commitment, governance was essentially cosmetic and nothing beyond how to share the monthly dole from Abuja between individual pockets and token gestures of attention to desolate infrastructure within the governor’s very limited horizon’. What they failed to mention with every justified specificity is that from whichever direction you are entering Ekiti today, the minute you hit a smoothly paved road, and could sleep seamlessly if you are chauffeur-driven, you can be sure you are in Ekiti. Such is the amazing network of roads the administration has delivered in three years that you would not but marvel.

    To the chagrin of not a few, I have myself written so copiously about these achievements that many are beside themselves with rage but what do I care since these are self-evident things. I have written, ad nauseam too, that a scintilla of apology, I have not, on that score since the Holy Writ admonishes us to adore and seek the good of our little Jerusalem. Indeed, anyone in doubt about my adulation of an administration wholly in the service of Ekiti people should do what the journalist in Tunde Fagbenle did – visit: to see that of a truth: FAYEMI IS TESTED AND TRUSTED, as was boldly captured on one of the signposts at the mammoth 3rd Anniversary Rally in Ado-Ekiti on Wednesday, 16, October, 2013 which, not even the very busy, highly regarded Ekiti icon, Aare Afe Babalola, a lover of good things, could afford to miss.

    Omatseye and Fagbenle’s words above vividly capture the Ekiti experience until the inauguration of the Fayemi administration and, as the immortal Awo says, since the raison d’etre of government is to work for the good and happiness of the greater majority of its citizenry, there is not the faintest hope, that the good people of Ekiti will ever again elect to go back to those days of rudderlessness and outright profanity, of six governors in seven years – indeed, one was for a day. And because the Ekiti people have twice demonstrated, at elections, that they would see those Egyptians no more, it follows syllogically and realistically, that Fayemi’s second term is, by the grace of God, already assured.

    But didn’t I recently write on this page that power is not served ala carte, especially in Nigeria with the PDP’s ever inventive rigging machine permanently at work? Without a doubt, that party, with its many lackeys and quislings, its Labour Party shadowy ally, and all, it will stop at nothing in its attempt to hang on to its induced minor irritation within the APC in the state , to attempt to rig the 2014 election in the manner of the Offa broad day robbery and the more recent macabre dance in the Edo Bye election where it was alleged security men fragrantly protected ballot box snatchers. Add to this, the story going the rounds in the entire Southwest today, that President Jonathan intends to make the Ekiti and Osun elections a staging post for his 2015 ambition and you know there can be no putting anything beyond a party that has been so thoroughly savaged in the Southwest. But they will need to think again. We have asked those of them who still bother to read to go read, or re-read, Dare Babarinsa’s ‘House of War’ and to remember that Ekiti was an integral part of those historic days in Ondo state. Happily, they can boast of some key dramatis personae of that era among their leaders. It was also in circumstances such as this, that I told, then President Yar’ Adua, when our own Yoruba men of power advised him to inundate Ekiti with soldiers ahead the rerun election that, to ever successfully rig again in Ekiti, he would have to come accompanied with coffins since he would have to literally kill Ekitis to the last man.

    And that, incidentally, was at a time Ekiti people did not know Fayemi beyond his democracy activism and, therefore, a time when good governance, security of life and property, multi-sectoral development and care for the needy and the elderly among us, were mere dreams. That was also a time when, to savour a good road, you would have to take a trip to Fashola’s Lagos state. But Fayemi we now know, in words and work, in commitment and focus, very much beyond description.

    We are well aware that the PDP is no lover of good things. To dispute this, they should point us to their worthwhile legacies, over an 8-year period, across the Southwest whose education they ran aground and left with a depleted and decaying infrastructure. Even with President Obasanjo in office, the Ibadan-Benin Road, which traverses major Southwest cities, was broken into two at Igbara-Oke and you were lucky if your car survived a journey. Week in, week out, at the end of his every Federal Executive Committee meeting, multi-billion naira contracts were announced for various irrigation projects in the North with none ever coming to the Southwest. So appalling was it that at AGBAJO YORUBA, a nascent Pan-Yoruba Socio-Cultural organisation under the interim leadership of Lt. General Akinrinade, a rapid response team, headed by respected Professor Jide Osuntokun, was set up to decry the complete marginalisation of the Southwest. I laughed the other day when I saw them now head to Abuja, their tails behind their backs, to confront the president with allegations of Southwest marginalisation. It is funny, a people who know nothing beyond self, as exemplified by their poster boys, Chief Bode George and Kashamu permanently being at each other’s throat, think they can deceive Yoruba people again.

    Like their compatriots in Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Osun, Ekiti people have seen the light and can no longer be deceived. Visit any of these states today and try to mentally picture what it was like a mere five years ago (minus Lagos). In Oyo all you remember is a skin-toning governor superintending over the dirtiest city in Africa. Visit today and see the Ajimobi wonder; the very reason some lazy bones are wimping over a bridge all, but a few, commend. Think of Ogun and what readily comes to mind is the Wale Adedayo’s alleged experience. Osun was under a soldier who is today having his comeuppance, while in Ekiti it was one day one trouble.

    Every PDP wannabe governorship candidate in Ekiti or Osun should come back home and point to what he/she did for his community after so many years of Abuja derived opulence. Happily too, Baba has gone, and there can be no more ‘fehingbepon’ – impunity – or a rehash of any mama losing her Christian conscience. Ekiti will be too vigilant for them this time around as we, historically, do not fight unless you went out of your way to want to play us. It is then you see the lion in these genial people of honour. Those among them who would be tempted to play lackeys for the sake of ‘oyele’ (oil) money or appointments, should therefore think twice; as by the special grace of God, Kayode Fayemi’s second term, built solely on the grace of God, and excellent performance, is already assured.