Category: Sunday

  • DO YOU KNOW WHO I AM?

    DO YOU KNOW WHO I AM?

    The Honorebu* Who Slapped the Law

    SNAPSONG 237    

    The Honorebu’s first question

         Was preceded with a very Honorebu slap

    So loud his neighbours thought

         It was a thunderclap

    “Who are you, wretched driver;

         What madness drove you

    To disturb my Honorebu leisure

         In the middle of an empty day?

    In my Honorably acquired mansion

         Where, between booze and boast,

    I churn out the bills which beget those laws

         That have turned Nigeria into a Paradise”

    The second slap came with an imperial swagger:

         “How dare you! Do you know who I am?”       

    Then a frightening combination of raw power and magic blustering:

         “I will make you disappear, and nothing will happen”

    King-size ego, consuming conceit

         Vintage Lawmaker of a lawless Republic

    Who “monkeys” the people and “rats” their worth

         Standing so tall on the grave of assassinated dreams

    So carefully curated 

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         This poignant parable of Nigerian imuniti**

    Its powerfool protagonist, its convoy of clowns

         Who bluff and strut beneath their tinsel crowns

    “Do you know who I am?”

         The Honorebu asked his “stupid-idiot” driver

    Challenging us, dear readers,

         To read this poem and answer his question.

    *Imuniti un-arrestability. A Yoruba coinage from a conflation of “immunity” and “impunity”

    **For a peculiarly Nigerian meaning of this word, I recommend a quick journey to Honorebu, Akeem Lasisi’s rip-roaring video.

  • Satanic vibes

    Satanic vibes

    Nothing can be more intellectually daunting and emotionally distressing than column-writing in a deeply polarized polity. With the creative Muse and organizing Maiden of the society themselves deeply violated, nothing, absolutely nothing, can insulate or isolate one from the depth of mutual hostility and the rapidly expanding canvas of hate and vicious recriminations. The columnist finds himself at the mercy of the greater column: the column of angry communes: bitter, dispirited, disillusioned and disoriented citoyen advancing on all fronts and venting their spleen at everything and everybody.

    Their job, if not their cause, has been made easier by the advent of the social media. There has been an exponential rise and expansion in the army of private critics. The democratization of the means and ownership of opinion-production has led to a new age of information-production and information dissemination. Nowadays, anybody with a laptop, a fairly sophisticated phone and an access to the internet is a manufacturer of opinions and a factory of “facts” or factoids as the case may be. In the process, the old authoritarian master-discourse has been dethroned and supplanted. In its place, a new hierarchy of eerie reality in which it is increasingly difficult to separate factuality from fiction and fantasy. AI-generated pictures and scenes often appear superior to the real thing. The post-public is here with us and may the good Lord help even the law courts.

    Our twin-tribute to General Yakubu Gowon last week has provoked a gale of reaction which is as furious as it is overwhelming in its scope and scale of indignation and emotional turbulence. It came in a fast and sweeping torrent. It is hard to understand how a man of the old general’s tame and temperate outlook, a man who was swept from the pinnacle of power almost fifty years ago, could still provoke such a rash of raw emotions in many of our compatriots. Even more astonishing and fear-inducing is the fact that the events leading to the civil war and the aftermath could still induce such a tempest of fiery recriminations and shrill denunciations across the land as if they happened only yesterday. The Nigerian elephant has a long memory indeed. And it is an elephant shambling and lumbering about the trembling plains with gaping wounds. Unless we find a way to restrain this wounded mammoth and dress its open gashes, we will be far from closure in this troubled land.

    First past the post of fierce contention as Sunday morning filtered in are two of my former students of Igbo extraction who are now full professors in their own right plying their trade in South West universities. They sometimes abuse yours sincerely and they are occasionally rebuked for their audacious contumely. Sometimes, we agree to disagree and some other time, we disagree to agree. But yours sincerely consider their critiques and occasionally nettling censures as invaluable feedback mechanisms. When they cross a particular line, they get mercilessly ticked off and they retreat to their scholarly dens. The other one was in no mood to take hostages last Sunday. He writes:

    Happy Sunday with love!  The hidden truth in spite of the ninety bouquets {for General Gowon} came with the postscript which in equal measure dismisses the value of the otherwise praise! Gowon is guilty as charged!!

      When yours sincerely responded with a tone of quizzical exasperation, our man came charging like a bull:

      I spent my Christmas in the forest in 1969 after we had been forced to run from Lagos to the East. We were trained on how to dodge aerial raids and even at that some unfortunate people couldn’t escape from the bombs and other strafings.

     His professorial colleague was more measured and nuanced. We quote:

    In this coruscating historical piece, the historian and the philosopher….meet in the poet, and in this instance, the linguistically self-conscious columnist.  I have read Chuks’ venomous riposte to the Gowon interview and how immensely apposite you have served us this torrid and sweltering Sunday a meta-analysis in response, thereby vouchsafing a more nuanced and holistic contemplation of the regnant saga. Closure! Closure? Who has the Balm of Gilead to salve and bind our open sore? I guess the present managers of the estate have bigger fish to fry. Thank you for another intellectual labour of patriotic love.

    As the columnist was ruminating on these interventions, an old friend from London, a youthful Advert Manager of the Daily times Group in his late twenties in the mid-seventies, a former Nigerian nationalist but now a militant apostle of restructuring Nigeria or dissolving it as the case may be, put the heavy boot in with icy resolve:

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    The greatest public political ageless truth in Nigeria was uttered by Jack in his maiden broadcast post successfully eliminating Ironsi/Fajuyi when he said: The basis for one Nigeria no longer exists…It was true then and still true now. It was North first then and still north first today. The thoughtless arguments on VAT by Northern governors is so contradictory…..My practical thinking is: the day Yoruba and Igbo agree on the political direction of the country, Nigeria will be truly liberated. Good day…. Never mind my old man struggling semi-educated write up to a sound across the board professor like you. Please tolerate this.

    For a man approaching his eighth decade on earth, it doesn’t get more vitriolic and combustible. While still trying to digest this, another distinguished Nigerian well past the octogenarian benchmark, scion of an illustrious Lagos family and notable author in his own right waded in with a flying tackle. In an early morning chat, the aging literary duelist famous for delectable turns of phrase noted with wry acerbic flourish: “If you say Gowon is not the ripper, he is definitely the REAPER.”

    We can now see why elite consensus continues to elude Nigeria. In response to the irate professor who turned the whole thing into a Donnybrook Festival by going after Gowon’s personal integrity in a rumoured amatorial and romantic cop-out, yours sincerely promised to avail him of our imaginative intervention in the matter. This country can do with more love and affection. Without arriving at the realm of love, we can never arrive at the love of the realm. The original title of the piece you are about to read has been adjusted to suit the moment. Happy reading to our readers.

  • Love at the dawn of Kudita

    Love at the dawn of Kudita

    Moments after General Jackson Biwok left the precincts of the cancer ward at the old capital’s premier hospital, he was assaulted by a terrible and nasty smell. It was the odour of death and human disintegration, reminiscent of a savage battle field. The mortuary had broken down again. Giant maggots crawled out from a sewer adjacent to the mortuary, heading for the casualty ward. Overhead, several vultures had taken up pole position. Perched on the huge baobab trees from which the hospital had taken its name, it was as if the rotund overfed scavengers were daring the mortuary to spill its contents.

    The general struggled to fish out one of his trademark immaculate white handkerchiefs from his resplendent Agbada robe.  As the terrible smell filled his nostrils, shame and misery overwhelmed him. The whole country had broken down, he thought to himself. The nation had become one vast, stinking mortuary. 

       Commuters screwed their nose at the stench , and as the mood turned bitter and foul, they rained unprintable curses at the rulers of the nation. The general wondered whether some of them had recognized him as a man dressed in cassocks took a swipe at the nation’s former military kingpins and eyed him with bitter malice. “Dem go smell dem mama’s yansh, one day, one day”, a woman cursed in pidgin English at the general’s heels.

     Jack Biwok, accompanied by his beloved wife, Elizabeth, the iconic former first lady, and some trusted aides, had gone to the hospital to pray for the speedy recovery from cancer of Princess Edna Iwu-Abangwu, his former beau, much adored sweetheart and confidante. He knew in his heart of heart that it was a farewell visit, a closure-effecting pilgrimage. As a tested officer and a man who has seen his fair share of tragic exits, he knew death when he was in its omnipotent presence. Despite his good breeding and legendary stiff upper lip, he was a man of tremendous, overpowering emotions.

    He had almost recoiled in terror and horror as he beheld the former beauty now ravaged and wasted by the most deadly of human afflictions. Here was the fairy princess who had taught him many pleasures, whose cutting tongue often cut too sharply, but whose wit , vivacity and charisma had brought him moments of  divine joy.  He had begun to weep inwardly, but he had to pull himself together.

       He must not betray his emotions, he warned himself, or he must be prepared for a subsequent ferocious tongue-lashing from the other woman who had begun to eye him on the sly with manhandling intent. As a young man, he often wondered why it was his lot to be sandwiched among powerful women. But this was not the time and place for soapy and silly sentiments.

    Despite the overarching atmosphere of tragedy and imminent death, the visit had gone quite well. The former lovers had connected brilliantly. Hatchets had been buried. He could see the glimmer of old love and affection in the hollowed, sunken eyes. Oh those beautiful expressive eyes! Let some outstanding issues remain outstanding. Time would heal those. What was important were the shared moments and the honor of having loved such an extraordinary woman, a heroine of love and devotion.

    Only God could decree the future, and it was he who knew those who were meant for each other and those who were not. Let fools indulge in idle speculations. He knew in his heart that he was not a cruel, faithless brute. But he felt then– as he felt at that moment– that duty to one’s nation was superior to love. He could live with the hint of personal dishonor.

    Buoyed by such sentiments, the old soldier was his preppy and energetic self as they left the ward. He had done his duty to man and God. Let his servant now depart in peace. He was a man of simple, almost childlike instincts which often made him very vulnerable to the hardened amoral sharks in the national pool of piranhas. He would continue to pray for the nation and the bad boys who had shamed his adored military profession. But this broken down mortuary business is a bad omen, he thought as ugly reality intercepted his saccharine benevolence and he began fumbling for his handkerchief. He was not a normally superstitious person, but he felt that the collapsed mortuary was a sign of approaching catastrophe. “God knows I tried my best, but the boys messed up”, he muttered as he covered his face from the stench and shame.

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     Jackson Musa Nimyel Biwok had every reason to be grateful to God. He had been very kind to him. Very close to three scores and ten years, he retained the fabled good looks of his youth and a sprightly handsome frame. He had never been the best or the brightest, but at every turn in his eventful military career, good fortunes had always smiled on him.

    It was this providential preferment, combined with tact and modesty , that carried him on the cusp of turbulence to the leadership of his nation at a very tender age. It also made him the nation’s preeminent soldier. Out of office, his restraint, equanimity and rectitude had also gradually turned him into the nation’s foremost statesman. For a man of his humble background and lowly origins, it had been a dizzying and spectacular climb to the top of the mountain.

    A chilly current froze his heart as his mind drifted back to the terrible events that first brought him to national attention several decades earlier. It was the nation’s first military coup. Led by some dissident majors and spearheaded by an exceptional officer he would later describe as a misguided idealist, it was a momentous bloodbath which cost the nation its innocence and political virginity. A whole generation of senior officers from a section of the country had been wiped out. Despite the ensuing revenge coup, the civil war, the carnage and terrible casualties on all sides, the nation had learnt nothing and forgotten nothing.

    He himself had been targeted by the plotters, and had barely escaped, thanks to providence and quick thinking.  He had returned to the country after a course abroad on the eve of the coup.  He had disembarked from the M.S Orion, only to be confronted by Edna who had whisked him away in a breach of military protocol. He could not hide his irritation. Love could always wait for duty, but the fairy and fiery princess was having none of that. After a party attended by military echelons at which the army commander was at his hilarious best, Edna had lured him away from his assigned quarters and from certain death. What had she known?  Powerful feelings for the dying beauty returned.

     “Take me back to that ward, and to the only woman I ever loved!” the general shouted as he broke away from his wife’s tight hold.

    “Don’t be such a fool!!” Elizabeth screamed. A proud, powerfully built stallion, she was not a woman to be toyed with. She had always carried herself with steeliness and stateliness. With her regal poise, statuesque and stately bearing, she had brought much honor and dignity to the office of the first lady, unlike the three a kobo successors who had disgraced and desecrated the office. Behind the throne, she was a fortress of strength to her husband and countless were the battles she was known to have fought with  aging military playboys who had tried to teach her husband a few lessons in matrimonial hanky-panky.

    As the entourage crossed an open sewer, the general struck a huge crater in the middle of the road with his left foot and was finally roused out of his daylight reverie. A searing pain coursed through his body and he let out a weak yell. His wife steadied him, assisted by Israel Ihube, his long-time associate and faithful aide. But he was sure he could hear a small crowd behind him crowing with delight at his discomfiture. The mood of the nation was foul and nasty, not even four-star generals could walk freely about any more, he thought as his mind went back to the dying Edna.

    It was precisely at this point, as if on cue, that Princess Edna Iwu-Abangwu slipped into a terminal coma, her brave, heroic soul finally succumbing to the mortal ailment that had reduced life to an existential burden. The pain was horrendous. It was as if a million savage ants were crawling all over and making a huge meal of what remained of her once magnificent body. With characteristic nobility and generosity of spirit, she had already shared out her remaining pain-killers among the tribe of afflicted. It was doubtful whether they could have helped at this point.

    In this state of delirium, she saw herself as a bride in a classy, shimmering wedding gown being taken to the altar by her beloved Jack. In his ceremonial uniform, the handsome colonel was quite a sight to behold; so was the best man, the boyishly good-looking Major Joe Akahan. She had curtsied with customary élan in the direction of her parents who were a picture of urbane graciousness and cultivated restraint.

    Thank you sir, she seemed to say as she blew a kiss in the direction of the Governor General, the great Zik of Africa. It was a gathering of who was who among the emergent power-brokers. There were so many officers that she lost count, nearly all of them athletic and dashing. Those were the days when men were men and officers were officers. 

    As she sank deeper into unconsciousness, her mind went to the memorable night of mayhem when she had saved her beloved lover from certain liquidation.  In a sense, she could claim that she had given Jack to the nation and the world over and above the competing claims of ethnic solidarity. She could live with the consequences because love was superior to everything. Love was the greatest gift of God to humanity. To hell with revolutions and revolutionaries.

    Two nights earlier in the turbulent capital of the nation’s most politically explosive region, she had overheard the final briefing of the inner caucus of the impending revolution. In terse militarese which they thought no one could decipher, they had shared out the principal objectives. Jack had been penciled for elimination because he was to take over the command of a critical battalion. The other reason was that he had been a major beneficiary of the feudal and colonial pestilence that had laid the country low, having been promoted over the head of his peers and seniors alike.

    The great Amazon had affected stony ignorance, but immediately came up with a daring rescue plan for her beloved. To have betrayed any knowledge would have meant instant death. The revolutionaries were in a mean mood. One of them was later to boast that they could afford to waste a million people from the surplus population. Later that night as the couple went to bid goodbye to the army commander after a party for a visiting dignitary, Edna was happy that the stiff, strait-laced colonel had not disobeyed her.

    A bluff, genial and immensely likeable man, General Agolo-Urensi was in his usual good mood, cracking heavy jokes as he scooped chunks of stock fish and downed it with enormous swigs of Scotch whisky. When Jack asked for permission to fall out, the general winked and furrowed his eyes at the couple.

    “What you need is permission to fall in”, the general crooned.

     “Thank you sir”, the colonel replied with coy chastity. Then the general grabbed the colonel by the arm in an avuncular but soldierly manner.

    “Colonel Jack, make una jerk your woman very well ooo,” the general croaked.

    “Thank you sir”, the colonel replied, giggling like a girl.

    Because as my people say when two dogs make love standing the product is not very palatable”, the general whispered and kicked the air, laughing with wild relish.

    By now Edna Iwu-Abangwu had reached the final gate of transition. She remembered complaining to Jack about the general’s bawdy jokes and arrant vulgarity. With great prescience, Jack had replied that the old soldier might actually be collecting intelligence while pretending to be tipsy. Many of his drinking buddies were to perish later that night.

    And then Edna noticed the hospital attendants stuffing her nose, closing her wide luscious eyes and covering her with a white spreadsheet. Why were they doing that to her? She was not dead. So, this was how they buried people alive in the country? What a country!!! But by then the fairy princess was beyond anger, only a celestial bliss and everlasting peace.

    •  First published fifteen years ago.
  • Atiku fancies himself as Trump

    Atiku fancies himself as Trump

    After more than one year of bellyaching, it is now certain that ex-vice president Atiku Abubakar cannot live down his defeat in the 2023 presidential election. After months of crisscrossing the globe to delegitimise the election result, including absurdly litigating the contest and contestants in United States courts, the former vice president, who was also candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), has now begun to speak in the offhanded and irreverent fashion of the US president-elect Donald Trump. It is not clear what he hopes to achieve or what mileage that would give him, but in a series of tweets last Monday, he had declared: “Let me emphasise that the citizens who cast their votes in the 2023 presidential election are well aware that I did not lose; rather, we find ourselves in this predicament (economic hardship) because the election was criminally stolen from the Nigerian people…Like many fellow Nigerians, I firmly believe that we find ourselves in this current economic turmoil due to the Tinubu administration’s hasty ascent to power, devoid of a coherent plan. In stark contrast, my team not only devised a comprehensive recovery plan but also welcomed significant input from Nigerians, ensuring that our approach was inclusive and well-considered.” Is he still complaining or publishing another manifesto?

    After the 2020 US presidential election, Mr Trump had similarly declared that that year’s election was stolen, a lie he has repeated so confidently that even he, not to say his majority rural supporters, started to believe the mendacity. He still reiterated it last week even after his victory at the November polls, indicating that Americans may be witnessing the return not only of a fascist but a megalomaniac. Former Vice President Atiku litigated the APC presidential victory in and out of Nigeria, ridiculed the country and lowered its esteem globally, but still failed to get the courts in Nigeria at all levels from the election tribunal to the Supreme Court to agree with his unproven assertions and arguments. Yet, he insists the election was stolen. The dismaying incompetence of his arguments notwithstanding, yet nevertheless fancying himself in the mould of Mr Trump, Alhaji Atiku has continued to reiterate the allegation of electoral theft which he has not proven in the courts or even in the media. He probably believes that the hardship accompanying the ongoing economic reforms would both justify his wild claims and make them resonate among a groaning public. But his false claims tell more about his character than the flimsy narrative he has tried to promote.

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    In every statement Alhaji Atiku has issued since he lost the court case against the APC victory, there is nowhere he has argued or corroborated his election success. All he does is allege the stealing of ballots, the falsity of results collation, and the malfeasance of the judiciary. Everyone who has had one thing or the other to do with the election had, in the eyes of the former vice president, been bought or corrupted. Though he has privately nursed animosity towards his opponents within the party, he has barely said a word on the internal and external factors that contributed to his loss, not to say the stale and abhorrent politics he played before the fateful poll. His party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was divided into nothing less than three factions before the poll, much of the division flowing from the party’s presidential primary. And he had ruffled feathers by the disagreeable manner he abandoned the party when he lost the election in 2019 only to return nearly four years later to reclaim its soul. He also said nothing, and perhaps couldn’t care less, about the resistance he met within the party.

    Unable to undertake the reflection necessary to explicate how and why he lost the presidential poll, and unwilling to inspire the reforms his estranged party needs both to survive its fratricidal tendencies and project itself powerfully into the future, the former vice president has found it far easier to blame other people, groups, and political parties for his loss. In the election itself, he lost a part of the old political North despite his frenzied resort to ethnic politics and regional appeal, lost the entire Southeast to his grumbling and ambitious former running mate in the 2019 presidential poll, and could not entirely sweep the South-South because he had inspired a few enemies unwilling to overlook his contempt for them beyond eyeing their financial contributions to his campaign. Yet he thought the election stolen. Well, at least, to be fair to him, he has spoken more assertively about the result being stolen than speak about him winning. After all, Peter Obi, his 2019 running mate, also talks foggily about winning the poll without detailing the dynamics. From all indications, until he discovers that no serious party would give him their presidential ticket for the 2027 race, Alhaji Atiku will not stop whooping about electoral robbers who allegedly undid him, a chimera he had embraced since he began losing elections some six electoral cycles ago.

  • Onnoghen’s travail comes to an end

    Onnoghen’s travail comes to an end

    Hopefully, last week’s acquittal of former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Onnoghen, will bring a messy case begun since January 2019 to a somnolent end. Some five years ago, after a welter of shadowy intrigues against the former CJN, he was charged in the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) for false declaration of assets. He had been due to retire in December 2020, but they wouldn’t let him go quietly. However, after the courts failed to grant him the reliefs he asked for on account of the case being improperly brought, especially with the allegations against him not passed through the National Judicial Council (NJC) as demanded by law, Justice Onnoghen finally threw in the towel in April 2019 shortly before the CCT delivered its judgement.

    Last week, the Court of Appeal referenced his resignation and the acceptance of same by former president Muhammadu Buhari, and declared that the CCT judgement was superfluous, and his assets inappropriately forfeited. What is remarkable about Justice Onnoghen’s ordeal is that despite being the CJN, the courts failed him when his travail started. They declined to give him the reliefs he sought, threw him to the wolves, and he soon discovered that he was isolated. If as CJN he could not get the justice he thought he deserved, who else could?

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    His reputation may have been badly savaged, leaving him little room to recover, but at least his assets are to be returned to him, while everyone who remembers the case will recognise that he was badly served at the time. The ultimate lesson is that in a broken system, no one is immune from degradation. It may have taken him about five years to finally get justice, but better late than never. His terminal benefits ran into billions of naira, and his previously forfeited assets also pack a significant punch. He probably rues the fact that ex-president Buhari never wanted him to assume the CJN position in the first instance, and he only became the number one jurist when former vice president Yemi Osinbajo held the fort. But notwithstanding the cost to his reputation and the shattering of his emotional composure, he survived long enough to fight for his vindication. A less stolid and adamant person would have wilted under the massive conspiracies by the executive and judicial branches.

  • Protesting minors outplay political leaders

    Protesting minors outplay political leaders

    It was a sordid drama in two parts. Firstly, there was the November 1 arraignment in court, where about 119 youths, including some 29 minors, were charged with treason and nine other offences. They looked gaunt and malnourished, and as if choreographed, a few of them collapsed in court, perhaps due to exhaustion and hunger. The collapse and their famished looks gripped the attention of the media and the world, which slammed the notoriety of the Nigerian government for mistreating little children. That is the sad declension Nigeria has been confined under the All Progressives Congress (APC) administration, wrote many media and legal analysts feigning horror and anguish.

    The second act was even more outlandish. Having been released to go and sin no more, all the charged protesters were bathed, spruced up, and presented before the high and mighty in the State House auditorium in Abuja just days later. Rather than run the gauntlet as their offences richly deserved, they were met with a guard of honour, passed between rows of dignitaries, some of them governors, others principal officers of the National Assembly, all brimming with smiles, surprisingly shaking the hands of the freed protesters, and in one or two cases, even engaging in backslapping. Of course, nearly all of them were subsequently released to their governors who would go on to contend with identifying or locating their guardians.

    In both Acts I and II, the estimated N300bn damage wreaked by the released protesters and others not arrested during the August 1-10 protests was easily forgotten. The victims of the violence, including shop owners and government offices, will take time to recover or heal. But in the meantime, the protesters not only received pardon, they were treated with tenderness through what the country’s chief law officer Lateef Fagbemi and Vice President Kashim Shettima described as the magnanimity of the fatherly and grandfatherly President Bola Tinubu. Some analysts compound the public’s misery by threatening to sue the government if some of the protesters, particularly the minors, were not rehabilitated. They cite constitutional corollaries to underpin their threats.

    Two observations flow from the absurd theatre that played out over the arraignment and discharge of the 119. One, unlike countries serious about law and order as well as public safety and the image of their countries, it took about 90 days to decide to charge the youthful offenders. That tardiness is not unusual. It takes far disturbingly longer in other circumstances to charge and prosecute other offenders, given the ponderousness and gross inefficiencies of the Nigerian justice system. In comparison, the charging of the August 1 protesters was almost a record. Indeed, had the youths been charged expeditiously, most of them would by now be doing penance for their crimes, the adults among them in correctional centres, and the now celebrated minors in welfare or borstal homes. Instead, the court incident and the surrounding drama needlessly became a cause célèbre.

    Two, it took the judgemental fury of Nigeria’s undiscriminating social and traditional media to magnify the ghoulish appearance of the minors as if only the 30 or so minors were involved in the sordid story. The federal government may have panicked and released everyone involved, but the problem began with the tardiness of the investigators, prosecutors, police officials, and the Internal Affairs ministry all of whom had a role to play in feeding and looking after the detainees, particularly the minors. The Nigerian justice system is notorious for mistreating suspects, many of whom are wrongly detained and treated as convicts, while congestion and underfunding have complicated and slowed the administration of justice. That these youthful protesters were released does not imply that the underlying anomalies that fed the uproar over the minors will be looked into and corrected. The hysteria has come and gone, and the federal government has rid itself of the curious gaze of the global public, its primary concern. The suspects were arrested from Abuja, Gombe, Kaduna and Kano, among others; would the right political and legal lessons be learnt all over?

    By approaching the case of the 119 protesters so shambolically, if not offensively and amateurishly, the government and the rest of the country must brace up for the inescapable consequences. As a matter of fact, since religious riots began to pockmark the region, some northern governments have for decades been consistently loth to prosecute rioters and violent protesters. The police would arrest offenders, but the state governments would show little interest in prosecuting them, until they were released. That culture of dangerous permissiveness, compounded by poverty, has permeated the region and predisposed it to the massive insecurity wracking the North today. Kano governor Abba Kabir Yusuf told reporters in Abuja last Tuesday he was not even aware of the arraignment of the minors. Kaduna governor Uba Sani seemed pained by the whole affair, probably musing over the implication of letting off suspects without even the customary and ineffectual slap on the wrist. After pondering the massive damage done by the protesters in the state, Borno has proceeded deliberately to charge some of the protesters. At least for now the state gives no indication it would brook nonsense or pull its punches. Hopefully, it will stand its ground and prosecute the suspects as well as jail those found guilty without any consideration for Abuja’s lily-livered approach to law and order.

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    Apart from exposing itself to more instability and social chaos by its indulgent approach to lawbreakers, the North, which is now believed to be in the throes of another jihadist group, the Lakurawa, could very well be the undoing of Nigeria if it continues its decades of poor attention to socio-economic development of the region. Northern governors have met repeatedly over the crises inundating their region, but it is not clear how appropriate their diagnoses and remedies have been, not to talk of whether they can muster the political will to apply the law and put their money where their mouths are. In releasing the protesting youths and minors unconditionally, the federal government has not helped the North by failing to force the region to hold itself accountable for its inaction, inequities and a sad history of ethnic and religious discrimination alien to the regions foundational politics under Ahmadu Bello.

    The Nigerian media may have overdramatised the case of the famished minors charged in court on November 1, and the government may have set up inquiries to find out what went wrong and what should be done to remedy the problem, but until there is a conscious effort to reform the entire gamut of the justice system and diligently apply ACJA, the judicial and political mishap enacted early November to the embarrassment of all Nigerians as well as the challenge to law and order would persist. It is possible that the protesting youths and minors knew little about the implications of calling for a military overthrow of Nigeria’s elected government, or flattering Russia by asking them to be involved in Nigerian affairs, or even being nothing more than ignorant and dispensable tools in the hands of powerful interests, but nothing suggests in Nigerian laws that they cannot or should not be held accountable.

    The federal government should have retrained itself from intervening in the case at the trial level. It could intervene to get the children, and indeed all suspects, treated with dignity, to be well fed and looked after, but to arrest the trial as it has done by withdrawing charges against them midway will be an incentive to mount constant challenge to law and order. If after the trial had been summarily concluded the government pardoned the prisoners or reduce their sentences, that would have been less disruptive to the justice system. But to discharge the defendants imperatively does not inspire the rest of the country to obey the law. As far as Nigerian laws are concerned, there are ways to deal with adults, and there are also ways to handle minors. The government should let the law take its course first before rushing in to placate an indignant public.

  • Trump’s portentous presidential win

    Trump’s portentous presidential win

    With 295 electoral votes to Vice President Kamala Harris’ 226, and 73.47m popular votes to his opponent’s 69.13m votes, former president Donald Trump took the November 5 presidential election anticlimactically, rubbing the noses of pollsters in the dirt. Polls had predicted a very close race, neck and neck they said, and, in some instances, too close to call. It turned out by and large to be a mini drubbing, accentuated by a Republican senate victory of some eight seats difference (53 Republicans to 45 Democrats). Not only was the entire race not close, it shattered nearly all the myths about the United States of America, particularly regarding the quality and depth of their democracy and the moral and philosophical foundations upon which it was constructed and had rested for more than two centuries. Questioning the direction of US democracy in recent years was a heresy; now, questioning its survivability has become a statement of fact, if not received wisdom.

    Mr Trump is at the centre of the recent whisperings and concerns about the health and longevity of US democracy. Whether in his first term (2016-2020) as the 45th president or his campaign for the second term, the president-elect was easily the most scurrilous, divisive, meanspirited, and one of the nastiest American politicians to occupy the White House. There is no denying his popularity and the integrity of his victory or the votes that fetched him the presidency, but he was and remains paradoxically everything no American, including those who voted him in, would want their children to be. His victory admittedly instantly lowered the country’s political temperature, for the losers were gracious in defeat more than he was magnanimous in victory. Had he lost, many feared, and he himself and his supporters had threatened, that the US would have faced Armageddon. There was nothing redeeming about him, his personality, his considerably tenuous arguments and logic, and his completely jaded and superficial ideas. But his electoral victory remains a statistical and political reality.

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    Chastened pollsters and political analysts, of whom there is a multitude, have suggested a number of quaint factors for Mr Trump’s victory. These include the economy which is facing a daunting inflationary spiral, immigration nightmares, particularly at its southern borders, believed capable of diffusing and ultimately diminishing the whiteness of America, the evangelical right which took umbrage at the Democratic Party’s ‘amoral platform’, including the defeated party’s ‘offensive’ interpretation of women’s reproductive rights as well as their position on LGBQT. And then there are the superannuated and militating factors of race (Vice President Harris is all but black), and gender (she is a woman and America is arguably not ready for a woman president. If they spurned white Hillary Clinton, with all her achievements and profundity, why would they entertain Mrs Harris after having been seduced for eight ‘galling’ years by Barack Obama?

    In the years ahead, assuming Mr Trump leaves the American economy in one piece, and democracy fairly unscathed by his brutishness at the end of his second term, the US system will still be tested in unexampled ways, probably far beyond its elastic limits. Everything since the emergence of the president-elect, first in 2016, has exposed American democracy – as if it needed any help – as shallow, probably lacking in depth, if not unremarkable. Centuries of slavery and racial bigotry have not done the country well while they have weakened its global credibility and undermined its moral fibre and arguments. Their technological advancement and capacity to wage war made them superheroes, but they have done little to disguise their uncouthness and religious hypocrisy. The election of Mr Obama in 2008 and perhaps the presumptive election of Mrs Harris were thought to offer redemption for American democracy and social cohesion. Unfortunately, not only did Mr Obama’s election lead to a lasting backlash against blacks and other civil rights gains, the repudiation of Mrs Harris confirms that whatever progress was made before 2016 was only knee-deep.

    Mr Trump’s style and peculiarly waspish tongue are not expected to change significantly for the better in his second term. In his first advent, he rode roughshod over the polity, skewering civil rights, operating and speaking fascistically, denouncing and alienating the media, and dismantling the world order, particularly Western alliances and values that had stood his country and Europe well since World War II. On the germane global security issues needing the placatory and remonstrating interventions of the US, Mr Trump had repeatedly and consistently skied off-piste, dismaying the Western alliance, romancing and romanticising authoritarianism, and in general turning the world, not to say his cabinet, upside down. Yet, his first term came at a time of general tranquility. Should he maintain the foul tempo of his first term, a tempo that has terribly disquieted the world and petrified his enemies, there is no telling what new belligerent schemes he would dream up, against his friends and enemies alike. The world is today fevered by wars and crises of apocalyptic dimensions, a condition that needs not only a tested hand but a wise, prudent and even-tempered statesman, unfortunately, Mr Trump is alarmingly not any of these. But if his victory last week, after a galling and deflating four-year hiatus, has unexpectedly conditioned him into unaccustomed quiescence, there is a small chance he might browbeat warring global factions into some tentative peace, no matter how short-lived. Few hold out such fanciful hopes, however, especially because he does not seem cut from that cloth; but who can tell?

    But there is one inalienable factor in his politics that is beyond any dispute: his racism, both borne out of his flawed and dysfunctional background and also propelled by his violent and unrelenting so-called MAGA (Make America Great Again) support base. In consonance with the demographics of those who voted for him, the racist overtones of his politics will neither change nor be attenuated by exigent political circumstances. It is, however, important not to draw very simplistic conclusions about those demographics, whether they pertain to age (more young people voted Harris than Trump), or race (more Latino men and white men and women voted Trump), or general perception of who between the two is a stronger leader who can manage crisis better and handle the economy more satisfactorily. Even though Mr Trump’s leadership perceptions during the campaigns were more elementary than his opponent’s, and his projections of his competence more based on superfluities than anything measurable, he managed overall to create the impression that he is what America and a crisis-ridden world need at the moment.

    But far beyond interpreting what the voting demographics say, America and the world must brace up for a very turbulent ride by a new president who is essentially shallow, confused, and morally and ideologically unmoored. As this column consistently maintains, America will implode rather than be defeated in battle, a prospect that may convulse a shaky world already difficult to police by any superpower. The evangelicals who repose their trust in so fragile and flawed a politician to achieve the required moral transformation they pine after, and the acquiescent Michigan Muslims who incongruously expect him to bring peace to the Middle East, not to talk of the pedantic Nigerian Christian right who see him as a rampart to forestall the sexual deviancy invasion of their private nightmares are setting up themselves for a heartbreak. All three groups see him as a champion for their cause; but does he know God, and does he even care about God, especially being himself an avatar of extreme moral monstrosities?

  • When sunset comes to the limping lion

    When sunset comes to the limping lion

    (To Jibola who sent the video whose subject inspired this poem)

    Countable

    From a hundred yards away,

    His harp-string ribs

    Bared

    To the wondering eye,

    His remaindered rumps

    Prisoned in a sorry skin

    So rough and wrinkled

    On his leprous loins

    That once upright tail

    Heading south now

    Flaccid and forlornly motionless

    Long gone,

    The roar which preceded the pounce

    The cannibal claw and the crimson conquest

    Matted now

    The mane which mastered the moments

    When the legs were fast and the lungs were long 

    Now

    Antelopes play with his feeble paws  

    The deer mock his lawless legs

    Sunset

    So sudden, so uncivil, the carpet grass

    Now taller than the erstwhile Giant of the Jungle

    Leap to limp, soaring to sorry

    The Lion learned too late

    The inevitable temporality of brutal power   

    Riff on the title of Felix Mnthali’s book of poems, When Sunset Comes to Sapitwa.

  • Fubara, Wike and the Niger Delta threat

    Fubara, Wike and the Niger Delta threat

    Days before a Federal High Court in Abuja ordered Rivers State’s monthly allocations to be withheld, a militant group, the Niger Delta Development Force (NDDF), had threatened to shut down oil installations in the region if the federal government did nothing to stop Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister Nyesom Wike from undermining Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s administration. The threat came before the court order. Halting the release of any state’s monthly allocations in an economy still tied to Abuja’s apron strings can be excruciating, indeed more punishing than any other measure designed to give a governor nightmares. So, what will Rivers do now, blow up everybody?

    In the NDDF statement last Sunday, spokesman Justin Alabraba warned: “Our members will not hesitate to shut down oil installations if any judge in Abuja issues a pronouncement that financially incapacitates local governments in Rivers State, preventing them from fulfilling their duty to the people. We will act immediately. It will be a swift response, and we will shut down major oil installations in the Niger Delta. If President Bola Tinubu allows Wike to disrupt governance in the local governments of Rivers State, we will also disrupt governance at all levels…Wike must leave Fubara alone. For months now, Wike has continued to insult and intimidate Governor Fubara, wielding his federal influence. We won’t tolerate that anymore. Any further move against Fubara by Wike will be met with the destruction of oil installations. Since Tinubu seems intent on turning a blind eye, let us all face the consequences together. Rivers State does not belong to Wike…”

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    The court order followed the suit brought by 27 Rivers State House of Assembly lawmakers who accused Mr Fubara of flouting a court order ordering him to represent his 2024 Budget to the legislature and thumbing his nose at the constitution which prescribes the legislative quorum needed to legitimise the appropriations bill. Mr Fubara had presented his budget before a factional assembly of four lawmakers, arguing that he as governor – not the courts – did not recognise the 27 lawmakers whom he insisted had defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC). In a number of convoluted cases, the courts had unanimously, at least so far, ruled that the defections by the 27 had not been done or consummated according to the law and the constitution. It was a tight elbow room seized upon by the 27, but in the eyes of the law, until an appeal upturns the ruling, they remain the legitimate legislature. When the eyes of the law meet the opinion of the public, the former always wins, regardless of the emotions surrounding the issue in dispute. Rather than put its house in order, present a sound and incontrovertible case before the courts, Mr Fubara’s administration has whipped up emotions, attempted to shame Mr Wike, name-call him for amorally disallowing the governor from governing, and threatening to bring the whole democratic edifice down.

    Obviously, as adumbrated by the NDDF and the Fubara administration, there are many in Rivers, perhaps a significant percentage, convinced that Mr Wike is the one troubling the state. Hence the twin threats of stifling oil production and scuttling the country’s democracy. But both threats, not to mention the arguments underpinning them, are an indication of incompetent logic and disturbing lack of leadership capacity. Admitting but not conceding that Mr Wike is the sole troubler of Rivers, does it absolve the state and Mr Fubara of running an administration that undermines the rule of law and incompetently prosecutes its cases in the courts? They seem to give the impression that Mr Wike is a magician, running rings round them; and that they are too dimwitted to respond with anything but emotion and anger. Mr Wike is probably more politically fleet-footed than all of them put together in Rivers, but it is not an excuse to subvert the rule of law and not find a few brains to help strategise Mr Fubara out of the needless stalemate he has constrained himself and the state. As it is evident, the highly emotive and entitled Mr Wike can be beaten at his own game. If Mr Fubara is unable to find the right strategy to undo his opponent, the fault is entirely his.

    Indeed, the Rivers governor has tried to make light of the current judicial impasse involving the federal monthly allocations. It is unwise. It is a serious blunder. Unable to convince the Appeal Court last month that the Speaker Martin Amaewhule-led House of Assembly is illegitimate, and the governor’s four-man assembly the legitimate legislature, Mr Fubara has embarked on a series of legislative and judicial self-help measures at which many Nigerians wince. The problem is, however, not irredeemable; but the resolution cannot be procured by force, intimidation or blackmail. The governor cannot propel the state to defy the constitution, and his team of supporters to deride the courts – except of course he is thinking of secession. Given the heat of indignation he has worked himself into, not to talk of his defiant speeches at political gatherings, cocktails and churches, it is not certain that a few subversive ideas might not have crossed his feverous mind. If he is not to soon discover that his state and supporters as well as the rest of Nigeria would find him dispensable, he had better change tack. He presumes his opponents don’t have supporters in the state, or that the rest of the country would be willing to abort democracy to help him win his argument against Mr Wike. These are misplaced presumptions. What indeed would it take to convince him that he could outfox his predecessor if he dug deep?

  • Rivers: Drawing far-fetched parallels

    Rivers: Drawing far-fetched parallels

    Until the federal government learns to put its foot down, the threats against the republic will not abate. Responding to the court judgement withholding the monthly allocations to Rivers State, some political actors in and outside the state have been threatening fire and brimstone, of course against both the federal government and the judiciary, and warning that democracy could collapse. From all indications, the threateners wish their prophecies to come true.

    As part of the disingenuous ploys to influence public opinion on the revenue allocations controversy, other commentators have also suggested that the Federal High Court judgement mirrored the case of the withheld allocations to Lagos local governments in 2004 during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency, insinuating in addition that the governor who fought that case is now the president ‘enabling’ the current ‘anomaly’ against Rivers State. It is perverse logic; but taking a position in these parts is seldom about logic or law. As a matter of fact, positions are often taken according to which part of the ethnic, political or religious divide the commentator or politician belongs.

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    Has it occurred to those condemning the government and the courts that the real problem is the inability of Rivers State to convince any court, except a few state courts, that the governor has acted according to the law in any of the controversies he has got himself embroiled in? And have they attempted to interrogate the actions and political decisions of Governor Sim Fubara who has consistently been outmanoeuvred by his enemies? Apart from ignoring the law and accusing the courts of constituting a threat to democracy, the governor’s supporters and state elders prefer to see the Rivers crisis from the cracked prism of pro-Wike or pro-Fubara.

    The Rivers imbroglio is a reflection of the quality of both leaders and the led in Rivers as well as in Nigeria as a whole. It’s an African thing: full of raw emotions and rage rather than the substance of the case and logic, and full of pigheaded and Trumpian determination to get one’s way at all costs.