Category: Sunday

  • There’s also the ‘H.E/H.R.M Alliance Against Climate Change

    There’s also the ‘H.E/H.R.M Alliance Against Climate Change

    It was another offshore for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu last week, almost like a continuation of his initial plan to slip away from all the noise around and take a few days off for a work stay in France. You will remember he had to abort his plans for things to do in France so he could swear in the second female Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), in the person of Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun. It was certain he did not exhaust his programme for the work stay because the grapevine had suggested he would be staying about two weeks in France, but he barely stayed five days before jetting back home.

    It did not come to me, or any other person who has been following the President’s activities all along, as a surprise when after his state visit and other engagements in the People’s Republic of China the upper week, he decided to quietly slip into his closet to continue with his strategic recess; this is supposed to be a time to take another look at Nigeria, reassess its situation, including its challenges and positive potentials, re-evaluation of moves and strategy, then decide if there will be a need for change of tactics. All leaders do it.

    From last weekend till about last Tuesday/Wednesday, there was that curiosity, especially in the media, about the President’s whereabouts, it was just not overstretched. Then on Thursday when pictures and tweets started flying in the media, about a well publicised reception for him at the Buckingham Palace in London, where he and the British monarch, King Charles III, had deep discussions on issues of common national and regional interests, the anxiety kind of calmed.

    Although I was not there, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Mr Bayo Onanuga, who is in a better position to gain privileged insights into the reason for the meeting, offered tips from the discussions. According to him, in a statement he issued on Thursday, the conversation was dominated by a pressing global concern: climate change. The two leaders, both committed to finding solutions to this complex challenge, explored opportunities for collaboration and shared ideas on innovative approaches to climate financing and funding.

    As the world prepares for the COP 29 Summit in Azerbaijan and the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Samoa, this meeting was a significant step towards a united global front in combating climate change. Nigeria, under President Tinubu’s leadership, is poised to play a pivotal role in shaping a sustainable future, and this meeting with King Charles III marked a crucial moment in that journey. The discussion between the two leaders was built on a foundation of mutual respect and a shared commitment to addressing climate change. President Tinubu reiterated Nigeria’s firm commitment to addressing climate change in a manner that aligns with the country’s energy security objectives, while affirming Nigeria’s readiness to adopt global strategies for sustainability.

    As the meeting drew to a close, it was clear that this was more than just a symbolic gesture. The exchange of ideas and the exploration of opportunities for collaboration marked the beginning of a new chapter in the fight against climate change. With Nigeria and the United Kingdom leading the charge, there is hope for a brighter, more sustainable future.

    “Both leaders discussed global and regional matters of shared priority, focusing on the urgent and complex challenge of climate change. President Tinubu and His Majesty also explored opportunities for collaboration in anticipation of the upcoming COP 29 Summit in Azerbaijan and the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Samoa.

    “President Tinubu reiterated Nigeria’s firm commitment to addressing climate change in a manner that aligns with the country’s energy security objectives whilst affirming Nigeria’s readiness to adopt global strategies for sustainability. During their dialogue, the two leaders shared ideas for innovative approaches to climate financing and funding, expressing mutual interest in strengthening partnerships by harnessing Nigeria’s leadership position in Africa and the Commonwealth”, Onanuga said in his statement.

    The meeting was actually more significant for Nigerians back home, especially at a time when there is no region or state of the nation that is not adversely impacted in one way or the other by the rapidly changing climate. It becomes easier to describe or imagine in the last few days when the sights coming out of flood-ravaged states and communities comes to mind. Like the case of Maiduguri, the capital of Borno State and the home of Vice President Kashim Shettima, where a whole city is either submerged or substantially soaked in flood water, leaving scores of deaths behind, more than 200,000 displaced and not less than a million citizens affected.

    Read Also: Climate change needs exclusive funding – Minister

    Borno is just one in the many cases of massive flooding across the country. As at July, not less than ten states has been impacted variously by floods with many more anticipated. Sometime in early July, the Minister of Water Resources and Sanitation, Professor Joseph Utsev, during a press briefing in Abuja had hinted there would be floods and that not less than 31 states, including the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), would be the casualties. In fact, he said 148 council areas would be impacted across the 31 states that fell within the flood risk belt.

    The picture becomes uglier when the likely vicissitudes, including outbreak of diseases, general displacements, food crisis, breakdown of law and order and other forms of life’s unpleasantness are considered. Like in the case of Maiduguri, some of these eventualities have stated manifesting. For instance, there was a warning by the United Nations (UN) that the internally displaced persons (IDPs) camps in Maiduguri are at risk of cholera and malnutrition. Then in another circumstance, the heavy flooding occasioned a breach at the Maiduguri correctional centre where more than 400 inmates escaped and are now unaccounted for.

    The impacts of the floods, which seem to be extending further into other parts of the country, are yet to be calculable as it is not known yet how far they might still go. It is believed that they might worsen the current food crisis that governments at various levels have been struggling to tame. This is because though farmlands need water, with some other natural elements to bring bountiful yields they do not need excess of it, at lead not in floods. So far, figures out there say more than 107,000 hectares of farmlands have been destroyed by the floods. These are just about the floods, which have rather now become the annual experience in the last few years, there are other manifestations of the phenomenon known as climate change.

    I also believe this last week was genuinely a very fulfilling one for President Tinubu, may be for many reasons, but particularly because he had another prove to show those doubting his rout to economic reformation. On Thursday, he reacted to the National Bureau of Statistics’ (NBS) latest report on Nigeria’s trade balance. According to the NBS report, Nigeria recorded N6.95 trillion trade surplus in Quarter 2 of 2024, which is 6.60% higher than the N6.52 trillion surplus of Quarter 1

    According to Onanuga, who capture the President’s reaction in a statement, the report highlights the country’s strong export performance, driven primarily by crude oil exports, which contributed N14.56 trillion or 74.98% of total exports. Non-crude oil exports also showed significant growth, valued at N4.86 trillion, comprising 25.02% of total export value. The dominance of European and American countries as Nigeria’s top export destinations is a testament to the country’s growing economic influence.

    This latest report comes on the heels of a successful domestic bond issuance, which was oversubscribed by almost 100%, and a half-year revenue of N9.1 trillion. These indicators suggest a turning point in Nigeria’s economic fortunes, with President Tinubu’s reforms beginning to bear fruit. These positive swings will further reinforce the President’s resolve that his administration will remain committed to consolidating these gains and implementing further fiscal and tax policy reforms to unlock the country’s full potential.

    “Generally, the economic indicators, which were very low when President Tinubu assumed office last year, are turning positive. The government will continue to consolidate on the gains of the reforms as more fiscal and tax policy reforms already embarked upon by the administration come to fruition. President Tinubu is determined to confront the inhibitions that have stunted the growth and development necessary to unlock the country’s full potential”, Onanuga said.

    During the course of that week, President Tinubu was constantly in touch with home, giving proper guidance and instructions on what needed to be done in various areas. He celebrated those he knew had to be celebrated and mourned those who passed.

    For instance, he did not miss the chance to stand in solidarity with the people of Niger State on Monday, over the unfortunate tanker fire explosion, which claimed many lives, just as he did not fail to instruct the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) to intervene in the Maiduguri flood. He later in the week approved N108 billion intervention for states to tackle flooding and erosion. He also mourned the death of the Owa Obokun of Ijeshaland, Oba Adekunle Aromolaran, who died at 86 years.

    He also celebrated the likes of the Esama of Benin Kingdom, Chief Gabriel Igbinedion, who clocked 90 years; same thing for the Etsu Nupe, Alhaji Yahaya Abubakar, who clocked 72 years and commemorated 21st year on the throne. He also celebrated the Governor of Katsina State, Dr Kikko Umar Radda, who turned 55 years.

    It is a new week, he is about to unleash a new energy, especially as he is coming from these few days of focused seclusion. Just watch out from this week.

  • Scare mongering in the Harris-Trump Presidential Debate

    Scare mongering in the Harris-Trump Presidential Debate

    Politics is by nature adversarial, and political language, through which political interests and attitudes are communicated, is understandably conflictual. A lot of scaremongering therefore takes place in politics, and the scaremongering is aided by demonisation which is itself facilitated by various linguistic and rhetorical devices. It is from this background that the first presidential debate, on 10 September, 2024, between the United States Vice-President Kamala Harris (who is the Democratic Party candidate) and former President Donald Trump (who is the Republican Party candidate) is examined today. The debate took place at the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and was moderated by “World News Tonight” anchor and Managing Editor David Muir and ABC News Live “Prime” anchor Linsey Davis, and has invaluable video recording and transcript by the television station.

    Firing the first salvo, Donald Trump said about Kamala Harris on the subject of abortion: “[H]er vice presidential pick [Tim Walz] says abortion in the ninth month is absolutely fine. He also says execution after birth, it’s execution, no longer abortion, because the baby is born, is okay. And that’s not okay with me.” Here, Trump uses emotively charged words (“abortion” and “execution” implicitly drawing a similarity between them) and appeals to the moral sensibilities of many Americans who oppose abortion. He also demonises the Democratic candidates by portraying them as murderers who, without human feelings, “execute” babies, and who allegedly cold-bloodedly and perversely consider their actions “absolutely fine”. He contrasts the Democrats with himself, declaring about the unfeeling killing of already born babies: “that’s not okay with me.” One of the interview moderators, Linsey Davis, noted in respect of Trump’s claims: “There is no state in this country where it is legal to kill a baby after it’s born.” And Harris expectedly said: “Well, as I said, you’re going to hear a bunch of lies [from Trump].”

    Harris also engages in scaremongering and demonisation when she said: “But understand, if Donald Trump were to be re-elected, he will sign a national abortion ban. Understand in his Project 2025 there would be a national abortion ban. Understand in his Project 2025 there would be a national abortion – a monitor that would be monitoring your pregnancies, your miscarriages. I think the American people believe that certain freedoms, in particular the freedom to make decisions about one’s own body, should not be made by the government.” Here, Harris uses the repetition of the word “understand” to underscore the need not to take for granted the extent of the presumed evil that Trump could do by signing a national abortion plan which would then come with the nightmarish act of installing monitors “that would be monitoring your pregnancies, your miscarriages.”

    The ‘abortion monitor’ is an allusion to the totalitarian world of George Orwell’s 1984, where a huge monitor is installed to keep tabs on everything that everyone is doing, curtail personal freedom and ensure that only thoughts and actions sanctioned by the State are allowed. She seems to imply by this allusion that a new Trump Presidency, like Orwell’s Oceania in which, constantly, “Big Brother is Watching You.”, would nullify personal freedom which would be an affront to a fundamental American value. She repeats the word “freedom” to underscore this, and uses and repeats the pronoun “your” to bring home the reality of the impending Trump-driven un-American denial of rights and make it personal. Following the pattern established by Harris above, Trump said: “Well, there she goes again. It’s a lie. I’m not signing a ban. And there’s no reason to sign a ban. … What she says is an absolute lie.”

    In the presidential debate, immigration was also a trigger of scaremongering. In this regard, Trump said: “What they [the Biden administration] have done to our country by allowing these millions and millions of people to come into our country. And look at what’s happening to the towns all over the United States. And a lot of towns don’t want to talk – not going to be Aurora or Springfield. A lot of towns don’t want to talk about it because they’re so embarrassed by it. In Springfield, they’re eating the dogs. The people that came in. They’re eating the cats. They’re eating – they’re eating the pets of the people that live there. And this is what’s happening in our country. And it’s a shame.” The ultimate scaremongering in these utterances is in the demonisation of immigrants as pet-eaters. When it’s considered how so emotionally attached some pet owners are to their pets in America, calling a set of people pet-eaters is akin to calling them cannibals.

    All the same, Trump emphasises his claim by employing a repetitive clause structure by saying: “they’re eating the dogs … They’re eating the cats. They’re eating – they’re eating the pets.”   

    He intensifies the scaremongering by using the hyperbolic phrase “millions and millions” to refer to the population of these pet-eaters who have been allowed into the country by the Biden administration.  He also claimed that Americans have in the process been put under psychological pressure when he said: “A lot of towns don’t want to talk about it because they’re so embarrassed by it.” In respect of Trump’s claims, David Muir noted: “I just want to clarify here, you bring up Springfield, Ohio. And ABC News did reach out to the city manager there. He told us there have been no credible reports of specific claims of pets being harmed, injured or abused by individuals within the immigrant community.”

    Trump continued his immigrant-related tirades against Biden and Harris: “They allowed criminals. Many, many, millions of criminals. They allowed terrorists. They allowed common street criminals. They allowed people to come in, drug dealers, to come into our country, and they’re now in the United States. And told by their countries like Venezuela don’t ever come back or we’re going to kill you. Do you know that crime in Venezuela and crime in countries all over the world is way down? You know why? Because they’ve taken their criminals off the street and they’ve given them to her [Harris] to put into our country. … Crime here is up and through the roof. … Crime in this country is through the roof. And we have a new form of crime. It’s called migrant crime.”  To this claim, David Muir said: “President Trump, as you know, the FBI says overall violent crime is coming down in this country.”

    Read Also: BREAKING: Donald Trump breaks silence, says bullet pierced upper part of right ear during rally 

    Trump intensified his negative portrayal of immigrants using deeply emotive words to refer to them. Such words include “criminals”, “terrorists” and “drug dealers”. He also repeated the word “criminals” not less than four times in this stretch of speech and complemented that with the repetition of the word “crime” not less than six times. Trump also insinuated that the immigration of the so-called “criminals” into the United States was a diplomatic strategy borne out of ill-will by their home countries. According to Trump, the “criminals” were “told by their countries like Venezuela don’t come back or we’re going to kill you.”

    He complements this far-fetched claim with a set of rhetorical questions: “Do you know that crime in Venezuela and crime in countries all over the world is way down? You know why? Because they’ve taken their criminals off the street and they’ve given them to her [Harris] to put into our country.” The presumed desperation of the situation is further underscored by Trump through his use of the hyperboles “Many, many, millions of criminals” and “Crime in this country is through the roof.” Then he issued the ultimate put down: “And we have a new form of crime. It’s called migrant crime.”  

    Trump further engages in scaremongering when he said about Harris: “She has a plan to confiscate everybody’s gun.” Americans are particularly very passionate about and protect jealously their constitutional right to carry arms. The right was granted in the Second Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and states: “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” It is this ingrained 15 December, 1791 constitutional right that Trump said that Harris planned to take away from Americans. To intensify the predictable apprehension from Americans he used the emotive term “confiscate” along with the absolute or hyperbolic expression “everybody’s gun.” Understandably, Harris debunked the claim, saying: “Tim Walz and I are both gun owners. We’re not taking anybody’s guns away. So stop with the continuous lying about this stuff.”

    In addition, Trump engages in scaremongering and the demonisation of Harris when he said: “she hates Israel. She wouldn’t even meet with Netanyahu when he went to Congress to make a very important speech. She refused to be there because she was at a sorority party of hers. She wanted to go to the sorority party. She hates Israel. If she’s president, I believe that Israel will not exist within two years from now. And I’ve been pretty good at predictions. And I hope I’m wrong about that one. She hates Israel. At the same time in her own way she hates the Arab population because the whole place is going to get blown up, Arabs, Jewish people, Israel. Israel will be gone.” Here, Trump starts with the demonisation of Harris. He said “She hates Israel”, and repeats this verbatim three times to emphasise the point.

    He justified this as follows: “She wouldn’t even meet Netanyahu when he went to Congress to make an important speech. She refused to be there.” He also implied that Harris rated a sorority party above Netanyahu, the Prime Minister of Israel. Then he landed the utmost scare, using hyperbole: “If she’s president, I believe that Israel will not exist within two years from now.” He intensified the scaremongering with the repetition of the claim: “Israel will be gone.” To this Harris responded: “That’s absolutely not true. I have my entire career and life supported Israel and the Israeli people.” She had earlier stated: “there must be security for the Israeli people and Israel and in equal measure for the Palestinians.” Trump’s prediction of Armageddon following a Harris victory was ostensively intended to incite extreme hostility towards Harris in a country that has a very powerful Israeli lobby. 

    In the presidential debate, Trump easily lifted the trophy for scaremongering, demonisation and lying. However, with respect to overall performance, Harris seemed to have carried the day. In fact, the way one analyst put it, if you want to know who the winner was, mute the video of the debate and watch the overall body language of the contestants. From this, it would be easily clear that Trump was the one who was more discomfited.

  • It is time for a Marshall plan for Northern Nigeria

    It is time for a Marshall plan for Northern Nigeria

    The truth of the matter is that Europe’s requirements for the next three or four years of foreign food and other essential products—principally from America—are so much greater than her present ability to pay that she must have substantial additional help or face economic, social, and political deterioration of a very grave character”

      The above are the words of U. S Secretary of State,  George C Marshall, while advancing the idea of a European self-help program to be financed by the United  States in an address he delivered at  Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A on June 5, 1947.

     Northern Nigeria situation today – economic, security, climate, name it, is analogous to  the post World War 11 situation in Europe when the U.S, “fearing  that the poverty, unemployment, and dislocation occasioned by the war were aggressively reinforcing the appeal of communist parties to voters in western Europe”, that something just had to be done. That was what eventuated in the much celebrated Marshall Plan. 

    If the security situation in Northern Nigeria failed to point, unambiguously, to the urgent need for something to be done  to rectify the situation, the horrendous consequences of the Alua Dam disaster in Konduga, Maiduguri, Borno state, should.

    Enough is now enough. Northern Nigeria urgently needs a Marshall Plan to restore it back to its glorious Sadauna days.

    And for the sake of Nigeria’s long-term survival, and to be able to live in peace and  avoid  attracting the attention of the international community the way countries like Afghanistan,Yemen and Syria – the 3 most insecure countries in the world, according to the Global Peace Index (GPI 2024) do, then our restive North must be restored back to its pre-Boko -Haram

    (Nigeria’s notorious extremist insurgent group sitting atop the Global Terrorism Index) and banditry days.

    This is neither intended to stigmatise the North nor to suggest that we can so easily overlook the horror that terrorism and economic deprivation have spurned in the South. Rather, it is the received knowledge in my Ekiti part of the country that “ti igi ba wo legi, tori e la ma koko gbe”, meaning that one must necessarily priotise the resolution of his/her challenges. The horrific situation in the North is simply incomparable and must now be frontally confronted.

    Happily the Arewa Consultative Forum – Northern Nigeria’s foremost quasi-political, and socio-cultural association – has taken the lead, as epitomised by its  meeting, a week ago  on 4 September, 2024.

    Described as “ACF seeks unified action in addressing Northern Nigeria’s challenges”, the Chairman of ACF Board of Trustees, Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu, wasted no time in acknowledging the collective failure of Northern leaders in tackling the region’s crises. He also and underscored the forum’s commitment to revitalizing its role in resolving the region’s escalating crises. He let it be known that the meeting was designed to be special, serious and focused; far beyond the usual routine discussions.

    “The meeting”, he said, “is not a platform for political blame, but a sincere effort to confront the collective failure in safeguarding the region”.

    Like Nigeria, a part of which it is, the North is completely overwhelmed by a myriad of existential challenges, each of them enough to drag the region back several years.

    For him, the most troubling challenges are: insecurity, poverty, environmental degradation, and corruption but with the recent collapse of the  Alua dam and its horrendous consequences, I feel certain that he will have no qualms  adding Climate Change to the list.

    Without a scintilla of doubt, there are justifiable  grounds for other parts of the country to claim that what is happening in the North is  comeuppance.

    They could even  justifiably say, serve them right, but that will neither profit  anybody nor  take us, anywhere, as a country.

    But the reasons for such a claim will simply be indisputable.

    For far too long the North was in near total political control of the country and, as I recently wrote on these pages, even during those periods when Nigeria had presidents of Southern extraction, they ruled almost at the behest of the North; with some Northern leaders literally putting the gun to their head.

    This reminds me of  some events during the  administration of the seemingly powerful President Olusegun Obasanjo, 1999 – 2007.

    Read Also: Abubakar Gumi urges collective action to tackle Nigeria’s health, safety challenges

    At the Agbajo Yoruba Agbaiye, a budding Pan – Yoruba socio – cultural association under the sterling leadership of Lt. General Alani Akinrinade -one of Yoruba’s, no Nigeria’s very best – we had to set up a 4- man Rapid Response team with Professor Jide Osuntokun as Chairman, Dr Dele Sobowale, MrsTola Adenle and yours truly as members, to put President Obasanjo under constant observation regarding his almost total neglect of the South as he, routinely, awarded multi – million naira irrigation projects to the North at every monthly federal executive Council meeting. Alhaji Muktar  Shagari was his Minister of Water Resources and hardly did a project come to the South.

    It was the same  during President Goodluck Jonathan’s tenure. He had, statesmanly, embarked upon the Normadic school programme hoping, thereby, to infuse  western education curriculum into the Islamic education system so as to make the graduates  employable as well as curb insecurity. All the programme harvested was a resounding

    failure because those in charge preferred to misapply the huge funds appropriated for the purpose – and that is to put it nicely.

    But listen to President Muhammadu Buhari’s Minister of Education, Adamu Adamu, when interviewed on the subject, which no Head of state  of Northern extraction ever considered worthy of any meaningful attention:“I think the conception of Almajiri schools and how to run them were not properly done by the government we inherited. But I know right now they are being incorporated into our schools”.

    “As I told you, there are now about six million out-of-school children, probably some of them who are trooping here (Abuja), but certainly there should be government policy to stop the movement of Almajiri or Almajirai, as they’re called in Hausa. A provision should be made for instructing them wherever they are.”

    Apart from the racist slur, and as a result of Adamu’s position, Northern state governors soon started uprooting these rootless children- who know neither their father nor  mother – from their then current abode to their presumed states of origin.

    Today, not a few of them must have relocated to one forest, or the other, all over the country as either bandits, Boko Haram elements or simply killers.

    The above are the reasons the Federal Government must now have a fresh look at the myriad problems confronting our Northern compatriots for whom life has become ugly and absolutely unsafe. They now venture out of their homes – when they are not being plucked from right there – very unsure they would not be brought back in a body bag.

    And that on a daily basis.

     All these are already gravely impacting Nigeria as a whole as you would now hardly find investors really eager to come here to invest at a time the country is in dire need of Foreign Direct Investment.

    The North has so, unfortunately, socialised insecurity, especially by failing, like forever, to educate its youth. Many of the uneducated youth are, today, populating

    those places Dr  Akinwumi Adesina, President, African Development Bank, once described as the supermarket from where budding terrorists are now being routinely recruited.

    The collapse of the Alua Dam in Borno state has now added climate change to the challenges Nigeria must now seriously address in the North.

    Built in 1986 to help farmers in Maiduguri with irrigation, the dam also helps control flooding from the Ngadda River, which on occasion gets higher-than-normal inflows from water sources that trace back to Lake Chad.

    With the constant warnings from NIMET  – the  Nigerian Meteorological Agency – it   is unbelievable that many state governments still wait on their  laps until disaster  rears its ugly head, even though, being mostly natural occurencies, many are simply unpreventable. However,  as it is done elsewhere around the world, state governments must ensure, without fail, that people at risk are moved out well in advance of disaster.

    The current floods hit Borno State this past week after  the dam broke its bank as a result of heavy surge of water which buried half the state capital, Maiduguri, damaging buildings and infrastructure. Authorities say about one million people are affected, and that about 30 deaths have, unfortunately been recorded.

    To fix all these problems will require huge amounts of money far beyond the Ken of the Federal government, at least for now.

    Therefore, from my limited perspective, I think the real Marshall Plan which the North needs today should be targeted at funding.

    To resolve the multi-faceted security challenges alone will require a huge amount of money. Nigerian soldiers are reputedly well trained but the time has come for a massive infusion of modern technology into its fighting arsenal. This will require tonnes of money. With money in place, the very first thing to do will be the injection of massive technology into the fighting arsenal of each arm of the Nigerian military as technology is guaranteed to be the change factor in this over a decade and a half old war on insecurity.

    The problems in the North revolve around its multi – pronged insecurity. Solve that therefore, and you have broken the backbone of the challenges.

    A massive social re-engineering could then begin, aimed largely at reducing the region -wide illiteracy which could see over 10M- out – of – school children enrolled all over the region.

    With insecurity thus greatly reduced, agriculture, especially modern agriculture, will thrive, accompanied by several medium-sized manufacturing concerns within the entire agricultural value – chain but with particular emphasis on animal husbandry and meat processing.

    Nigeria, especially Northern Nigeria, is not short of people with the means to facilitate the quantum of money being envisaged nor are such individuals absent in the South who could also, patriotically, throw in millions of their hard earned money into such a laudable Plan.

    A plan of this gargantuan dimension must naturally have the buy-in of the President, and Commander -in – Chief for whom its success must be of the highest priority. He must ensure that the Plan is put on military footing to guarantee its success such that within a space of 20 years, or thereabout, the North, no the entire country, would have opened a new chapter of progress and development which will signpost its future.

    Nigerians, especially her leaders, in every strata, must realise that North’s failure could very well sound the death knell of the country, Nigeria.

    It is time, therefore, every terrorist, every bandit and bandit kingpin, operating anywhere in Nigeria, is made to flee, surrender or get neutralised.

    The way things are going in the North, with no end to widespread kidnappings and killings, with IDP camps like permanently receiving new intakes and with some governors allegedly ruminating over whether to buy out bandit kingpins – at least for a season – it is time President Bola Tinubu takes the bull by the horns, buys into a Marshall Plan for Northern Nigeria, so as to bring peace and progress to our torridly restive North, nay Nigeria.

    This is not beyond the scope of Nigeria, the largest agglomeration of the Black race on the surface of the earth.

  • Re: Global Disorder and its Localities

    Re: Global Disorder and its Localities

    I  was filled  with  joy on one hand and sadness on the other  hand during  and  after reading  your articles: Global Disorder and its Localities of 4th August 2024, & Symptoms of National  Distress- On the Need  for a More Equal Society August 11, 2024 in The Nation newspaper.

    I was happy  because the articles  discussed  international and domestic issues that  are of  great  interest  to me, but became sad and worried  because  of the highly perilous state of affairs both at home and abroad. Both articles were intellectually stimulating.

    One points to the interrelationship between international developments and domestic affairs, and why one cannot afford to ignore the other. We must all be on guard. For instance, while Kenya was boiling in far away East Africa, Israel was pounding Gaza mercilessly and Ukraine had been bleeding from Russian drawn daggers, there was nationwide strike in Nigeria, organised by some groups under the aegis of youth.

    The implication even extends further: Nigeria is a large country of many ethnic groups, but it would be fool-hardy for one section to ignore the event, especially the riots happening in other parts. This calls for unity of purpose and action at home.

    The other article identified  many  problems  in the country which it sees as SYMPTOMS OF NATIONAL DISTRESS which should  awaken us to positive actions for a better country  or “a more equal society”.

    Your observation that the “world is a very dangerous place” today and stress on the need for “Nigeria to get its act together as the greatest conglomeration of black souls anywhere in the world and the Mecca of the black person and magnetic hub for the injured  and dispossessed  in the race” was very apt and resonated with me.

    I agree with your point in the “Symptoms of National Distress… The Nation 11.8.24 that “the upshot of all this is that Nigeria needs and deserves a new economic deal.  Fortunately, there is opportunity in every crisis – after all “a week is long in politics”. President Tinubu should make use of the respite to go back to the drawing board in order to come up with a more socially responsive economic programme”.

    Here I shall call for ideological shift from the present neo-liberal market ideology to Mixed Economy ideology of the old time before the 1980s, with emphasis on apt leadership, effective management of resources, good governance, equitable justice, respect for the rule of law and compliance with the provisions of the constitution of Nigeria.

    On the whole, I find the two articles  to be patriotic offerings worthy  of commendation  to all Nigerians, especially to the political leaders at this time when the nation appears to be gasping for oxygen for life from the rough and painful grip of what  I see as “wrong ideas and inappropriate ideology of development” (Abhuere 2023).

    Just about the time you published your articles, other things of historical interest happened to expand the scope of these notes. Israel remained unrelenting in its genocidal expeditions to the Gaza home land. At home, a group of respectable citizens under the name of Patriots  led by the highly  respected Chief Emeka  Anyaoku a former  Secretary  General  of the Common Wealth paid a visit  to Aso Rock  Villa to press for  the writing  of a new  constitution.

    That was at a time when some citizens were staging a nationwide protest against what they call “bad governance and hardship” in the country.  And the public was expressing much concern, anger and disappointment with  the fat salaries or emoluments of lawmakers in Nigeria, which do not gel with the idea of a “more equal society” canvassed by you in one of the articles under reference.

    I have evaluated the position of the patriots but unable to see how their proposal would assist the national cause and the charge of bad governance and hardship against the government or reduce the lawmakers’ huge pay. I have my reservation and shall discuss it in the course of writing these notes.

    For me, something  much deeper  and more fundamental was needed, such as Tatalo’s idea of Nigeria “getting  its act together”  say by doing  good governance, able leadership, effective management of resources, equitable justice, etc.

    Perhaps even more urgent is the need for the government to come up with what the author called “socially responsive economic programme”

    As hinted earlier, there would have to be ideological shift from what it is now – a harsh, soulless form, to something much more humane, accommodating and rewarding. In short, we need a shift from ideology of neo-liberalism to mixed economy in order to enable policies to wear human face.

    To accommodate these diverse interests, these notes are divided into two parts.  Part 1 concentrates on the issues raised by Tatalo Alamu, while  part 2 is devoted  to other  sundry  issues  that  are equally germane to the survival  and progress of Nigeria and global peace.

    The call by the author for “Nigeria to get its act together” with “socially responsive economic programme” should be taken seriously. It deserves urgent attention. The issues of his concern carry a sense of urgency. For this reason, I will start off with a consideration of this proposal and end it with a call for ideological shift from what it is now-Neo-Liberalism to what it should be: mixed-economy ideological approach to national development.

    A call for Nigeria to ‘get its act together’: The need for better ideology of development

    Nigeria is faced with many problems today. Perhaps the most acute of them is ideological problem. The country is faced with serious ideological crisis that has resulted in embarrassing shortage of supply of essential goods and services in the country. This has resulted in hunger, higher prices of available goods and services, higher cost of living, inflation, currency devaluation, high rate of unemployment, collective hardship, social unrest, and protest.

    The starting point in dealing with the country’s numerous problems, especially underdevelopment problems of Nigeria, notably poverty, unemployment, insecurity, corruption, disunity is with the proper organisation of the country and its resources by the political elite.  But we lack the organizational skills and ability as well as the ideological  tool to  deal with identified problems. This requires scaling up both the ideological and organizational skills and abilities in the country for optimal performance.

    Lack of organizational ability

    Nigeria lacks the organizational ability to mobilise available resources for growth and development. Her major problem is with the poor nature of organization on ground. It is about how available resources in the country have been used over time. The prevalent ideology of the country – neo-liberalism – excludes the state from economically productive activities thereby contributing to the problem of acute shortage of supplies  in the country.

    Organization can simply be understood as an “organised group of people with resources to achieve a common goal” or objective. This can be a business outfit, a church or a country. In management, organization is “the process of structuring, planning, and directing the resources and members of the organization to achieve its goal.

    It is said to be an important function of management that “involves developing  an organizational structure and allocating  human resources and other resources of work to ensure the accomplishment of objectives” or collectively set vision. It is a tool to minimise waste of time, optimise “use of resources through meticulous planning.”

    As experts have observed, good organization allows for “effective flow of communication amongst departments and control of activities at the workplace”. It “reduces confusion, conflict, duplication” and gives a clear description of what is to be done and how it should be done. In short it is important for “oganizing resources, jobs, staff,  work_ and it is  generally  seen as the most  important  function  of management  after  planning (study.com>learn>organizational, www.investopedia.com > terms >o…www.quora.com>what-is- the imp…)

    Basically  the problem of Nigeria  has been the lack of ability to organize its resources. This includes ideas of development, ideological path or approach to economic management and production of goods and services, etc. For instance for over 40 years, we have failed to use the tools of the state to maximum advantage in the name of neo liberal market ideology.

    For instance, looking back at the last Olympics in Paris, France, it is easy to see organizational shoddiness or lapses at work. Superior organizational  ability explains  why  the US  and China – two very populous  countries dominated the medal  table in the last  Olympics  held in Paris,  France while  Nigeria  with its huge  population  and vast land  could not win  a medal- not even  a bronze. There was no ideological bond and discipline to win.

    Against the background of acute deficiency of organizational ability and disfunctionality of institutions of state, I agree with Tatalo Alamu’s call on Nigeria to ge t”its act together” and come up with “socially responsive economic programme”.

    Towards this end, Nigeria needs a better ideology of development or some ideological shift from  what  it is now to something much  better  and more rewarding  to our society. Precisely, Nigeria needs to adopt a mixed economy ideological approach to her nation building efforts. More on this later.

    Ideological crisis

    Perhaps the best starting point is to recognize that the country has been faced with acute ideological crisis over time, especially since the 1980s. And there can be no much progress without the correct or proper resolution of the crisis. A major problem of Nigeria has been wrong or inappropriate ideology of development.

    The present purely market-driven approach to the management of the economy which was imposed on the country by the military government in the mid-1980s on the pressure of some Western institutions and leaders had disappointed the collective expectations of citizens beyond reason. It must be replaced with a better one.

    The importance of appropriate ideology in nation building cannot be over-stressed. In a word, a good ideology is important in defining the pathway for a group of people, aids discipline, greater commitment to set goals and better organization of resources. That is why we are concerned with the kind of ideology in place in Nigeria today.

    A wrong ideology can lead a group to disastrous consequences. From all indications, the present neo-liberal market ideology in Nigeria has been harsh, stifling and demotivating. It is a wrong one for the country.

    Disadvantages of neo-liberal market ideology in Nigeria

    The neo-liberal market ideology has many disadvantages in Nigeria. For instance, it excludes the state from business and weakens it from playing its leadership role in the development process of the country .Yet the state has more clout  and easier access to obtain international grants for investible funds, credit facilities, more educated hands than most private investors. Yet the state was created to provide security of life and property and to develop society. The current neo-liberal ideology is not in tune with our communal way of living in Nigeria but onlly an advance of western core value of individualism.

    Also it has been heavily associated with exploitation, corruption, an uncaring attitude to the poor and weak, and exhibit injustice in the distribution of resources. It is largely about the survival of the fittest with little or no regard for the low and unfit. It promotes greed and had indeed disappointed the country badly leading to protests, strikes, hardship and shortage of supplies.

    Lest we are misunderstood, we are not saying that the Neo-Liberal ideology has not worked for some people or countries. What we are saying is that it has not lived up to our collective expectation in Nigeria. In other words, it is not that the Neo-Liberal carpitalist market model has been bad everywhere or not produced success elsewhere. The fact is that it has not served Nigeria’s cause or purpose well. This has been  the major  problem  with   neo liberalism  in Nigeria. It breeds anti-people development policies that lead to hardship and protest.

    It will be recalled that when the neo liberal market ideology was imposed on Nigeria through the Structural Adjustment  Programme (SAP) in the mid1980s, its proponents who rejected the recommendation of the Political Bureau for the nation to toe the socialist path promised  El-Dorado  for the country. But so far -after about forty years of its steady application, the capitalist market model has only landed us in Golgotha-the land of skulls perhaps for crucifixion and fed us with gull instead of honey.

    Its shock therapies had shocked many to death and caused much dislocation, instability, misery and agony in the country. Its awful effects led to the last nationwide protest in Nigeria. That is why it should be changed or improved with some populist policies or what Tatalo Alamu refers to as “socially responsive economic programme”.

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    Importance  of ideology in nation  building

    As observed  earlier, the importance  of appropriate  ideology  in  nation  building  cannot  over- stressed.As  I have explained  elsewhere, the nature of the prevalent ideology  is important  because  of “its power of collective action and discipline” and its influence  on policy making  and direction.

    As a “set of political beliefs or ideas that characterize  a particular culture”, ideology informs  the basis of policy making and actions of society. It can  can also be understood as  a  “collection  of shared ideas, values and beliefs which  inform the way  some people  live and the  decisions  they make and their actions”.

    To this  extent, ideology  is important in defining  the pathway for  a group of people. And that  is why  we must  be careful in choosing  or toeing any ideological  path because of its critical role in society. The goal is to adopt a correct  or an  appropriate ideological approach to national unity, development and survival.

    There  are reasons  to argue  that  not much  care  was taken  in the national  interest  in mid 1980s  to  adopt the present neo-liberal  capitalist  ideology  by the Military  government with its very  hurtful Structural  Adjustment Program. It was a military  imposition  reflecting  the pet values  of  some few top military  officers under  the influence of some external  forces and western propaganda.

    Among others  it led to the devaluation of the Naira, privatization  of  many  public  enterprises, commercialization of of services,  many jobs  losses, general hardship as a result  of high cost of living.The path way to hardships  and instability  has been laid.

    Before  that time, Nigeria  practiced an ideology  of mixed  economy- a hybrid  of socialism  and capitalism. It was suitable  and convenient  as we operated under  the  Non- aligned  movement by countries  which wanted  to avoid a severe  knock by either  the USA  or USSR(now dissolved) -two hostile  fierce fighters  of the cold War  at the time. It was also  suitable  to our ordinary  communal way  of living  that  enables individuals  to do business  as well as being their  brothers’ keepers.

    Monopoly  of trade is bad  for  society.

    In a way, the neo-liberal ideology  had held  a monopoly  position  in Nigeria  since  the mid  1980s. Monopoly of trade is bad. Ideological monopoly  of people  mind and way of life is even worse especially  it produces  hurtful  consequences for society  always. That is why  I do not  like either the monopoly of the market(capitalism) or the monopoly  of the  state (socialism) in business.

    It is not that  either  of them had  failed  in producing  the desired results everywhere.   No  each  had its  own  peculiar blessing. For instance both  the USA a largely   market driven  economy, and China a state driven economy did very  well in the last  Olympics in France. It would appear  from history  that  the success  or failure of any ideological  approach  depends largely  on the quality  of leadership, management, governance  and organizational skills and ability available.

    However  some of them are better  or more  specific  and suitable  to some areas than others. Apart  from the fact  that  Nigeria  has been  highly  deficient in   leadership, management  and governance, justice skills  and abilities, the truth  is  that unless  combined, either  capitalism  or socialism  is  unfit and unsuitable  for Nigeria.

    Ordinarily, I do not mind  any   ideological orientation in place as long as it is not against national interest, the health  and happiness of citizens and  their active  participation in the development process  of society. This has been  the  problem  of the country : its  current  ideology  of development  has been largely injurious to the  nation’s interest.

    The neo-liberal  capitalist  ideology  has been  deeply   hurtful  to the interest  of the country  and  injurious  to the happiness  and welfare  of  citizens. History  shows  the weakness of socialism if not tamed. It easily assumes  totalitarian garb and curtailment of human rights.

    Adoption of mixed economy ideological  approach

    The lessons  of history  and experience suggest that  we adopt  a mixed  economy  ideology  today.The country  has been  faced  with  acute  ideological  crisis  over time especially  since  the 1980s. Based on  the  dismal  failure  of neo-liberal ideological  approach  to lead or guide the country to the achievement  of  set  goal in general  and its proneness  to crisis  and instability, Nigerian leaders should  change  their ideology of development  to mixed Economy  ideology and ideological approach  to the management  of the country.

    This has many  advantages. For instance, it will allow  for the better  mobilization and utilization of resources for nation building including the instrument of the state which had be in slumbering limbo for the past  four decades.

    The idea to relegate  the state  to the background  of nation building  remains a serious ideological  mistake till date. It was  made by our leaders  largely  because  of the undue pressures  from western  leaders,  financial institutions and their relentless  Press propaganda.

    There was the repeated  falsehood preached  and popularised by British and American leaders  such as Mrs Margaret  Thatcher-a former Prime  Minister of Britain and Mr Ronald Reagan – a former  President  of USA to the effect that the “state  has no business  with  doing  business”. It became  the sing song of many  countries including  Nigeria,  But the leaders  were only  just  being  ideological as  ideologues  of capitalism.

    Properly understood the state  was  created  to lead the development  of society. This includes  doing  business if deemed  necessary.

    As studies  have  shown the state  “played leading role  in laying the economic  foundation  of the United  States of America” after Independence.

    In  Europe  the state  as represented  by Monarchy sponsored  most  of the exploration  expeditions abroad  in the earlier centuries that boosted trade at home. . And today  the state  is still  active  by filling  up the gaps  the private  investors  are unable  or unwilling  to close. Society  is large  or big  enough  to accommodate all comers-state and private  investors.

    The role  of the state  ought  to be more  self-evident  in the  former colonial  countries  that are  today  independent  for a number  of reasons including (a) weak capitalist  structure  and financial institutions in these countries, (b)scanty  population  of entrepreneurs/ investors, (c) difficult  access  to credit  facilities (d)  mountains  of under development  problems,  large  scale  poverty,  high level  of unemployment, insecurity,  huge  infrastructural  deficiency  etc.

    Without  the leadership  of the state  how would  the difficult  tasks of nation building and development be accomplished? Common  sense  should  show  us the way  to go and not   the unholy advice from abroad.

    Development  was  at the  roots  of  the decisions  to form a state and create a government  to carry  out its decisions. The social  contract  theory  of the state  in which  individuals reportedly decided to give up some of  their  power to the state for the collective  good  of  all in society  approximates this idea most here.

    The role  of the state  cannot  be same for all countries.  The needs  of each  country  should  define  the role  which the state  should  play in it . However in  a poor, non- industrialized  countries such as Nigeria  the  state  should  lead in the  development  efforts  aimed  at creating  wealth  and other opportunities  for the common  good  of society,  well being  and happiness  of the  citizens.

    In particular  the state  should  ensure the security of life and property, law and order  and welfare  of the citizens. It is the most  effective  tool  for nation  building,  unity  and development  of  such developing  societies. It is expected  to ensure  opportunities  for the employment  of citizens,  fight poverty,  under development, and do things that the private investors  are unwilling  to do,  lacks the resources or not  attractive  to invest  in.

    The Nigerian  state  needs  to play  a more  active  role in the development  of the country than presently  obtains. More specifically, the state :should  be boldly involved  in business activities. It should invest in high risk  businesses and in the more difficult  areas  of the country . It should invest  heavily  in Agriculture, infrastructure and  maintain  existing amenities.

    Today  Nigeria  should  discourage any form of monopoly  either of  the  state or market/private  sector. Unlike in  the past when it used political  and nepotistic considerations  in appointing managers  to run public  enterprises,  knowledge,  skills, competence,  experience  and track record  of individuals should inform  decisions  about  such appointments.

    The economy  should  be free  and open to all comers. President  Tinubu should  learn  to spice up his development  policy  with  rconsizable doses  of populism . He should  in the name  of the state invest in profitable  ventures  to be manned by  the best hands and brains in the  field.

    As suggested  earlier, rather  than Thatcher  and Reagan,

    Tony  Blair  of Britain  and  Bill Clinton of the US   should  be his model  here. He should learn  from  the approach  of both remarkable leaders how to do both  socialism  and capitalism  at the same  time  seamlessly.

    To avoid  harsh  knocks from  ideologues in Europe  and America, he should  emphasize  that Nigeria  is  a  member  of Non aligned  nations . This is necessary for him to do because of the return  of the ” cold war” with  the advent of President  Putin of Russia  in the international  scene.  The world  has become  more ideologically  conflictive and dangerous.

    There should  be  no barriers  to participation. Anyone  who is fit  and willing  including  the state should  be free to invest  in all  the sectors  of the economy  without  bureaucratic barriers  or bottle-necks. The economy  should  be open  to all on equal  basis. It is large  enough  to accommodate  all comers .

    Do  things that make nations great

    Above all, Nigeria  must  learn  to do those things  that  make  nations  great.These include  good  government,  good  governance, nourishing ideology of development, public  accountability,  zero  tolerance  for  corruption, high  moral and  ethical  standards,  patriotism,  inclusiveness  of communities, maximum  citizenry  participation,  respect  for the  rule  of law, able  leadership,  effective  management, equitable  justice, organizational ability etc.

  • SNAPSONG 232

    SNAPSONG 232

    To walk through thorns and thistles
    Into the House of Plenty
    And crawl back later
    With bushels of Hunger

    To dwell all day long
    On the bank of a river
    Then die of thirst
    In the evening hours

    To wade through
    A welter of words
    Condemned to trite tales
    And hackneyed idioms

    To reap silence from thunder
    Happy consonants from
    The cacophony of un-uttered proverbs
    The serenity of sinless syllables

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    To curse the axe
    And woo the wood
    To chastise the miner
    And defend the Mountain

    The Past, most times,
    Is the Future we often forget
    There are countless rooms
    In the House of Memory

  • Before Tinubu reshuffles cabinet

    Before Tinubu reshuffles cabinet

    President Bola Tinubu is about 15 months in office. Even before he marked one year, many Nigerians began clamouring for a cabinet reshuffle, the periodic administrative bloodletting that leaders in these parts love to indulge. Last May, on the administration’s one year anniversary, analysts speculated that the reshuffle would coincide with the occasion. It didn’t happen, not even a whisper. Then expectations again rose to fever pitch a little after the anniversary, complete with tendentious analyses of ministers’ performance records. Still, not a word came from the president, for he seldom grant interviews, nor from his aides unable to masquerade as sources. But in the past one or two weeks, with the administration buffeted on all sides by a barely responsive but still distressed economy, and critics and opposition forces running riot on traditional and social media with thunderous blather, Nigerians have once more begun to speculate a reshuffle. A reshuffle will come, undoubtedly, but it may not be on the scale analysts have cursorily calculated.

    But before President Tinubu carries out a reshuffle, he needs to take advice on issues he must deal with first. Early in his administration, after emplacing a cabinet, he set up a Result and Delivery Unit headed by a special adviser, Hadiza Bala-Usman, to measure the performance of each minister. There are indications she has done it, and may continue to tweak the report until a reshuffle is done. However, it was inappropriate both to set up such a unit as well as to publicise its formation. There is no way the president himself, not to say his close staff, cannot estimate his appointees’ contributions, including judging their commitment to his administration while making allowances for their idiosyncrasies. Even in the absence of a scientific measurement, presidential intuition should guide his appreciation of cabinet members’ competence. Moreover, most of his appointees were political IOUs that needed to be repaid and sustained for possible reelection. If the president allows himself to be pressured to wield the knife and cut too deeply, he might jeopardise his future chances and further alienate his thinning support base.

    Taking a cursory look at his cabinet, it is unlikely there are many incompetent or disloyal ministers around him. Some of them may be somewhat prejudiced or harbour misgivings about the administration’s regional and even cultural predilections, but they were not recruited from an alien society. There is hardly a minister without one bias or the other, some explicit, others vague. The president may feel pressured to sacrifice a few ministers to sate the appetite of proponents of reshuffle, thus buying himself some time and deflecting criticisms and animosities against his government, but he must satisfy himself that he has provided the kind of leadership and close staffing environment needed to get his appointees working at their best. He appears genuine enough to still retain the trust and administration of a still sizable percentage of his admirers and supporters, but few extend those good wishes to his kitchen cabinet. The president must have read that some Nigerians think his close staff have been grasping, self-centred and too timid to joust with him over his more daring and complicated ideas.

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    It is also not clear that his cabinet, as opposed to himself, is responsible for the desultory execution of some of his radical and far-reaching policies. As a policymaker par excellence, it is surprising that he buckled to suggestions of applying untested palliatives to both expiate the idealism of his economic measures and to remedy the stifling impact they have had on the people’s cost and standard of living. He is too visionary to countenance those ad hoc measures, let alone enunciate them, many of which he knows some of his appointees would take advantage of. If he was optimistic about the can-do spirit of Nigerians before he assumed office, he must by now be disillusioned about their immense capacity to, as they put it in Nigeria, chance the system. If he is assailed today in terms probably none of his predecessors had ever been, it is because they sense a gap in his methods and resolve. He was expected to firmly and quickly tackle the Humanitarian and Poverty Alleviation ministry’s Betta Edu and the Internal Affairs ministry’s Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo snafu; instead his administration waffled over the matter and kept it in view, perhaps waiting for a cabinet reshuffle. But the issue was a godsend to enable him very early in his presidency set a template of firmness that would brook neither irreverence from opportunists nor ethical tardiness by appointees. And there have been a number of other faux pas that sent mixed signals of governmental weakness and shortfall in altruism. But the president is extremely lucky that all this is happening early in his presidency. He now has a great chance in the next one year to really cut to the chase, take the bull by the horns, eschew laxity in administration, and preside over the affairs of Nigeria with firmness of the most engaging type, and with the competence and synchronicity he demonstrated in Lagos.

    Critics and admirers have wearied the president to accept the necessity of cabinet reshuffle. He may choose to tighten the belt a little more by reducing or merging ministries, and quietly easing out some underperforming ministers who will not cost him much and more support. But he must be wary of those urging him to reconfigure his cabinet like the Britons or Americans do. Nigeria and those countries are culturally and even politically poles apart. The latitude presidents enjoy elsewhere may prove politically costly in these parts. Luckily, President Tinubu does not lack the boldness to act in ways not in consonance with public or opposition expectations. He needs to structure his administration in such a way that he will be seen as being in very firm control of his government. Sometimes, he seems inscrutably detached. If he does not first look inwards, whatever he does with the larger cabinet will be of little consequence. Yet, he simply cannot afford to maintain the status quo in his administration. Nigerians sense that something is wrong, misplaced or incomplete about his administration. But they cannot quite easily put their fingers on what the matter is.

    Unfortunately, the president may have allowed the issue of cabinet reshuffle to be politicised. His critics crave it; opposition leaders, despite their scepticism, want it; and even his supporters angle for it, perhaps hoping they or someone they know would clinch a post. Had the president reshuffled the cabinet when Dr Edu drew public flak, and had there been one or two major movements in the cabinet since then, no one would be clamouring for any concerted change. Whatever he does now, including satisfying public longing for a cabinet massacre, the president should henceforth run his administration in such a manner that cabinet reshuffle would no longer become an issue, let alone a politicised matter. Reshuffles should be routine, minimal, unpredictable and brilliant. A reshuffle may give the government reprieve from criticism as well as serve to distract public attention, but it has no real value except when necessitated by political and administrative upheavals. Worse, the euphoria that accompanies a reshuffle lasts barely a week or two, leaving the administration to still contend with the relentless challenges of bloated cabinet, hunger crisis, insecurity, among others.

    As he prepares for a reshuffle, the president also needs to rethink his presidency and let its undergirding ideals inform the movements in, and the shape of, his cabinet. His presidency is unique, coming as it did against the run of play, and against huge obstacles, including a remorseless opposition working in tandem with the social media all determined to delegitimise the election victory that brought him into office. He, therefore, has a responsibility to imbue his leadership with a transcendental theme, far beyond the rudimentariness, and in some cases opacity, that has partly unnerved his administration. Given its unusual birthing, with everyone acknowledging the hand of God in the election, his presidency must not travel the usual Nigerian trajectory or end up undistinguished like his predecessors. So far, he has produced an inundating slew of policies and measures – doing too many things at once and in a hurry – and overawing the country; but there has been little of the contemplative originality capable of producing a great an inspiring presidency. It is, therefore, not enough to simply reshuffle his cabinet; it must be an opportunity to reset the rubric of his presidency and lay the foundations against which his successors would be judged.

  • Social media anticipates, promotes Armageddon

    Social media anticipates, promotes Armageddon

    Without a shred of doubt, Nigeria faces multitudinous challenges, some of them potent enough to threaten its stability and unity. Social dislocations are at an all-time high. Political dysfunction has deepened to a point of stasis and decay, fuelled by insecurity and entitlement. And the economy, which has for more than one decade been subjected to massive depredation, is proving stubbornly resistant to medication. It is in the midst of these challenges that the social media is flexing muscle in promoting all kinds of divisive, ego-driven and often childish and portentous campaigns. Social media has its good side, minimally good side even in the best of times, but because it is unregulated in Nigeria, its bad side overwhelmingly corrodes societal fabric.

    It is not certain that a growing economy could attenuate the social media’s fondness for extreme rascality, but because the economy is distressed, the government’s voice has diminished to a whisper, and radical postulations by impressionable youths, complete with recipes for textbook revolutions, have flowered all over the internet, aping unrest in other countries, and advocating through opposition politics total system collapse. The social media may not have created the economic catastrophe being witnessed in the country, but it has seized upon that existential crisis to campaign, without fear of consequence and with little understanding, for anarchy. The campaigns have begun to permeate ethnic relations, political opposition, and insecurity, while poisoning everything in its path.

    Consider this brief overview of the economic crisis which Nigeria is immersed in. In a succinct analysis by BudgIT last July, quoting Nigeria’s Budget Office, the economy is portrayed as being in dire straits. The analysis reads: “…Between 2016 and 2022, the Buhari government raised total revenues of N26.67tn and expended N60.64tn, leaving a deficit of N33.97tn. The gaping hole was financed with FG domestic debt, which rose from N8.84tn as of December 2015 to N44.91tn as of June 2023, while external debt rose from $7.35bn in December 2015 to $37.2bn in June 2023. This excludes support provided by the Central Bank amounting to N25tn. Ultimately, President Buhari moved Nigeria’s debt profile from N42tn to N77tn. This has had attendant effects on debt servicing, which rose from N1.06tn in 2015 to N5.24tn as of 2022. In fact, under President Buhari’s administration, the debt-service-to-revenue ratio grew from 29% to 96%…In the end, President Buhari leaves a legacy of debt which almost doubled from 18% to 35% of GDP. He leaves inflation at 22.4%, with 133 million Nigerians in poverty…” This unbearable situation is compounded by a series of crude oil-backed loans, which between last year and now is estimated to be over five billion dollars, ensuring that except oil production rises significantly, not to talk of the production of goods and services, Nigeria would continue to suffer naira depreciation, inflation, increase in poverty, and a dizzyingly high debt-to-GDP ratio currently estimated to be about 53%. This appalling situation is not caused by the social media or even the opposition; however, the response to the crisis has given plenty of room for concern.

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    The crisis has indirectly birthed ethnic recriminations on a scale where no one is sure whether social media will not tear the country asunder even before economic crisis gets half the chance. Consider two short and recent examples. In late June and early July, organisers of the hunger protests produced a list of 12-20 grievances for government to resolve in order to avert street actions starting August 1. The problem was not that any group mustered protests, but that by the instrumentality of the social media, they managed to make the largely farcical list look sexy, and their protest tag, 10 Days of Rage, cool and acceptable. Others tagged their action Revolution Now. Days after the protests fizzled out, some other fellows announced their plan for what they tagged Fearless in October, starting from October 1. Again the problem is not that many of these actions are sponsored – that is for the security agencies to uncover and grapple with – the danger is that the tags are enormously appealing, and those who whimsically generated them or buy into the agendum have little understanding of the consequences. Similarly celebratory pro-democracy and human rights protests shook Sudan between 2019 and 2020, produced a coup d’etat in 2021 which in turn led to more protests in 2022, and finally culminated in a civil war begun in April 2023. Now, no one is protesting.

    Social media confers a measure of anonymity on trolls, leading many angry youths and heedless and unreflective opposition figures to boldly advocate protests in extreme language and terms. Ethnic bigots have seized the difficult and contentious effort of national rebirth to promote all kinds of agenda, with some threatening ethnic genocide and others warning that secession could follow any coup interpreted as targeted against their ethnic group. Such extremisms are a natural follow-up to the bad-tempered campaigns on social media, campaigns rendered in infantile but beguiling slogans. The anarchy the campaigns are capable of breeding is hidden in the thicket of ‘days of rage’, ‘revolution now’, ‘take back Nigeria’, and ‘fearless in October’. Nigeria’s economic and existential crises are real and in need of urgent and serious remedies; but if nothing is done to rein in the naivety and madness on social media, they will provoke anarchy, or worse, war. Real life is more than sloganeering. Here, the opposition parties, which have refused to acknowledge their defeat in the last election, are encouraging the stultification of Nigerian politics, mindless of the fact that the template they are sculpting today will undermine them on a hypothetical tomorrow.

    Given the battering the economy had received, it seemed assured that a president would come sooner or later to grapple directly with the disease. President Bola Tinubu, on assumption of office, elected to be that man, braving the odds to apply unpopular measures that strike at the core of years of national indolence and complacency. It is not clear that some of his measures had been properly calibrated or executed. But he took away fuel subsidies, and in its place introduced a debilitating regime of steep price increases, while he also hit at foreign exchange round-tripping by positioning a numbing floating exchange rate that has made many people destitute and manufacturing concerns to teeter on the brink. Rather than print more money and risk total economic collapse, the administration at first went for oil-for-cash loans, before convincing itself that only comprehensive surgery stood a chance of solving the crisis. If not President Tinubu, anyone else would inevitably have to face the same conundrum, whether a coupist or any of the two leading opposition candidates in the last poll. Regardless of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) histrionics, or the subterranean interference of their lackey, the highly politicised and unreflective Briton, Andrew Wynn, who is on the run, or any threat to instigate civil disorder or social media-led insurrection, whoever is president will find the current panaceas in one form or another inescapable. The country was so broken that there is no easy way to fix it. But perhaps some other ways might be more tolerable. However, the sooner Nigerians come to terms with their brokenness, the shorter the pain would last.

  • Fubara, PDP and Wike conundrum

    Fubara, PDP and Wike conundrum

    It is hard to tell which political party, between the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP), is having the worst of times. Both are immersed in fierce battles for their souls, and both lack competent and inspired leadership. Like Siamese twins, they suffered the same discomforts of parturition as they were birthed in the crucibles of opportunism, bonded well before the last presidential election, mimicked each other during and immediately after the poll, and now seem fated to experience the same death throes. Nevertheless, the PDP remains for now the stronger of the two, and the one more likely to adopt salient principles in weathering their self-made storms, at the core of which is what to do with the feisty and tempestuous former Rivers State governor and now FCT minister, Nyesom Wike.

    Apprised that the PDP top hats who met in Jalingo, Taraba State, on August 24 had thrown in their lot with Rivers States governor Siminalayi Fubara, Mr Wike two Saturdays ago threatened to light fires under the feet of PDP governors who take sides with his predecessor in the protracted supremacy struggle in the oil-rich state. Soon after the threat, the PDP Governors’ Forum director-general, Emmanuel Agbo, gave a synopsis of the Forum’s Jalingo communiqué and added a few counter-threats of their own against the former governor. He attributed the fiery and unequivocal sentiment expressed in the press release to the governors’ meetings in Enugu and Taraba States. He said: “The statements and threats to peaceful coexistence made by Wike to ‘put fire’ in the PDP controlled states are unbridled, irresponsible and without ambiguity totally unacceptable, as it undermines efforts to build and maintain peace, cohesion, collaboration and mutual respect amongst leaders and members of the party…Thus, we therefore maintain that our position on the affairs of the PDP in Rivers State, as unanimously resolved at our 2024, third and fourth meetings held in Enugu and Taraba states, respectively, are not subject to review by any individual no matter how highly placed…We are irrevocably committed to working with the National Working Committee (NWC) of our great party, the PDP, in ensuring that Governor Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State is conferred with all the privileges he is entitled to as a governor elected on the platform of our party, both at the state and national levels.”

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    If anyone was in doubt that the battle line in the PDP had been drawn after the governors met in Jalingo, Dr Agbo’s statement last Tuesday dispelled any misgivings. The party is of course no stranger to internecine wars and rebellions, but the latest one harked back to the pre-presidential election when the peregrinator, former vice president Atiku Abubakar, returned to the party and by a political sleight of hand eventually took the presidential ticket. He was then expected to do a little horse-trading or at least sign an electoral pact with some of his co-leaders; but so confident was he of victory that he called the bluff of the aggrieved and alienated in the party, chief among whom was Mr Wike who had spent a fortune sustaining the party after it was orphaned a second time in 2019. Fast forward, the PDP crisis was exacerbated by Mr Fubara who broke ranks with his benefactor and predecessor. It was, therefore, in response to the now clearly intractable conflict in Rivers that the PDP-GF intervention must be contextualised. The intervention has been construed as taking sides with Mr Fubara to the detriment of Mr Wike. Should they have taken sides, and was there any other option? Or could they conceivably have remained neutral without attracting worse scenarios upon themselves?

    Mr Wike sees himself as the offended party in the battle in Rivers, at least on the surface. But by turning the conflict into a zero-sum game, and leaving his friends and some of the PDP governors no room for manoeuvre, he demonstrated undue excesses and implacability. He is a better politician than his successor, and infinitely more charismatic; but his judgement has not been infallible, and his off-the-cuff statements have been grievous and wounding. Mr Wike left his friends no choice but to throw in their lot with Mr Fubara. To side with him was to throw the governor overboard and render the Rivers imbroglio insoluble. On the other hand, to side with Mr Fubara, as they have done, is to embrace middling performance. Not only is Mr Fubara uncharismatic and superficial, his judgement is also poor, and his calculations annoyingly off-key. He, in short, gave his colleague governors a Hobson’s choice. It is, however, uncertain Mr Wike can make good his threat to light fires under the feet of the angry governors, but it is now abundantly clear that the fight in the party, not to talk of in Rivers particularly, will become aggravated. Neither side will take prisoners, and it is unclear whether either side can win outright.

    Undoubtedly too, all the combatants avoided the more nuanced reason for the conflict in Rivers. The fight between Mr Fubara and Mr Wike had in fact pushed the state into a moral quandary, a delicate situation triggered not by the last PDP factional congress in the state and the struggle to win the soul of the party but by the unresolved national crisis in the party engineered by Alhaji Atiku. That moral conundrum needed to be resolved. Instead, it was kept in abeyance. Indeed, if the party had not been too demoralised by its third defeat in a row since 2015, and had produced smart leaders capable of breaking ranks with the toxic politics of the former vice president and his opportunistic cohorts, it would have sanitised its operations, reformed its platform, cleaned up its ideology, and rebuilt its administrative structures to win respectability. It would then have had the moral right to do something ethical and lasting in the Rivers crisis; and Mr Wike, as gravelly as he sometimes sounds, would probably have resigned to fate. What no one will be able to answer, however, would be whether an improbably refitted PDP is capable of ‘refitting’ Mr Fubara whose natural inconstancy is reinforced by the failings integral to his person.

  • Redefining #EndBadGovernance protests

    Redefining #EndBadGovernance protests

    The All Progressives Congress (APC) administration is clearly not popular. In fact, it has few friends anywhere, whether in the administration itself, or in the media, or in the larger society. That is why, incredibly, many commentators and politicians, not to say highly placed Nigerians and meddlesome international organisations, are tagging the August 1-10 hunger protests as peaceful. In their view, everyone arrested, detained, or is being prosecuted was a peaceful protester, and President Bola Tinubu had become an apostate democrat.

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    Except media reports by newspapers and broadcast channels were fabricated or replayed from protests in other countries, no one who witnessed or experienced the riots and looting in August would conclude that no laws were breached. Quite apart from the dangers of an explosion which any such protest in Nigeria foreshadows, those whose shops and warehouses and offices were looted would not be in a hurry to be as glib and expiatory as the latter-day writers and activists and columnists distorting the facts.

    Too many Nigerians and critics still romanticise protests, preferring to view them solely from the perspective of the constitution. It is a reality, given the current economic and social conditions of Nigeria, that protests can lead in any direction, not least an unmanageable explosion. Protests cannot be contained in a test tube, as Kenya and Bangladesh, the objects of the Nigerian protester’s infatuations, recently demonstrated vividly. 

  • Averting the Spanish Paradox in Nigeria

    Averting the Spanish Paradox in Nigeria

    The Baleful Stench of Crude Oil

    After some bizarre back and forth, and some tedious toing and froing , what many people feared most has finally become  reality. The pump price of premium motor spirit, otherwise known as petrol, has been officially jerked up very close to the a thousand naira per litre benchmark. With NNPC already dropping some ominous hints, most people believe that crossing the one thousand naira per litre benchmark is a question of time. From all available indices and statistics, this latest increase will add considerably to the misery and burden of the average Nigerian. But for the demonstrated capacity of Nigerian people for heroic endurance, one would have said that the latest increase may well be the proverbial last straw that broke the camel’s back.

     Hope springs eternally from the Nigerian heart. But with the naira floating helplessly and heedlessly in a vortex of global instability and with no commensurate local production to back it up, it is obvious that the situation is even more precarious than had been hitherto been imagined. The auguries are dire. And the authorities are understandably quiet and reticent about the latest development. With the substantial and substantive issues surrounding the last nation-wide upheaval not quite resolved, with workers in most states still being paid the old wages, government credibility has suffered a crushing blow. In the coming weeks, it will have to fight hard to avoid its legitimacy from being added to the casualty list.

      We urge caution on all sides. This is a very dicey moment for the nation. Nigerians are experiencing a unique type of humiliation which makes people susceptible to sullen dark furies. With the civil populace battered by unrelenting social adversity into a state of helpless perplexity, this is not the time to goad or bait them into confrontation as this might open the door to anarchy and chaos. What is needed now are cogent, well-reasoned and clearly explicated reasons as to why the country’s current economic flight path can only come up against terminal turbulence.

       Nigeria seems to have run into a perfect economic storm: overreliance on oil and a mono-cultural  economy which kills off initiatives in other sectors, exponential population growth without commensurate economic development, a restive youth population unemployable in the main, enemy nationals with ancestral grouses bent on bringing the country to heel through unrelenting economic sabotage, a multi-ethnic populace with contradictory and countervailing modes of production, religious charlatans who discourage honest work and active toil in the name of some misbegotten paradise either here or somewhere else, and an irresponsible political elite that feed fat on the toil and misery of the people.

      No amount of economic acrobatics can make a dent on the problems or prise Nigeria away from the chokehold of their strangulating malignancy as long as the foundational contradictions persist. In the light of the ethnic cross wiring no national mobilization for a worthy cause such as available to the Chinese, the Japanese, the Vietnamese, the Russians and the Singaporeans in their moment of existential impasse is possible. Not only this, at every turn, we find the political membrane shielding the  unborn so unusually tough and unyielding  making delivery without significant rupturing impossible. Nigeria’s political elite have so postponed or shied away from this rupturing out of fear or concern for their own suzerainty that it is now almost impossible to give birth to a new nation without tear and tears.

    We can now begin to disaggregate some of the problems loosely and randomly. When a Minister of Education tries to impose the avoidable dictates of his own cultural habitat as a national policy on minimum age requirement for university entry, it is obvious that he is viewing national manpower development from the narrow prism of his sociocultural habitus. When the selfsame person floods what is supposed to be a national list with nominees from his catchment area, it is obvious that he is laboring under the feudal logic of patronage and preferment.

      Second, had both the pastoralists and the farmers been of one ethnic bloc rather than mutually antagonistic ethnicities with countervailing worldviews on agriculture and husbandry, they would have been persuaded of the complementary and mutually beneficial nature of their calling. Had there been an infringement, the authorities would have adjudicated promptly.  More than a decade after the problem reared its head the authorities have been unable to come up with an acceptable solution out of the fear of being adjudged partisan. In the process valuable life, farm produce and diary have been lost, impacting considerably on the capacity of the nation to feed itself.

      Third, a predominantly illiterate population spawned by religious and social contradictions in a politically dominant section of the country, socially maladjusted youth that are ready recruits for political conflagration, disaffected nationals pursuing a single minded project of economic destabilization of the nation and a parasitic caste that feeds off the national grid without contributing anything have all combined to hoist the nation with its own economic petard. Short of splintering the country into several nations, which is an impossibility for now, the problem requires extreme political will and extraordinary wisdom if we are not to end up like Yugoslavia or Somalia. Elections without elite consensus or general goodwill produce winners without overwhelming acceptance who do not feel they owe the old hegemonic coteries or the general populace anything.

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        This is where we are at the moment and how we got there. Covering everything in its slick malevolence is an oil sleaze of historic and monumental proportions which stinks to the high heavens and makes it impossible for the average individual to breath normally. The reliance on crude oil and the mono-cultural economy it breeds has led Nigeria to virtual economic ruination, unable to balance its book and unable to pay its workforce. Pilfering on an outlandish scale abounds with both the government and the populace too weak to do anything about it. All the attempts to diversify the economy have collapsed at the altar of profligacy and mismanagement. Nigeria is a classic study in how not to manage humongous resources and leave something for prosperity. The phenomenon is worthy of being studied in advanced classes of economics.

       From all indications, Nigeria is trapped by a modern equivalent of the Spanish Curse, a situation of sudden outlandish wealth followed by ruinous inflation, stunted institutions, declining productivity particularly in the manufacturing industry, loss of elite vigour and vision and the rise of a parasitic elite class feeding fat on the proceeds of misery and international banditry. This was how it happened. The Spanish conquest of the ancient civilizations of Latin America brought gold and associated resources to metropolitan Spain on a scale which had not been seen anywhere in the world since the advent of Mansa Musa, the footloose and profligate Mali emperor who took off with the entire gold in his empire on pilgrimage to Mecca. Neither him nor his gold returned.

      Of particular relevance to this tale of untrammelled greed was the infamous Potosi mines which was a site of unspeakable human horror and degradation on a scale that was never seen since humans emerged from their primitive caves. The Spanish Conquistadors literally worked the native Indian populace to death and then disposed of them in shallow graves. Virtually the entire populace was wiped out by this callous treatment and associated diseases brought from Europe. When they proved not equal to the task, the natives were replaced by Africans brought from the old continent as slaves who were given the same treatment.

      The native Dominican missionary, Bartolome de Las Casas, although an initial beneficiary of the heist, became so appalled and taken aback by the dehumanization that he took to endless railing and inveigling against what he considered to be a monumental crime against humanity. So trenchant and eloquent was the Spanish friar in his critique of colonialism and slavery that his life was constantly in danger.

      But Spain did not have the last laugh. Inflation arising from the sudden influx of gold brought economic ruination. Its path to political and economic modernity was stalled and its road to colonial superstardom was blocked by loss of initiative to more competitive and enterprising northern European rivals. Its political institutions became atrophied. Its burdensome prosperity which was not due to any real productivity declined rapidly. A protracted period of national stasis and institutional disorientation followed. America, the new power, goaded it mercilessly and baited it relentlessly until it drove it out of Cuba and the Philippines after pitched confrontations. It is instructive to note that forty years after declaring its independence from Spain, Holland was already sending its merchant ships all over the world. With its political institutions stymied, Spain succumbed to a civil war almost four decades into the twentieth century and had to endure almost half a century of military dictatorship by General Frank Franco thereafter.

      This is not some metaphysical retribution at play but the logic of history and the choices people and nations make. History does not forget. Future generations will continue to be haunted by the choices we make. This is why it is not a wise thing to gamble or play games with the destiny of an important conglomeration of Black people like Nigeria. The government must rise above its historic handicaps, handicaps arising mainly from the structural and electoral configuration of the nation. After that we need some interactive consultations on the way forward.