Category: Sunday

  • Land (III)

    Land (III)

    The sheer area of land available to the kingdom of Spain after their conquest of parts of the American continent and some Caribbean islands including Cuba and Jamaica was truly mind boggling. So much so that it must have paralysed their mind but not so much that they forgot to make Christians of the remnants of the indigenous people within their vast territories. The people were thus doubly deprived of both their land and their spirituality. In any case, land and the spirituality of a people are intertwined so intricately that you cannot separate one from the other. The Spaniards conquered America in very sense of the word but did not seem to have any plans for the systematic exploitation of their new territories beyond tearing up the soil in their ceaseless search for previous metals, especially gold and silver.

    Today, South America is so overwhelmingly Spanish that one may be forgiven for thinking that their pernicious influence was limited to that area but nothing could be further from the truth. Look up north and you will find Spanish place names to confirm that the Spaniards were there and had been there for a very long time. But for the gold rush which in 1849 brought California to the attention of American gold diggers, that portion of the USA may still have remained Spanish. Before then, large portions of Southern USA including Texas, which was to become by far, the largest state of the union was a Spanish colony and even today, Florida on the east coast is more Spanish than American.

    It has to be said that although the Spanish were the first to try to exploit the rich as well as the imagined bounties of the New World, several European countries were not far behind even though the activities of these interlopers were restricted to North America. At first their activities were restricted to the crude exploitation of the abundant natural resources which were available in obvious profusion such as the furs of wild animals, timber and of course, mineral resources which were not so easily accessible.

    Land itself was widely and wildly accessible but land by itself is merely a potential source of wealth. It must be cultivated, which means that a lot of skilful work has to be done if a useful harvest is to be achieved.

    Central America is one of the three places where agricultural science first developed and many crops were first domesticated in that region. Many of these crops; cocoa, maize, tomatoes, potatoes, tobbaco, cassava and various peppers have become staples even in this part of the world leaving us to wonder what our agricultural resources would have been like without the importation of those crops from the New World.

    Crop movement was however not in one direction as some crops crossed the ocean in the opposite direction and with their arrival in the western hemisphere caused such an upheaval that the history of the world was placed on a tragic trajectory, the results of which are still playing out all over the world, especially  in Africa. Chief among these crops was sugar cane, an Old World crop from which sugar is produced. The Portuguese had been growing modest quantities of sugar in the Atlantic islands of Principe and Sao Tome using African slave labour before the Americas were discovered but sugar cane planting really came into its own when this enterprise was transferred across the Atlantic into the Portuguese colony of Brazil. Sugar cane is a labour intensive crop and to sustain it as well as the even more labour intensive production of sugar, millions of Africans were enslaved and transported to Brazil and other places in the New World under the most appalling conditions giving rise to the largest enforced migration of people that the world has ever seen; the legacy of which there is likely to be no end. The Portuguese have the distinction of taking out of Africa more than six million slaves over a period of close to four hundred years, a time during which Africa was in continuous turmoil as slave raiders disrupted peaceful intercourse all over the continent. Close to two centuries after the end of this destructive phenomenon, Africa is still to come to terms with its after-shocks and there are indications that it has not yet ended but only gone underground or has re-emerged in new forms. That in itself is worthy of  separate interrogation. But certainly, the continuing fratricide in many parts of Africa suggests that those pernicious seeds planted in African soil since around 1480 are still alive even if they have lost some of their vigour.

    Read Also: Lagos seeks proactive measures against land degradation

    Over the years since the eighteenth century, Europeans developed a bad and increasing taste for the sweetness of sugar and this meant bad news for Africa and Africans as more and more of them were shipped mainly to Brazil and the Caribbean islands to provide the unpaid labour through which sugar was produced to assuage the raging appetite for sugar in Europe. Again this subject needs a separate discussion and fortunately, the work of Eric Williams, the world renowned historian who led Trinidad and Tobago to independence is available for consultation. His book, Capitalism and slavery which could not find any British publisher for more than sixty years after it was first published in the USA contends or rather, exposes the nexus between capitalism and slavery. Williams insisted that for capitalism to advance to the next level slavery had to go and the emancipation of slaves in the British possessions in the Caribbean islands in 1833 was not as a result of any form of benevolence but was the result of cynical  calculations which enhanced the growth of capitalism. The British stubbornly refused to accept this rebuke but the stand adopted by Williams has been vindicated many times over by contemporary evidence.

    Cotton is another crop which came to define the relationship between Africa and Europe during those dark centuries of slavery. Now cotton, unlike sugar cane was also a New World crop and did not have to cross the sea to find fresh lands to conquer. Quite interestingly however, it has become evident that cotton was first domesticated in an area along the Nile in what is present day Sudan so that going back far enough we find that this crop which came to blight the existence of millions of Africans a few millennia down the line was first introduced to the world by Africans! Much later, the centre of cotton cultivation moved through the Middle East (the word cotton has an Arabic root) to India where it became the most important commodity for many centuries and made India the centre of textile production for several centuries during which time the Indians produced and sold all kinds of textiles to the world. This was at  a time when Indians took textile production to the level of high art and through it made it possible for India to be responsible for roughly 25% of world trade by value. At that time India did not need any items of European manufacture and the Indians were paid for their textile exports with gold and silver extracted from lands in the Americas, proof again that globalisation has a long history which is now only enhanced by modern technology.

    The Indians owed their pre-eminence in the textile trade to their ability to produce different coloured cotton fabrics, a technology they had mastered long before the Europeans had any inkling how to do this. When the Portuguese arrived in India in 1500, they straight away began the business of converting the Indians to Christianity and it was one of such converts who taught their newly acquired Christian brothers the secret of dyeing cotton to produce all the exquisite colours exhibited by Indian textiles. Another example of the use of the name of Jesus as a shortcut to gather political and economic benefits. Clearly,  Christianity has a lot to answer for before the Ecclesiastical courts up in heaven above on that day of judgement with which the  Christians have been threatening the world for more than two millennia.

    Armed with this knowledge,  the Europeans started looking around for the means of producing raw cotton in the vast  New World they had conquered which is how large scale cotton production was established in the Western hemisphere. No sooner was this achieved than the British who had by this time colonised the vast Indian sub-continent began to forcibly dismantle the Indian textiles industry. In doing this, the centre of the global textile industry was transferred to Britain, to the dark satanic mills of Lancashire from where millions of yards of cheap textiles were sent round the  world every year, to undermine the textile industries located anywhere on earth including parts of Africa from where textiles were once exported to other parts of the world.

    As pointed out by Eric Williams, slavery and capitalism found themselves on a collision course almost as soon as the Industrial Revolution was launched around 1750. What the Industrial Revolution brought to the party was the use of machines each of which could do the work of a thousand slaves in less than half the time taken by the slaves to complete the same amount of work. Machines had arrived primarily to take jobs away from unpaid slaves. In other words, slaves were no longer needed and had to be got rid of. There were too many of them to be killed off in any systematic manner and there simply was no way that slaves could be trusted to operate expensive equipment designed to produce vast quantities of trade goods they had no chance in hell of ever acquiring. In essence, they had to go. They had to be set free to fend for themselves as best they could hence the movement towards the emancipation of slaves.

    Many of my contemporaries would at this point remember the pap we were fed in school concerning William Wilberforce, Grenville Sharp and other abolitionists who fought to bring the slave trade to an end in 1807. The stark reality is that those gentlemen may have been pushed by altruism to bring an evil enterprise to an end but they were only successful because the slave trade had become unprofitable and had to be stopped by all means necessary. They were simply pushing against an open door. By this time, Britain had become the largest slave trading nation in the world and had by far, the most powerful navy with which to enforce her decision that Africans must be forced to stay in Africa to produce the raw materials which the  British needed in their dismal factories to produce all those manufactured products which they were hawking all round the world including Africa. Slaves were of course in no position to buy a thing however cheap they were and so, the slave trade had to be abrogated so that Africans could be dragged into the markets created by industrialists in Europe, mainly  Britain in the early stages. But, nothing about human affairs is ever straightforward and the affair with cotton has to be discussed to prove this point.

    In 1803, French territories in North America which when taken together formed more than 20% of present-day USA was sold by Napoleon  Bonaparte, the self crowned Emperor of France to the government of the USA under the presidency of Thomas Jefferson for the grand price of $15 million or three cents to the acre. This has to be the cheapest price for prime estate anywhere in the world as it doubled the size of the USA at that time. The most important thing at least as far as cotton was concerned is that it gave the Americans access to 25 million acres of prime cotton growing land. In other words, fresh land had been created and made available.The only impediment was that these lands were occupied by Indian tribes, the members of which were uprooted from their ancestral lands and forced to march thousands of miles away to strange lands under atrocious conditions on the western shore of the Mississippi river. As many as four thousand souls are estimated to have perished along what has come to be known to history as the Trail of tears.

    • To be continued.
  • Strike: Is Labour coyly being driven along an ethnic agenda

    Strike: Is Labour coyly being driven along an ethnic agenda

    N494,000 is more than sixteen times the current minimum wage of N30,000. If the Federal Government accepts that as the new minimum wage, and Nigeria’s production capacity does not also increase, times sixteen, it will lead to the mother of all inflation and Nigeria will be turned to the likes of Zimbabwe and Venezuela.  Joe Ajaero and his gang are not economists.

    Worse, they are supporters of Peter Obi and are, therefore, fighting a proxy war on his behalf. They have no economic agenda but a political objective” –

    Reno omokri, slightly edited for space.

    Fortunately for Nigeria at the 2023 Presidential election, Nigerians did not elect a timid President who,  in office, would have been all over searching for his ‘Yes Daddy’.

    Rather, we elected a Bola Ahmed Tinubu who, as  his worst enemy would agree, is as bold as  they come.

    This attribute he has  severally demonstrated to Nigerians by taking  action on very sensitive matters his predecessors couldn’t touch, even if  the removal of fuel subsidy have turned out more impulsive than properly interrogated. But without a scintilla of doubt, doing nothing in the circumstances in which he met the country was obviously not an option.

    Unfortunately, some politicians, pretending to be labour leaders, have since attempted to exploit the consequences of subsidy removal to make Nigeria ungovernable as a way of achieving their ethnic driven motives.

    So tenacious about this has Joe Ajaero been, declaring three National strikes within Tinubu’s first year in office, that it  is already being suggested in some quarters that, unknown to the generality of the labour leadership he is,  in reality, pursuing, not just a Peter Obi agenda but an ethnic one; instigated, no doubt, by some ill- motivated ethnic champions. And so arrogant  has the ethnic bigot become he even toyed with the idea of  creating a ‘hall of shame’ for judges, simply because his brother, Peter Obi, who placed third in the 2023 Presidential election, did not emerge President of Nigeria like this were a banana republic.

    For those who may doubt my claim, I invite them to come along with me to,  examine, not just the ferocity and crudity, but the sheer barbarity of the current strike; Ajaero’s third within a year.

    Let us for that reason press into service, the inimitable Olatunji Ololade of The Nation newspaper, as per his Thursday, 6 June 2024, piece captioned ‘Angry Joe and His Motley mob’, to put Ajaero and his gang’s gung-ho, I – don’t- care a hoot strike  into  proper perspective.

    Wrote Ololade:”The labour union’s reckless decision to cut off electricity supply, plunged the country into darkness, including crucial sectors like aviation and hospitals, thus endangering lives. It also affected both big and small business owners, especially society’s vulnerable divide, like the struggling grocer whose daily livelihood depends on selling perishable goods.

    More damning are the allegations that the labour union’s monitoring and compliance team swooped on electricity workers, goons like, beating and forcing them to shut down the national grid.

    Despite his denial, the spectacle of labour leaders wielding canes to beat, and chase staff of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) out of their offices, undermines the moral authority of the labour movement in Nigeria. Such thuggery betrays the principles of democratic advocacy, painting Ajaero and his allies as anarchists rather than champions of workers’ rights”. Gone, indeed, are the days of Adams Oshiomhole as Labour leader!

    But their crudity said much more.

    It showed in unmistakable terms, that if their cousins, the Obidients failed,  last time around, to suborn the military into insurrection to pave  way for one of their own into the now, perennially elusive presidency, Ajaero must so adroitly exploit the anger on the street in Nigeria, to ensure that the country erupts into such a huge crisis that the military, which had earlier rejected all their entreaties, would now feel obligated to intervene, albeit illegally, under the guise of trying to restore peace.

    Read Also: Labour Party chieftains meet in Kaduna, demand explanation on 2023 campaign funds

    Yorubas describe this as: kaka k’eku ma je sese, a fi se a wa danu – meaning that even if the rat would not eat the grains, it would waste it all.

    Let us now examine the sheer illogic of the basis ( the premise) for Labour’s thoroughly unreasonable  demand for a N494,000 minimum wage. Eager to play a fast one on the federal government, they changed the President’s directive to the committee to work out a MINIMUM wage to seeking a LIVING wage as if there is no difference between the two. They henceforth  proceeded to claim that their calculations are based on a worker with a wife, and 6 children.

    The following questions then arise:

    a)Are all workers married?

    b)Do all workers  each have 6 children?

    c). Do they all have the same academic, or professional, qualifications which will most probably determine their productivity. This is beside the fact that many workers, especially in the public service, spent most of the working hours watching Africa Magic. Even though Ajaero and his allies may very well have very high paper qualifications, I’ll still call them illiterates.

    Why?

    Because should any of the above questions turn out negative, then the entire basis for their demand fails and they are left with nothing. That is the essence of syllogism.

    Ajaero needs be told that no matter his wayo, or  his obtuse skulduggery, as long as he is being driven by vain, and selfish ethnic reasons, he will labour in vain because Nigerians have seen through him.

    Now back to why I started off with describing President Tinubu as a brave politician. It is to call on him to draw strength from his legendary bravery and not, in any way, impede the Attorney – General and minister of Justice, who already declared Ajaero’s third strike illegal, from ensuring that he, and his accomplices, have their day in court, if only for illegally shutting down the national grid.

    Apart from all its possible negative consequences, especially for national security, as a result of which workers on strike are legally precluded from tampering with essential services, these fellows- I almost called them outlaws – must not be allowed to get away with treason.

    Otherwise, shutting down the national grid during every strike will become  routine. This must never be allowed to happen in any country governed by laws.

  • Medical tourism to Nigeria (2)

    Medical tourism to Nigeria (2)

    A US-based Architectural Designer and medical tourist to Nigeria narrated the following very recent personal experience: “I had a tooth problem in the US and visited a dentist. She took a couple of X-rays and explained to me that I needed some root canal treatment and crowning. She overwhelmed me with how bad it could get if I didn’t get treatment started immediately, and gave me a breakdown of the treatment and cost. She billed me $5999 after insurance. I went home feeling depressed and thinking about how to get $6000.  A month later, I came to Nigeria for my wedding and I decided to try out a dentist in Ibadan. The same root canal treatment that was $5999 in Chicago was done in Ibadan for N130,000 (less than $100). My point is that we need to trust the expertise of our brilliant Nigerian professionals with their affordable prices.”

    To provide a medical practitioner’s perspective on the increasingly complimentary reputation of Nigerian doctors and increasing confidence in the Nigerian healthcare system, this column sought the interview reported below with a highly-regarded Lagos-based medical doctor who is in his early 40s. Nuances: To start, could you tell us a little bit about yourself, Doctor?

    Ninalowo: My name is Dr. Hammed Ninalowo. I am a native of Lagos, and grew up in this city. I went to America when I was 16, and rounded off my higher education in the United States. I trained at the University of Pennsylvania, and qualified as a Consultant in Vascular and Interventional Radiology in 2016. I went into the area of Vascular and Interventional Radiology because it was something that was basically very scarce in Africa generally and even in America; there’s not a lot of us. It’s a field of medicine where we use minimally invasive techniques basically to diagnose and treat diseases. I started bringing back my practice and expertise to Nigeria in late 2018. At the time, we would come to Nigeria about every six weeks, for one week, offer our specialised services, and then go back to America. Quickly, it became very apparent that my services were very much needed in Nigeria. This increased my passion for even spending more time here. In 2019, I made the big decision to move my family to Nigeria. So, I started working in Nigeria for six weeks and going back to America for two weeks until COVID-19 came, and kind of disrupted that. So, I had an option to either stay in Nigeria or go back to America, but I have always had a passion for coming back to do medical work in this country. Therefore, I have been in Nigeria since, but I still go to America for about one week every eight weeks to run my clinic in the US.

    Nuances: Doctor, the trend of coming to Nigeria from abroad for medical treatment appears to be increasing. Is this really the case?

    Ninalowo: Yes, absolutely, that’s the trend. There are two different groups of such patients. One group of patients are Nigerians in the UK, Canada, in the US or abroad generally that have a lot of difficulties especially with social healthcare issues like NHS in the UK and Socialised Healthcare in Canada, where they have to wait in line for a very long time to get even simple tests like CT scan or MIR scan done. Conversely, in Nigeria, you could simply walk to any diagnostic centre and within 30 minutes you can get a CT or an MIR scan. Similarly, as far as accessing doctors is concerned, it is so much easier to access doctors here, even very highly-specialised doctors, because basically, we don’t have a long line waiting. And the skill level in Nigeria is even getting higher and higher as more patients keep coming. I am sure you’ve seen this trend in the field of plastic surgery. A lot of patients are coming to Nigeria to have plastic surgery, especially a lot of Nigerian women in the UK and in the US. And the reason for that is the price point. For the plastic surgery here, you can get it done for about 30 percent of the price you can get it done in America; and you still achieve the same result. And it’s the same thing for most of the parts of healthcare here in Nigeria. And then, I also have another group of patients, who are not Nigerian; patients from countries like Zimbabwe or other usually West or Sub-Sahara African countries, who do not have these services available to them.

    For example, we do something called fibroid embolisation, which is a minimally invasive technique to treat fibroid where we don’t need to cut people open. There are only two doctors in Sub-Sahara Africa that offer that currently; and it’s me and another gentleman in Ghana. So, patients come from all over Sub-Sahara Africa to get those services done. Same thing as things like biliary interventions – all of these interventions – treatment for brain aneurysm which we do now without cutting people open, which we do through a pin hole.

    Nuances: Do we have people coming to Nigeria from the Western countries, for example, the way they have been going to India?

    Ninalowo: I’ve not seen that yet. I think we are going to get there and I will discuss how we are going to get there. But I don’t think we are there yet, where people are coming from Western countries. But it’s going to happen soon because we now have the framework to make that happen.

    Nuances: Thank you. What are the things that could make Nigeria a more attractive destination for medical tourism?

    Ninalowo: If you look at what they did in India and even in Dubai, there were concerted efforts to make their countries or cities centres of medical tourism. But we don’t have that yet as the initiative of the Nigerian Government. I am an advocate for Lagos medical tourism and I talk about this on social media. And, you know, because of what I have been doing on social media, letting people know that the expertise is available in Nigeria, even more doctors with more expertise, are willing to now come back to Nigeria, full time or part time. But I think we need a concerted effort from the government, even if it’s just Lagos State to start with, to basically bring all of the private and public institutions together and say what services are now available in Lagos. What services can we now go out and advertise? How can we work together to advertise Lagos as a centre of medical tourism and as a centre of excellence for healthcare? A lot of healthcare facilities have opened in the last few years, which is why people like me could be comfortable practicing here. All the same, we still have ways to go in reaching the A-plus standards that we have in some healthcare facilities abroad as in places like India.

    Read Also: 18 teenage Nigerian girls forced into prostitution rescued from human traffickers in Ghana

    Nuances: Now, in specific terms, what can Nigeria benefit from medical tourism?

    Ninalowo: Number one, when you have a place where people are coming for medical tourism, that is definitely significant dollar inflow, because when people are coming into the country to access healthcare, they are not coming with naira, they are coming with dollars, and we’re going to charge in foreign currency. Then number two, increase in tourism is increase in the visibility of the country as a whole. Again, if you look at places like Dubai and Turkey, when people know that you have good healthcare, people are coming to your country for healthcare and when they know that it is safe to be in your country, I think the biggest thing is revenue gain for the government, and national exposure.

    Nuances: I have noticed some doctors coming to Nigeria as a team from the UK or the US to offer services on a periodic basis. Do you think these volunteers can complement the initiative?

    Ninalowo: Quite honestly, we’ve been very appreciative of medical missions. I think medical mission has its place in Nigeria; but it only has a very small place because these people that come to volunteer are not engaged for a long time with the patients. But the most important thing they do most times when they come in is skill transfer. They come and transfer skills to local surgeons, and that happens, especially in the area of cardiac surgery and heart surgery. In fact,  there is a foundation called Voom Foundation. They’ve been coming to Nigeria for a very long time. They used to go to places like LASUTH (Lagos State University Teaching Hospital). Now, they are based in a place called First Cardiologists Consultants, Ikoyi, in Lagos. These guys come around about every three months; they treat many patients and they also train surgeons. Some of these surgeons that they’ve trained are handling related cases independently now in public and private hospitals. So we do gain from these experiences; but as a whole, when we talk about setting ourselves up as a place for medical tourism, I think the foundations have limited significance. We need to make sure that the experts are here. When they are here, they can handle both the procedures that are done and complications that happen from procedures.

    Nuances: Thank you very much, Doctor. Are there any general thoughts on these issues that you can share with us?

    Ninalowo: As I said, I came to Nigeria very young in my career. You know, and I truly believe that we need to sacrifice to take care of our own people and this is what I preach to my colleagues. I have another of my colleagues, who is an orthopaedic surgeon who is about my age and who is moving his own family to Nigeria now. We have people like Yemi Johnson, who did this a while ago and who set a stage for us to do this and to explore this opportunity. And I think more and more people are coming in. So, we definitely need to continue to look at things like government initiatives which encourage people to invest in healthcare. We still need government interventions like low-interest rate loans, which the government is already doing; and making sure we’re not frustrated at the ports. We’re not supposed to be paying duty for importing medical materials or medical equipment, but that is still happening because things like theatre lights are still considered as chandeliers or regular lights by the Customs Services. So, we still suffer quite a bit from the import duties and the frustration of registering products. We still have a long way to go.

    • Nuances: Doctor, thank you very much.
  • Labour strike: Tinubu the statesman resolves it again without drama

    Labour strike: Tinubu the statesman resolves it again without drama

    It was a challenging week for Nigeria and much more for the Presidency. It was the week during which both the patience and continence of most Nigerians, especially those who do not see how whatever the organised Labour demands could have been in their interest. For President Bola Tinubu, being able to find rhythm even in the face of an orchestrated plot to grind the nation to a halt, putting many of his administration’s earnest efforts to set things straight for the nation at risk, was another show of statesmanship and unusual leadership.

    The week started out with a heavy pall of uneasiness and anxiety, flowing from the threat of an indefinite nationwide industrial strike called by the organised Labour, led by Joe Ajaero’s Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) and Festus Osifo’s Trade Union Congress (TUC). The Labour has been in talks with the government levels and the organised private sector (OPS) since last year over a number of things, the highest ranking of which is a new national minimum wage. From time to time they have had to add this or subtract that along the line, but the constant one has been the demand for new salaries.

    It will be unfair to suggest that the work force’s call for a new minimum wage is undeserved, especially when the turn of events, since the removal of petrol subsidy and the floating of the Naira, or  simply put, removal of subsidy on foreign exchange trading, which the President described as “a highway of currency speculation”, as “it diverted money that should have been used to create jobs, build factories and businesses for millions of people”, two policies introduced by the Tinubu administration at its inception as part of its efforts at building a safer, stronger and more prosperous Nigeria, have stiffened livelihoods

    In the last one year, the healing shot on the economy has turned and twisted the ordinary Nigerian family man’s life a couple of times over, with inflation hitting the rooftops and the attendant indications forcing prices far beyond the reach of families. Of course, President Tinubu and his economic team, including Vice President Kashim Shettima, Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun; Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Atiku Bagudu; Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), Zacch Adedeji, and many others, have not just sat comfy, watching the situation slide further down, they have designed and devised some of the most novel plans and strategies to dam the effects of the negative economic crises.

    For instance, on August 1 last year, the President responded to the prevailing situation facing Nigerians by announcing a number of measures targeting various sectors of life, including food security, buffering loans for categories of businesses, rollout of the CNG programme for transportation, cash-based social intervention and many other plans that have all come to be known as the subsidy removal palliatives. Then in October last year, he approved a Provisional Wage Award of ₦35,000 for six months for treasury-paid federal civil servants, something of a social intervention.

    Despite these efforts and notwithstanding the reason for the economic revitalization reforms, the organised Labour has constantly kept the system on the edge, threatening to cripple the economy (as though crippling the economy would make things easier) every time it remembers that Tinubu is still President, like there is an unexpressed motive for the adversarial and antagonistic front it has exhibited from the onset of the administration.

    The heat experienced in the week, which actually achieved what has seemed like Labour’s objective, took off from the commemoration of this year’s Workers Day anniversary. At the event, the two bodies representing the organised Labour, NLC and TUC, in their message, demanded a ₦615,000 minimum wage, which they continued pushing at the Tripartite Committee on New National Minimum Wage. The haggling continued between Labour on one hand and the government levels and the OPS on the other. When government and OPS’s ₦60,000 was not meeting up with Labour’s ₦494,000, then Labour resorted to strike action, against pleas and advice.

    So when Monday, their deadline, came and the employers did not seem able to climb the ‘Mount Impossible’, something seeming like a setup, Ajaero and Osifo lit the signal light for the commencement of the no-holds-barred nationwide industrial action. To make it pungent and strong enough to hurt everybody, the unions unleashed the more militant elements amongst them on public offices and facilities, starting with the power sector, the sector where the NLC President, Ajaero, rose from to lead the Nigeria workers (he was General Secretary of the Nigerian Union of Electricity Employees (NUEE), shutting down the national grid and crippled all economic, social and any other form of activity relying on electricity.

    Though the strike did not last two day, it dealt a blow which effect is still being calculated. As a matter of fact, importers, on Wednesday said they lost N200 billion within those hours of strike. In the face of all these provocative aggression, even when Labour seemed to transgress against the State and the law, the Nigerian leader has kept his cool and has responded with candour and a statesman’s demeanour. Even the week when Labour ignored all cautions and blindsided Nigeria by shutting down electricity, seized airports and locked government offices up, his response was a commitment to paying a national minimum wage above N60,000.

    He even committed to freeing those among them who violated the law from facing the consequences of their actions by allowing an item in the resolutions reached at a meeting called by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), George Akume. The item that said “no worker would be victimized as a result of the industrial action” will naturally translate to mean that even those who committed a treasonable felony by shutting the national grid down and committed assault (and maybe attempted murder) by manhandling those who were on duty at the grid, would not face the law for their actions.

    By choosing to be graceful in dealing with those devoted to reversing his attempts at making a desired and decent homeland from our current state of the nation, those not paying mind to his strategy for giving hope to the ordinary Nigerian and feigning to be oblivious of the fact that building takes time and consistency, Tinubu earns one more rank. He is not the leader who would arrange ‘alternative methods’ to deal with errant citizens. He is the father of all so he see children who are yet to realize their purpose in the family as juveniles who need guidance and not a heavy hand.

    The President’s week still witnessed positives, not just the abrupt end of the suffocating strike. The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike continued with his harvest of projects and Tinubu was at the centre of it all. Starting with the expanded Outer Southern Expressway (OSEX) on Monday, to the Arterial Road N20, connecting the Outer Northern Expressway (ONEX) and the OSEX on Tuesday and the other ones through Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, it was either Tinubu was on hand to perform commissioning or he sent his deputy, Vice President Kashim Shettima, or any other ranking public officer.

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    He had the International Finance Corporation’s (IFC) leadership as guests on Thursday, got a message out on the World Environment Day, celebrated the Mexico’s newly elected President and celebrated the General Superintendent of the Deeper Christian Life Ministry, Pastor William Kumuyi, on Wednesday, while on Tuesday he rejoiced with Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, who won a new term in office.      

    Conversations around the new ‘Old National Anthem’

    The President signed the National Anthem Act 2024 on Tuesday May 29, restoring the nation’s previous national anthem, known as ‘Nigeria We Hail Thee’, in place of the ‘Arise O Compatriots’, which has been recited as national anthem since 1978. Some Nigerians, including those who cannot recite either of the two, have come out to comment on the development, mostly negatively, passing comments like “he’s got his priorities wrong” and “is national anthem the problem of Nigeria?”.

    Some others have actually commended him for taking Nigeria back to the old anthem and many in this category stating why they believe “Nigeria We Hail Thee” is actually more recommendable, putting their reason, mostly, on the wordings and the connotation. Learned Silk, Professor Mike Ozekhome, in a lengthy reaction to other public reactions to the development, lauded the President and the National Assembly for the act.

    “While I share these strong sentiments, many of them well-placed, I however disagree that changing to the old national anthem was not a step well taken. I give kudos to President Tinubu and the National Assembly for passing the bill into law.

    “For historical purposes, what the President and the National Assembly just did on 29th May, 2024, was actually my idea 10 years ago, when on the floor of the 2014 National Confab which was headed by the now late Justice Idris Legbo Kutigi (JSC) Rtd, with his deputy as Prof Bolaji Akinyemi, and the Secretary as Dr. Mrs Valerie Azinge, SAN”, part of his statement stated.

    However, it is important to see the action of early morning of Wednesday, May 29, 2024, from the perspective of the President to really appreciate what he has been doing, has done and will still do.

    If you have been following his engagements with critical national stakeholders, right from when he assumed office a year ago, you would have realized that President Tinubu has been intentional about reawakening the nationalist feeling in Nigerians. At various meetings and whenever he received people in audience, his messages have been laced with calls to patriotism, consideration for the unity, well-being and greatness of the country. In fact, at some occasions, he has had to challenge leaders from different parts of the country on leading their various people to nationalism.

    For instance, when he hosted traditional rulers and religious leaders to a Ramadan fast dinner, Iftar, in March, he reminded them that Nigeria is all we have, nowhere else will give Nigerians the kind of privileges their citizenship of Nigeria bestows on them. Hence he asked them to play their own roles and never to condemn their country. He has said similar things with regards to achieving a developed and enviable Nigeria, saying no one else can achieve this for Nigeria, but Nigerians.

    Achieving all these needs something that will be the constant reminder of our role as citizens who are involved in the task of pushing our motherland to its destination and what can best be such a reminder than a regularly recited anthem that describes who we are and where our place should be among other humans: we are a nation forged from nations (though tongues and tribes may differ), working together to triumph together as a people and make our own among humans (in brotherhood we stand).

    So the next time you are in a place where they are talking about why the new ‘Old National Anthem’, especially by those with the tendency to denigrate and put down, tell them the anthem is back to strengthen their patriotism and infuse an adequate dose of nationalism into them, for the good of Nigeria and Nigerians, themselves inclusive.  

  • The party that lost its way

    The party that lost its way

    Nothing lasts forever. All good things must come to an end. And so must bad things too. In the tropics, things grow quickly only to expire rapidly. Applying geography to the principles of development, some developmental scientists believe that this amazing political volatility and the velocity with which institutions, systems appear only to disappear is the fundamental bane of tropical Africa and its postcolonial politics.

      As a country and a people, South Africans barely escaped the heat and torpor of the tropics by the skin of their teeth. This was why the original white settlers found its temperate, equable climate quite conducive and amenable for permanent settlement unlike the torrid hell of the tropics where mosquitoes and pipe borne diseases served as the people’s real army.

     But from all indications, it appears as if the emergent post-apartheid political class in South Africa is not completely exempt from the equatorial distemper and political volatility which afflict their counterpart classes on other parts of the continent. At the end of the day, it is beginning to look as if the ANC, the party of Nelson Mandela, has reverted to the status of the typical African hegemonic party: big for nothing, lacking in ideological solidity, reeking of abject cronyism and nepotism and totally bereft of a proactive vision for inclusive and emancipatory governance.

      Yet as this column never tires of affirming, you cannot plant cassava and expect to harvest yam tuber. So it is that when the mist cleared from the last general election, the ANC received a severe drubbing in the hands of the South African electorate. For many discerning observers of the South African scene, it has been long in coming and this is nothing but the chronicle of a humiliation and disgrace foretold.

      The rainbow coalition in all its multi-racial potency has been reduced to a rumbling cohabitation of disaffection and disillusionment. The party that had hitherto held South Africans spellbound with its mythical status as the revered conclave of those heroic avatars of the anti-apartheid struggle had taken such a severe shellacking from the people, losing its majority and magic at the same time.

      This is political divorce the South African way. At the end of the day and with only forty per cent of the popular vote, the ANC is reduced to groping through the electoral void and darkness and to groveling for support to sustain its slipping hold from hostile competitors.

    Waiting in the wing is the baleful and implacable Zulu supremacist, Jacob Zuma, a former president and convicted felon, who has become the biggest threat to the continued dominance of the ANC. Zuma and Cyril Ramaphosa have a visceral dislike for each other and the former president has vowed never to have anything to do with ANC as long as Ramaphosa remains president.

      It will be recalled that Zuma’s party, the uMkhonto we Siswe otherwise known as MK, erupted on the political scene only last year and has chalked up a surprising fifteen percent of the total vote, making it the third biggest. It is a rampart platform of disaffected ANC bigwigs and perennial ethnic malcontents. The ANC is trapped between its monstrous Zulu hordes and the more restrained and ideologically focused DA (Democratic Alliance), the main opposition which operates under a race and class slur being a merger between former apartheid stalwarts and liberal whites who were critical of the apartheid regimen.

      At the last count, the talk was of a Government of National Unity with the ANC surrendering the legislative rein to the DA while the ruling party remains in governance. But with the Zulu Question popping up once again, and the DA vowing to impose its rightwing neoliberal worldview on how the country is governed, it is clear that South Africa is engulfed by crisis of core values which it thought it had transcended with the emergence of Nelson Mandela.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  So what has happened in the intervening thirty years for South Africa to witness this massive return of the repressed? Is it a question of sheer political boredom or ennui with convention that often overtake voters in even the most advanced and sophisticated liberal democracies the world over? The power to disrupt power can often be as intoxicating as the power to dispense power. This is why it is important to beam a searchlight on the ANC debacle in order to serve as a cautionary tale for other hegemonic party formations and ruling coalitions on the continent.

    But we must thank God for small mercies. One of the great ironies of politics is that startling defeat often has its redeeming moments. The acceptance speech and the grace and statesmanlike sobriety with which Cyril Ramaphosa accepted virtual defeat and the dismantling of his party’s majority is arguably the finest moment of Ramaphosa’s political career.

      There were no tantrums or threats. The South African president accepts the supremacy of the electorate. This tradition of accepting defeat with grace and equanimity, ironically pioneered by the disgraced old apartheid party, is a pointer to how deep the authentic ideals of liberal democracy have taken roots in South Africa.

    Ramaphosa has always been a political enigma of sorts. He was rumoured to be Nelson Mandela’s favourite to succeed him as president. That was until the ANC Nomenklatura overruled Mandela in favour of the son of their old comrade in arms Giovani Mbeki. The future president was then sent to the city to make money and to hone his acquisitive skills. He might have succeeded beyond the wildest imagination, emerging as one of the nation’s preeminent plutocrats and loaded tycoons.

      It came at a price, with Ramaphosa enmeshed in fiscal shenanigans of his own making. Tragically enough and in retrospect, it would seem that unaccustomed riches have neutered Ramaphosa and robbed him of whatever remained of his ideological potency rendering him incapable of a visionary reimagining of a more egalitarian and inclusive South African nation.

     To be sure, both Cyril Ramaphosa and Thabo Mbeki are able and competent administrators. Each has also proved his mettle as solid emancipatory warriors in the long, tortuous campaign to rid their beloved nation of the apartheid scourge.

      But from what is on ground, it is obvious that neither of them has been able to make a dent on the nation’s mammoth social contradictions particularly the staggering political inequalities and economic inequities that have hobbled the South African society since the advent of apartheid rule. Neither of them, the golden boys of anti-apartheid movement, has been able to come up with a grand vision of a great post-apartheid society, inclusive and egalitarian to boot.

      Up to a point, Nelson Mandela intuited the problem and the possibility of a looming social apocalypse. But that is only up to a point. The great man correctly surmised that the long years of the struggle and his spell in incarceration under the most inhuman of conditions had drained him almost completely. He could only stay in office by ceding power to a younger, more mentally alert and far more energetic aide. Still, this was no substitute for a grand overarching vision of a new South Africa.

      Take for example the Jacob Zuma conundrum. Like his old mentor, Mango Buthelezi, the old Zulu lion, Zuma is a controversial and divisive figure, a Zulu supremacist with a feudal sense of royal entitlement totally at variance with modern democratic norms. But he is also a hero of the anti-apartheid struggle wildly adulated and lionized by his ethnic compatriots.

      The ANC old guard reckoned rightly that to deny Zuma his shot at the pie was to invite a scabrous assault by ever battle-ready ethnic hordes which could end up upending the rainbow coalition delicately and diligently put in place. They could only wring their hands in despair and disapproving despondency hoping and praying that the system would survive his baleful scourge.

       In the event, Jacob Zuma’ s reign turned out a classic study in arrogant, wrong-headed incompetence and tantalizing malfeasance. He was totally impervious to reason and inured to decent conduct. Hopping and jumping all over the place with an ancient spear handy and in hand, Zuma was a monarchical despot straight out of Sir Rider Haggard’s fiction. Like a vengeful demon, he simply took the ANC and South Africa to the cleaners. What the ANC paterfamilias were trying to avoid is what is now starring them in the face.

      That now leaves the question to be answered. Is there a big elephant in the ANC’s sitting room? Could it be that the great party founded in 1912 and which did not come to power until 1994 after it had come to represent the federated but unified consciousness of a new nation and a new people suffers from the Ben Bella Syndrome?  Ahmed Ben Bella was arguably the greatest hero of the Algerian Revolution. He fought the French colonial masters with everything he had.

     But when he eventually came to power, he was so drained and depleted by the struggle that he was reported to have spent the time moping and staring at the ceiling until he was put out of his misery by  Mohamed Boukhrouba ,aka Colonel Houari Boumediene, who removed him and sent him on exile. It was the same man who had helped him to power by using his military clout to neutralize Ben Bella’s implacable rivals.

     This was in sharp contrast with Habib Bourguiba and Tunisia. A deep intellectual who had studied his country closely, Bourguiba, while fighting to expel the French from the country, was already dreaming of how to transform the nation by overhauling its entire education system, emancipating the women, revamping its archaic agricultural mode and expelling the Tunisian monarchy of Ottoman Turkish extraction. 

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    Highly wily and compulsively manipulative, Bourguiba, through a combination of charisma and traditional Arab autocracy, accomplished all this within a relatively short period until he was removed in 1987 on the ground of senile dementia and total loss of cognitive ability by Ben Ali, his security chief.  The political culture of each country must be taken into consideration. Already worked on by a medley of Roman, Mediterranean, Ottoman Turkish and French cultures, Tunisia boasts of a highly enlightened political elite.

    The point to note in all this is that the set of skills and competencies required to fight off tyranny may be quite different from what is required to transform a nation post-tyranny. Only rarely and exceptionally in history do you find a leader combining the two. The ANC is still by far the best and biggest party in South Africa. But it faces a date with destiny and a radical metamorphosis.

  • The Children of Gaza

    The Children of Gaza

    Please spare a thought at this very minute for the children of Gaza. Many of them have been rendered homeless as a result of unrelenting bombardment of their homestead. They have been reduced to a precarious and feral existence as they eke out a living like slum rats in the massive ruins of Gaza. Some of them who have had their parents killed in front of them or siblings silenced forever in the apocalyptic  rubble are so traumatized by loss and the psychic intensity of their ordeal that they refer to the departed in present terms just as if they are around the corner and about to show up.

      It has now been revealed by medical experts that many of the kids are in urgent need of psychiatric rehabilitation as they manifest either suicidal tendencies or homicidal compulsions. A devastated war zone is the ideal breeding ground for war-mongers. These are the future Hamas warriors and implacable anti-Zionist ideologues. They will never be sworn to peace but to sweet revenge, and having seen what superior technology and better organization can do to hapless ancestors, they will come better organized and better prepared.

      Will the world ever learn? Will human-beings ever appreciate their mortal frailties and capacity for monumental errors of judgment? It is curious that while we are trying to deal with the seemingly interminable war in Gaza, we are already stoking the fire of the next round. In Gaza, we have seen the enemy and it is ourselves. Gaza has been a testing ground for new technologies of warfare, revealing a new capacity of humans to inflict maximum punishment and suffering on each other. The Middle East and the world will never be the same again.

     But as it is usually the case with human history, there is always a ray of hope and possibility in even the worst and most extreme of human adversities. Despite the horrendous suffering of the Gazanites and the horrible pains inflicted on them that may endure for generations to come, they are the unexpected winners of the moral and psychological warfare, not to talk of the propaganda blitz. In physical victory, the much lionized and admired nation of Israel stands diminished, depleted and psychologically drained even where the Israelis are not the original aggressors in this round of conflict.

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       Instead of being united by collective adversity, the Israeli society is badly demoralized and bitterly divided. Never in the history of humanity has triumph been more costly. As can be seen from the global eruptions against the war and in particular the momentous upheavals on western campuses, the Zionist franchise has taken a battering from which it is unlikely to recover. Never has an emphatic victory turned out to be more hollow and more Pyrrhic. It is most unlikely that Benjamin Netanyahu himself will survive a victory parade on the streets of Tel Aviv.

      As the Yoruba people will put it, a strong man without caution and discretion will always end up as the king among the weakling.

    And a volcanic eruption from Voltaire

    Upon seeing a young journalist importuning him for money again, Francois-Marie Arouet, better known as Voltaire, the great French philosopher, writer and publicist exploded.

    Voltaire: Young man, if I were you, I wouldn’t be proud of myself.

    Young journalist:  But I must live!!

     Voltaire: I fail to see why.

  • A SONG FOR CHILDREN’S DAY (2)

    A SONG FOR CHILDREN’S DAY (2)

         If you don’t see me in the parade today

         Do not think I love my country’s less

    Our line will be short at the stadium today

    Short, very short like a stunted rope

    Umaru vanished from the school register some weeks ago

    after throwing his satchel into an angry river

    one unhappy morning

    Akanni now haunts the motor park

    Alternating petty trading with petty thieving

    Ngozi left one noon without a word

    cruelly corralled into the harem

    of a man whose youngest daughter

    is about her age

    The teacher says our parents are poor

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    and our names are dirty

    the blackboard has sprouted a thousand thorns

    the new school gate is locked and keyed

          If you do not see me in the parade today

          Do not think I love my country less

    We eat once a day

    when there is anything to eat.

    When the pots are silent

    and the kitchen is closed  

    when dinner turns into dina**

    and dessert ends up as a desert

    we sprawl on our crowded mats

    and count the stars 

    through our leaking roof

    My legs are straw 

    my head spins like a wheel

    my flat stomach is

    a pit for warring worms

         If you don’t see me in the parade today

         Do not think I love my country less

    *First published in Songs of the Season; updated and re-used here with significant amendments.

    **Way-blocker

  • NLC strike: lawlessness at its peak

    NLC strike: lawlessness at its peak

    Of all the top hats in the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration, only George Akume, Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), has had the boldness to describe the methods employed by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and Trade Union Congress (TUC) in their last strike as treasonable felony. He of course stands on very shaky legal grounds to describe the total shutdown method used by the NLC/TUC in their agitation for a new national minimum wage as treasonable felony, but there is no doubt that the unions scorned the law in fighting for what was on the surface a good cause. They hid under the freedoms granted by the constitution, particularly Section 40, and pretended not to know or remember the constraints enunciated by Section 45 and both the Trade Unions Act, the Trade Disputes Act and more relevantly and ominously, the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, ETC) Act, 2015. Barely a day after the SGF’s treasonable felony comment, the unions reacted trenchantly and asked him to recant. Mr Akume is unlikely to dignify them with a response. The sentiments he expressed are probably popular in government.

    After many industrial actions in less than one year of the Tinubu administration, why has the government been chary of confronting the unions’ methods? There may be many reasons. In the last strike, which was executed last Monday, the NLC/TUC shut down the national electricity grid, the airports and other major public facilities, and chased uncooperative public sector workers from their offices, sometimes with whips, including staff of the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN). It was probably their most effective and comprehensive shutdown ever. By Tuesday, the strike was all but over, either because the unions had reached a tentative agreement with the government or because their sixth sense told them they were sailing too close to the wind. For months, the Tinubu administration had been reluctant to confront the now heavily politicised unions; but if the total shutdown had persisted beyond Tuesday or Wednesday, there was no telling what extraordinary measures the government would have been goaded into taking, either by hawks in the administration or the deeply exasperated public.

    Every time the unions struck, the administration had yielded ground, with both the NLC and TUC only relenting after extracting some concessions from the government. And every time the unions took matters into their hands, they had felt increasingly emboldened to ask for more, to call out a strike at the drop of a hat, and to paint the administration as contradistinctively profligate and parsimonious. Probably aware that it had not been able to get its act together, and also keenly embarrassed by how it had seemed to add flame, if not legitimacy, to the demands of the unions, and sensing that its efforts to reset the economy had impoverished more Nigerians and not proceeded at the pace they would have liked, the government has been unable to predict whether combating the unions would not give fuel to a popular revolt. This may be why uncharacteristically the National Security Adviser (NSA) had always been a part of the negotiations to restore industrial harmony.

    There may be wisdom in the administration treating striking unions with kid gloves. Inflation, in every material particular, has reached an obscene height, employment rate has not responded to all the government’s goading, and the troublesome exchange rate has been spectacularly bad-tempered. In a way, therefore, the unions actually have a good cause which, in the estimation of the public, no law or constitution could vitiate. On top of these, the country is now more divided than ever, with the unions throwing their lot with the Labour Party (LP) whose fiery rhetoric divides and inflames the country, and with the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) becoming more impatient and cantankerous. The administration may have sensed that it is far easier to placate the unions whose members and leaders can be counted and even possibly cocooned, than mollify the untamed rage of poor and angry Nigerians eager to serve the interests of some political parties, given the right temperature and pressure.

    The massive shutdown enacted by the trade unions last week may, however, be the unions’ last. Their rights to strike or protest can of course not be abridged or derogated, for they are constitutionally guaranteed, but henceforth the NLC/TUC tag team will be disabled by the vivified Cybercrimes Act. The law had been promulgated since 2015, but because some presidential orders needed to be given and gazetted for a complete interpretation of the according sections, the unions simply circumvented them. A combined reading of Sections 3 & 5 of the Cybercrimes Act (2015) makes it a crime for any party, more so a party with intent and premeditation, to shut down critical national information infrastructure to the security and continued enjoyment of safe national public health in Nigeria. According to Section 3(1), “The President may on the recommendation of the National Security Adviser, by Order published in the Federal Gazette, designate certain computer systems, and/or networks, whether physical or virtual, and/or the computer programs, computer data and/or traffic data vital to this country that the incapacity or destruction of or interference with such system and assets would have a debilitating impact on security, national or economic security, national public health and safety, or any combination of those matters as constituting Critical National Information Infrastructure.”  

    Also, according to Section 5(1), “Any person who with intent, commits any offence punishable under this Act against any critical national information infrastructure, designated pursuant to section 3 of this Act, shall be liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of not more than 10 years without an option of fine.”  Meanwhile, Section 4.2.1 of the National Cybercrimes Policy and Strategy (NCPS) signed in 2021 by both President Muhammadu Buhari and former National Security Adviser, Babagana Monguno, identifies 13 critical sectors under the scope of Critical National Information Infrastructure (CNII). These are: Power and Energy; Water; Information, Communication, Science and Technology; Banking/Finance and Insurance; Heath; Public Administration; Education; Defence and Security; Transport; Food and Agriculture; Safety and Emergency Services; Industrial and Manufacturing; and Mines and Steel. It may thus be argued that the NCPS represents the position of the directing mind and will of the government till date on what should amount to CNII. Any obstruction to the smooth functioning of this, especially one of a premeditated nature, puts such a disruptor in violation of Section 5 of the Act.

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    The Tinubu administration will expectedly proceed with haste to look at the Cybercrimes Act, 2015, designate what constitutes critical national infrastructure, and gazette it. The unions can of course have their protests, and some of those protests are undoubtedly in national interest, but they will no longer have the leeway to shut the country down, as the unions did in Kaduna in 2021 to the consternation of the governor, Nasir el-Rufai, and the public. It is time to put some order in the system and curb the maladies which no country permits. Last Monday, the trade unions exceeded themselves and sabotaged the country to press for wage increase. Their method was indefensible, laced with political undertones, and hugely costly.

    While Mr Osifo has seemed more grounded in the application and exploitation of trade union laws, being ingeniously less political than his NLC counterpart, Mr Ajaero has flagrantly identified with the LP, made the party’s objectives coterminous with the NLC’s to the point of trying to swing a state governorship election using strike tools. The unions’ excesses in the past one year produced the numbing shutdown witnessed last Monday, and convinced every judicious person that should another shutdown be contemplated, there would be consequences. Obviously, before another strike, the Tinubu administration will have tidied up its laws and put its house in order, though that house now leaks dangerously.

    There are probably many Nigerians who were unhappy that the shutdown ended after a day or two before the ‘hated’ administration’s hold on power was fully corroded. Both the PDP and LP, not to say many other powerful individuals and interests all over the country, had worked assiduously to corrode the legitimacy of the government, particularly the electoral victory of President Tinubu and the All Progressives Congress (APC). Till today, given their rhetoric, there are still many in the opposition parties who foolishly harbour the secret wish for the administration’s downfall in favour of either a military regime or interim government. But regardless of their secret longings, any future shutdown will either be forestalled or degraded. As the box below shows, the methods deployed by the NLC/TUC in the last strike were patently unlawful. And until that Act is amended to give the unions the laxity and latitude to cripple the country, the Tinubu administration must find the resolve to apply the Cybercrimes Act, 2015.

    Both the Senate and the House of Representatives made oblique references to the lawlessness of the unions in their actions last week. The lawmakers are not expected to go beyond reminding the country and the unions about the excesses the NLC and TUC indulged in on Monday and Tuesday. They will have no need to amend or expand the relevant laws, including Section 40 of the 1999 Constitution which provisions do not vitiate the Trade Union and Trade Dispute Acts, not to talk of the more salient Cybercrimes Act. What indeed remains is for the administration to give teeth to the laws. Section 43 of the Trade Unions Act for instance spells out the manner in which a strike should be held, as enunciated in subsections 1 and 2. The laws are unambiguous; if the unions will not pay heed to them, it is the responsibility of the government to ensure compliance. If there is a next time, enforcement should be seamless and timely.

    It is not clear why the Justice minister placed more emphasis on the issue of the unions failing to give advance notice for strikes and existing injunctions rather than on the Cybercrimes Act. Unions have the right to protest, but there are constraints to how the unions give force to their grievances. Both sides should uphold the law, the unions by their conduct, and the government by enforcement once the law is flouted. Nigerians are burdened by the slow response of the government’s economic measures, but they will not and must not be punished by the unions’ malfeasant disregard for the law.

  • Obi, Obidients and delusions of grandeur

    Obi, Obidients and delusions of grandeur

    In May, Labour Party’s National Working Committee (NWC) headed by its chairman Julius Abure dedicated a directorate to cater to the interests of the Obidient Movement within the party. They called the new department the Directorate of Obidient Affairs. It was clear Mr Abure was simply trying to suck it up to Peter Obi, the party’s presidential candidate in the last poll, and also gain the upper hand in his jousting with the leadership of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) adamant about dethroning him. The ingratiation effort failed. When the controversy about the status of the Obidients ensued, it became even clearer that the chafing Mr Obi and his supporters, indecorously referred to and punned as servile obedient foot soldiers, had always seen themselves as both distinct from and superior to the LP. What is not clear, though, is what the vacillating NLC president, Joe Ajaero, thinks of the absolute contempt the Obi crowd have for the party and the disdain they showed for the pretentious directorate.

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    In an unflattering repudiation of the directorate, Tanko Yunusa, media aide to Mr Obi, had posted on Twitter: “It (The Obidient Movement) is not domiciled within any particular party or headquartered in any particular part of the country. Let this serve as a clarification that the Obidient Movement operates independently of any political party, and its membership is not limited to any particular affiliation.” In summary, Mr Obi is refusing to burn his bridges and has not foreclosed his departure from the quarrelsome party, while also signaling to potential suitors like the peripatetic former vice president Atiku Abubakar that he and his Obidient crowd are open to ‘mergers and acquisitions’. In one ungainly tweet, Mr Obi confirms what this column has always believed, that he is rootless, would not deign to form or nurture a party, and cannot even run a party, let alone summon the skill and temperament to unify a fractious group and build it into a cohesive force.

    Worse, by lionising the Obidient Movement, Mr Obi has exposed what he really thinks of his captive movement. They are in thrall to him, and he holds them hostage, a symbiosis that sadly and tragically, reinforces the movement’s controversial lack of ideology and structure as well as foretells both the apocalyptical threat they constitute to the body politic and the poison they disseminate to the muscles and sinews of the society. To consider such an amorphous group as transcending political parties and religions, despite their inglorious beginnings and politics, is nothing but delusions of grandeur.

  • Sections 3, 4 & 5 of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act 2015.

    Sections 3, 4 & 5 of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act 2015.

    3. (1) The President may on the recommendation of the National Security Adviser, by Order published in the Federal Gazette, designate certain computer systems, and/or networks, whether physical or virtual, and/or the computer programs, computer data and/or traffic data vital to this country that the incapacity or destruction of or interference with such system and assets would have a debilitating impact on security, national or economic security, national public health and safety, or any combination of those matters as constituting Critical National Information Infrastructure.  

    (2) The Presidential Order made under subsection (1) of this section may prescribe minimum standards, guidelines, rules or procedure in respect of –

    (a) the protection or preservation of critical information infrastructure;  

    (b) the general management of critical information infrastructure;  

    (c) access to, transfer and control of data in any critical information infrastructure;  Designation of certain computer systems or networks as critical national information infrastructure.  

     (d) infrastructural or procedural rules and requirements for securing the integrity and authenticity of data or information contained in any designated critical national information infrastructure; 

     (e) the storage or archiving of data or information designated as critical national information infrastructure; 

    (f) recovery plans in the event of disaster, breach or loss of the critical national information infrastructure or any part of it; and 

     (g) any other matter required for the adequate protection, management and control of data and other resources in any critical national information infrastructure.

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    4. The Presidential Order made under section 3 of this Act may require the Office of the National Security Adviser to audit and inspect any Critical National Information Infrastructure at any time to ensure compliance with the provisions of this Act.

    5. (1) Any person who with intent, commits any offence punishable under this Act against any critical national information infrastructure, designated pursuant to section 3 of this Act, shall be liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of not more than 10 years without an option of fine. 

        (2) Where the offence committed under subsection (1) of this section results in grievous bodily harm to any person, the offender shall be liable on conviction to imprisonment for a term of not more than 15 years without option of fine. 

        (3) Where the offence committed under subsection (1) of this section results in the death of person(s), the offender shall be liable on conviction to life imprisonment.

    *See also, Chapter 4 of the National Cybersecurity Policy and Strategy (2021).