Category: Tatalo Alamu

  • An encounter at Murtala Mohammed Airport

    An encounter at Murtala Mohammed Airport

    As Nigerians experienced during military rule, nothing brings a country faster to its knees than impunity compounded by impudence and a rude sense of entitlement. The military left a long time ago but it appears that a sense of entitlement is wired into the African DNA. As readers will attest, this column rarely draws attention to its minder, except when it is to give vent to a matter of public importance. We regret to announce that despite the departure of the military, impunity still reigns supreme in some official circles in Nigeria.

      Penultimate Friday evening, yours sincerely arrived at the Murtala Mohammed Airport, Ikeja on the British Airways flight (BA74) after a short trip abroad. As passengers disembarked and trooped towards the Arrival Hall to fulfill all immigration formalities and righteousness, the sense of order and discipline which had pervaded the aircraft and the departure gate earlier at Heathrow Terminal 5 began to give way. Many were being led by uniformed and ununiformed people towards some dank alleys of privilege and unmerited priorities. Immigration officials were openly collecting multiple passports and yanking people off the queues. The rest of us queued meekly and perseveringly.

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      That was until yours sincerely could no longer put up with the shenanigans. In quiet tempest, one had briskly decoupled himself from the queue and headed straight to the exit and unto the luggage section. On our way, one was accosted by an immigration official who wanted to know whether our passport had been stamped. One simply ignored him. After a few minutes in the hall, one decided that this was not enough and headed straight back to the queue, demanding to see the highest official. They brought the same official who had earlier accosted him but one told him to go and bring his boss. That was when they produced Mr Luka.

       One had narrated his experience to the gentleman and complained about the racketeering and influence peddling going on. In fairness to Mr Luka, he was as polite and courteous as he was professional. He apologized but appeared nonplussed that one was complaining about what has become routine practice. One decided to address him directly. “ Mr Luka, listen to me and listen to me very well. Some of us fought for this democracy and we are not going to sit back and allow it to be destroyed from within”. Thereupon the gentleman apologized once again and personally proceeded to have our passport stamped.    

  • Federalism Reimagined

    Federalism Reimagined

    Further clarifications, elaborations and amplifications

    Last week’s piece brought a gale of reactions from alert readers which has necessitated some immediate clarifications, elaborations and amplifications on the vexed issue of federalism in postcolonial Africa, particularly in Nigeria. All federating nations, to the extent that they seek a more equitable and egalitarian society, are permanent works in progress. Sometimes the end-products of these federalist experimentations are so dissimilar that some nations stand as a permanent rebuke to the whole notion of federalism.

    There is no point in comparing the functioning federalism in America despite all its glaring defects and in Canada, Australia and the United Arab Emirate with its grotesque travesties in Myanmar, Bangladesh, Cambodia and several African countries. There are also times when a federating experiment goes awry, allowing an authoritarian despot to steal in through the backdoor.

    Nigerians must thank God for small mercies that the structural disequilibrium which has induced the virtual collapse and disappearance of the state in Sudan, its complete emasculation in the Democratic Republic of Congo, its dismemberment in Somalia, its bizarre state bifurcation in Libya and its forlorn disorientation in South Sudan even after Caesarean operation, has largely eluded the heaving and seething West African behemoth. Nigeria seems to owe its staying power more to some mysterious element of luck rather than to the power and paradox of structural disaggregation. But a loosely cobbled together conglomeration cannot stay like that forever. Some conscious efforts would have to be made to keep it together.

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     Ever since the amalgamation of the two protectorates, no issue has exercised the mind of indigenes and colonial rulers more than the kind of structure that would accommodate the diverse nationalities brought together by imperialist fiat and guarantee peace and prosperity among the various constituents who were in different stages of civilization when they were interdicted under a colonial rubric which simply collapsed all of them under one heading. The reactions to last week’s piece evoked the plight of colonized people in its peculiar and paradoxical poignancy.

     The reaction to the failure of federalism in the country has led many to a withdrawal from the central place to the outer fringes of their community where they think they can enjoy greater state dividends or exert more direct influence over those who control their destiny. It does not seem to occur to them that by so doing, they may be strengthening the hands of one of the federating units, in this case central authority against all the sub-national units. Yet the central canon of federalism advances that no single federating entity must loom so large in size and strength as to constitute a direct existential threat to other federating units. This was what led to the fall of the First Republic.

        But it does seem as if being proud products of lapsed empires, abbreviated kingdoms, defunct fiefdoms and other feudal suzerainties, most Nigerians of a particular age group as well as many other Africans, by instinct or by inclination, hold the state and central authority in such reverence and acclamation which is just a shade short of deity-worshipping. To them it is either order, whatever its inconveniences, or anarchy and chaos. This is why recent revolts and upheavals against state corruption and ethical disorder in many African countries follow a certain demographic pattern which holds interest for the immediate future.

     If some proactive state engineering is not put in place as a precautionary measure, then as the efficacy of the ideological potency of the old pre-colonial African state wears off among restive Nigerian youth and their rapidly evolving global consciousness, we are going to witness certain political inclemency which may subsume and then consume the battle for genuine federalism itself.

       While this column last week identifies the resentment and bitterness that the failure of federalism has caused in the country, it completely underestimated the power of scapegoating and the symbolic capacity of the popular imagination for collective stigmatization. While the national revulsion against the failure of federalism is palpable, the ruling of the Supreme Court which grants fiscal autonomy to local councils seems to have galvanized and canalized the national ire against the mismanagement of federalism into an uproar against state governments. If this was part of the original objective of the federal authorities, they seem to have succeeded beyond the remit.

      A response by an elder statesman captures the problem:  “Ariwo Symphony, an intriguing exposition… you moved deftly to the Supreme Court judgment on the allocation of funds to the 774 local government areas. Apparently the provisions of the Constitution did not specifically include local government areas as part of the federating units!

     Evidence of disenchantment can be seen in the imposed agreement between the President and all the 36 governors to defer commencement to October 2024. Whatever they do, the direct allocation of funds to Local governments will become a reality in a couple of months from now. The Local Governments are closer to the people and they know and feel their every need. It is our hope that the State Governors will act fully in the spirit of this decision without any attempt at teleguiding”. Very well said sir, but doesn’t that now bring up the vexed issue of party formation, party ideological guidance, leadership recruitment, patronage and preferment, departure from the Lincolnian ideal of promoting national cohesion through judicious search for personal excellence and the homogenization of the post-military political class in Nigeria?

      Any fiscal reform of Local Government which fails to address its comorbidities is dead on arrival. You cannot address critical aspects of National Question by mere cherry picking. This thing requires a holistic and totalizing approach in all its dialectical density. Awolowo would be wearing a sardonic smirk in his grave. This morning we bring you an address by the columnist to a gathering of local government officials in Lagos twelve years ago.

  • Local Government and its Possibilities

    Local Government and its Possibilities

    Protocols!} It is with great pleasure and a sense of occasion that I welcome you all to this workshop  taking place in this iconic building. The Lagos City Hall tells its own story as a symbol of the struggle to deliver service to the people at the grassroots level. This hall is a tribute and monument to the power of the people to forge ahead, and to grab their own destiny in their hands. In the heydays of colonial municipalities, the Lagos City Council was one of the best run municipalities in the world, approximating to the western standards of efficiency and integrity. As a state, Lagos is easily and unarguably the revelation of the Fourth Republic.

        So, whether as a protectorate, colony or later state, Lagos has always taken the lead for the rest to follow when it comes to service delivery. This is probably due to the cosmopolitan nature of the state, the high level of political consciousness and the above average level of education of its citizenry. From Governor Babatunde Raji Fashola through his illustrious predecessor, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu and stretching all the way back to Alhaji Lateef Jakande and Brigadier Mobolaji Johnson, it can also be said that this state has been particularly blessed with a steady succession of visionary and outstanding leadership. Needless to add that the local council in various parts of the nation has also served as incubator and nursery for some of our most famous politicians.

         For this glorious legacy to be sustained, it is important that we take another look at the issue of local government and adequate service delivery to the people. As it has been famously observed, all politics is local. Local government may be the third tier of governance but it is the first realm of the people. The local government is the first line of assault whenever there is a breakdown of the sacred covenant between the governed and the governing. It is the first port of call for an enraged citizenry.

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       In certain societies, city councilors are often deemed to be more important than parliamentarians. The election of the Mayor of London often generates more excitement and political tension than the national elections. To the average New Yorker, the mayor is more important than the state governor or even the president. But for Rudy Giuliani’s energetic and hands-on approach things could have turned out much worse in New York on September 11th, 2001.

          Let me quickly state that this is not a fault-finding workshop.  It is a fact-finding mission meant to rub mind among those who have been in the field with a view to probing the problem from source and finding the way forward. The workshop itself is coming up against the backdrop of the proposed National Conference.  That conference itself presupposes that something is structurally amiss with the country. The structure of local government in Nigeria is a crucial link in the chain of structural disorder that has hobbled Nigeria and stalled its march to authentic nationhood. Once again, this frontline state and home to the first real megalopolis in Africa has taken the lead and liberty to begin the dialogue ahead of the gathering of the nation.

         It has been argued by many that the crisis of local government and service delivery to the grassroots is itself merely a symptom of a more fundamental crisis: the structural crisis of the nation itself and the absence of genuine political and fiscal federalism. In the misbegotten unitarist logjam, the federal government even bypasses state governments to reach the local governments which are their sub-autonomous structures thus insinuating a subtle rivalry and unhealthy tension into what is supposed to be complementary structures of the state. This is an anti-federalist absurdity writ large by lack of organic vision and conceptual rigour about the true nature of federating units.

        In this same state, it has taken the daring and ingenuity of a Bola Tinubu to create the technical equivalent of local Government Councils in order to bring service faster and closer to the people. The ensuing battle with the federal authorities has already entered the folklore of a nation and its maladaptive institutions. Although everybody seems to have acquiesced with the status quo and the Lagos model is being copied in some other states, the judgment of the Supreme Court dismissing the nascent local councils as “inchoate” subsists.

         Yet all of this would not even have been necessary had everybody understood the fundamental tenets of federalism as a bottom -up process rather than a top-down state injunction. Rather than being chosen for them by government, people choose their own local governments in functioning federations. In the United States, once people agree to tax themselves and are willing to provide themselves with a specified list of deliverable services, they can legitimately be regarded as local governments. At a point, the number of such local governments in the United States stood at over forty thousands. By 1974, Britain with half of Nigeria’s population had over 14,000 of such councils. 

        Perhaps the key to unlocking the crisis of local government and federalism in Nigeria lies in the issue of taxation. Once people truly pay for certain services, they are more willing to see them delivered and on time. But once it is not really being funded by them, they can afford to relax and be indifferent. Taxing heightens civic consciousness and awareness. It is a natural law of nature for people to take a dim and dark view of the imprudent management of the proceeds of their sweat and toil.

       The fear of popular reprisal and jungle justice breeds a sense of responsibility and decorum in officials. The present system of providing local governments with largesse from some bogus Federation Account without any inbuilt mechanism for accountability and transparency in the management of funds breeds corruption and incompetence. The quietude of the civic populace and of civil society in Nigeria can be directly linked to the fact and awareness that it is oil revenues that provide the feeding bottle for all. Nobody is outraged anymore when outlandish sums are said to have disappeared from the treasury.

       We can see the logic of hardy self-reliance play itself out in the old community structure and draw appropriate and strategic lessons for the present. When they established community grammar schools through arduous self-taxation, the old communities always saw to it that they set the rules and procedures through which the institutions operate and usually mount a round the clock surveillance to see that laid down rules and regulations were being adhered to. Any infringement was swiftly and expeditiously punished either physically or through a resort to metaphysical hell-raising.

         It worked. By 1904, the old Egba city-state had been able to solve the problem of official corruption and sanitation. This was because it combined the efficacy of old communal ties with the harsh formality of modern state structure. The later allowed it to impose and raise tax with the efficiency of a modern bureaucracy while the former allowed it to tap into the old primordial consciousness of the populace for punitive deterrent.

         Although there has always been a measure of corruption even in our traditional societies, the advent of oil and massive revenues accruing from this has led to the swift collapse of values and unprecedented corruption in Nigeria.  The problem with oil production in Nigeria is that it is merely extractive, with not much labour invested and no value added whatsoever. Its revenues can then be seen as mere manna from heavens.

         The result is the complete pollution of the moral reservoir of the nation. Since oil revenues do not arise directly from taxation and indirectly from the sweat and tears of the citizenry, it can be frittered away at will. Since the retention of the proceeds are not tied to any test of performance or ability to internally generate revenues at local, state or even federal levels, it leads to the most egregious forms of embezzlement and fiscal recklessness.

        This fiscal recklessness and monumental corruption have their multiplier effects which then become mutually reinforcing. Since they feel that nobody has actually paid for them, urban denizens do not feel any pang of conscience when they steal the street lamps meant to illuminate their movements when it is dark. Neither do they bat an eyelid when they cut off railings or dig up concrete slabs meant to safeguard their very lives in traffic chaos. Since oil is available, they evade taxes and rates as conscientious objectors. And since the revenues they misappropriate are not traceable to the labour or direct exertions of the people, government officials at all levels can get away with murder. The result is the anarchy and social anomie that stare us in the face.

         Just as Inca gold brought ruinous inflation and eventual destruction to old metropolitan Spain, oil has become the modern curse of Nigeria. It has brought about the complete negation of political and fiscal federalism. It will be too much of a shock therapy to ask for the imposition of a moratorium on oil extraction in Nigeria. The patient may die from the radical surgery. But unless we find a way back to the fundament of effective taxation compelling a more effective service delivery, we will continue to joggle in the jungle of mismanagement and ineffective service delivery. I thank you all.

    • Opening remarks at the workshop on reforming Local Government for effective service delivery on Tuesday, 25th February, 2012.

  • The Ariwo Symphony

    The Ariwo Symphony

    Unending struggle for federalism in Nigeria

    The enduring impression of the man himself is of somebody perfectly at peace with himself, a man who views the world with the profound equanimity of a natural philosopher. The judge does not submit to, or subject himself to, the raw and raucous emotions of the rowdy masses. Whatever the wailing and caterwauling his ruling might have provoked, the judge must go placidly before the world. He cannot express a personal opinion and neither can he give vent to personal feeling without bringing down the template and the temple itself.

      The wise Yoruba people observe that a person’s destiny is often embedded in the cognomen they bear. (Oruko nroni) By the time he vacated the exalted office of the Chief Justice of the federation last week, Justice Olukayode Ariwoola had given his compatriots enough to chew and ponder on, particularly on the landmark ruling of the Supreme Court on what constitutes the federating units in a federation. But his Lordship would not be disturbed by the noise emanating from the gallery. True to his name, the retired jurist does not believe that the conclave of the wise should be deterred by the howling of the hoi polloi or that the famously rich should be prevented from enjoying the pleasures of their wealth by the impudent masses. (Ariwo loni, ariwo lola. Ariwoola)

        Forever class conscious, the Yoruba aristocracy has a fascinating way of dealing with noisy disturbance by simply ignoring it.  Aficionados of juju music will recall Ebenezer Obey’s classic panegyric for Jimoh Ajani Areago, aka Eji Omo Gbadero. As soon as the lead vocalist began chanting the effusive praise of the famed land speculator, the drummer picked up the scent in arresting concord and complementarity.

        K’ole yewon, rarara k’ole ye won

       Kole ye won bi Gbadero se nlogba

     I ba se’pe o ye won bi Gbadero se nlo’gba

     I ba sepe o ye won bi Gbadero se nlo’gba l’eko oo…..

     Asiri eko koni tu loju ewe

    And then the heavyweight but diminutive drummer, Mutiu Jimoh, weighs in:

     Omo Gbadero, dami dami dami

     Ariwo majesin kii p’alakara

      Dami, dami dami

       The noise of impertinent youth (majesin) does not kill the successful fried bean producer. Anybody who has witnessed how the hordes of rowdy youth often besiege the stall of akara women demanding for priority attention will appreciate what is meant by this. Ariwoola is unmoved by all the noise. A recent encounter with Ariwoola before he vacated office was as intriguing as it was revealing. As the crowd of distinguished guests pulled out of the hall after the last Democracy Day Dinner in Abuja on June 12, yours sincerely was pulled over just outside the hall by a police officer who firmly but politely informed one that his boss demanded our attention. The officer pointed in the direction of the pavement where an elderly fellow sat with a quiet and demure demeanor. He was clad in snow white traditional agbada complimented by snow white beard and moustache. Set against the background of state glamour and the frenzied crowd rushing to nowhere, there was something surreal about the calm composure of the elderly one. As one gingerly held out his hand, one was convinced that it was a case of mistaken identity. But it was not.

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       “Ranka dede”, one greeted thinking that the personage was of northern provenance.

       “Ariwoola ni oruko temi”, (My name is Ariwoola) the man calmly responded. Memory and recollection flooded in immediately. It was almost fifty years ago since one left him behind at the university. But there are some people you never forget.

       “Ha!! CJ, CJ!! Great Ife!!! I thought the beard was bigger than this!” one crowed.

       Further pleasantries and the promise of getting in touch, yours sincerely jumped into the waiting bus. A fortnight after Ariwoola’s departure from office and a few weeks after the Supreme Court ruling granting full autonomy and implied right as a federating unit to the local government, the din and uproar emanating from public reaction to the landmark ruling as well as widespread censure at what is considered the lowest ebb of integrity and probity in the history of the nation’s judiciary continue unabated.

    Some sections and fractions of the political class are yet to come to terms with what has hit them. While many believe that the federal authorities are merely gaming the system, leveraging on their power and authority to put opponents of their political suzerainty in their place by further unitarizing what is already a unitarist chokehold on the nation, the teeming supporters of the ruling believe that as the unit closest to the pulse of the people,   autonomy for local government means that the hour of liberation of the people as well as fast-tracked development at the grassroots level is at hand. Furthermore, by removing local government from the apron strings of thieving and authoritarian governors, a way has been found to curb their excesses and to redirect critical resources they have appropriated to the real people who need them.

      Not so fast. Opponents of the ruling countered that this is merely an attempt to demonize government at the sub-national level over the crime of corruption and mismanagement for which the federal authorities are equally culpable. For every governor accused of economic malfeasance, there are at least three federal officials under interdiction. In any case, the local government as an independent federating unit is a constitutional bugaboo not sighted anywhere in the written grundnorm.  Local council is not the same thing as local government. In America, people gather together to form their own association and then apply for funding. It doesn’t make them federating. The only federating units explicitly stated in the constitution are the federal and sub-national authorities. Nothing outside of this framework can be created or imported into it by a body supposed to interpret the constitution. 

      The most forward-looking and progressive-minded among the lot reject the ruling as an authoritarian and reactionary claptrap insisting that when you are in hole, you must stop digging. A nation clamoring  for liberation from the over-centralized unitarist stranglehold imposed by its colonial forebears despite the lip service paid to a truly federalized system on the eve of independence must not be seen loading the dice in favour  of a heavily centralized authority at the national level. Rather, political rationality and the drive towards modernity suggest that concerted efforts must be directed at loosening the vice grip of centralized tyranny which has made it impossible for the creative genius and enterprising spirit of the various people to be set free.

       These conflicting arguments merely reinforce the notion that no federation is ever given in advance. Rather than being given in utopian abstraction, a federation, however it turns out at a particular point in history, is defined and refined in action; in continuous agonistic contention by the political elite and occasionally by direct action by the people.  The outcome of these struggles is often different from what the protagonists and antagonists have in mind. Fresh limbs and arms must be found to continue from where others drop off. 

    Owing to colonial occupation and its postcolonial offshoot, federalism in Nigeria and most colonial nations is always a heavily hybridized product with direct imposition by colonial, military and even civilian authorities being pushed back by the people to make for a more amenable and beneficial outcome. If the current authorities succeed in imposing the “amended” federalism on the nation, it will be a reflection of the subsisting balance of forces and there is not much a visionary federalist can do about that. The wager is that it will not be the last of such amendments if it cripples the aspirations of constituting entities.

       The history of federalism in Nigeria is the history of unitarism handed down in various disguises and masks .Colonel Fredrick Lugard, the colonial progenitor of the new nation, did not have to pretend or dissemble that he was running a military garrison with little or no time for niceties or diplomatic finesse. He did so with exemplary brutality until 1918 when his disdain for the natives led to a mishandling of the Egba revolt against colonial government. At this point, even his patrons in Whitehall had grown tired of the old colonial warrior. He was recalled. A nation cannot be run like a military garrison. At the rate Lugard was going, he would have had to pacify the major nationalities of the new nation several times over before Pax Britannia could be imposed.

       Thereafter, the new country was run very much like a dual-state nation until the run up to independence. This was to prevent political contamination and the contagion of radicalism by southern anarchists who were up to no good. By the time the veil was lifted with the approach of independence, the damage had been done. Protracted alienation led to severe estrangement. Luckily for both colonial masters and their protégés, a new crop of visionary colonial officers came to the rescue based on fresh thinking. On the strength of widely divergent cultures, modes of production and differences of religion, they argued that it may be better and more productive for the three different regions to develop at their own pace and on their own initiative with a central administration serving as remote spur.

       Once this new initiative took hold as the new norm of governance, power was wrested from the traditional rulers and invested in the emergent political class to drive the project of modernity. This new arrangement immediately generated its own tensions and tragicomedy between the Deputy Leader of Action Group, Chief Bode Thomas who was named the boss of the Oyo Local Government and the incumbent Alaafin, Oba Adeyemi.  At the first meeting of the council, the flamboyant and dandified Lagos lawyer was alleged to have ordered the Alaafin to get up for him based on established order of protocol. The traditional ruler was said to have been so miffed by this calculated act of disrespect and rudeness that he was said to have placed a curse on Bode Thomas from which he died two days later. In bitter retaliation, the Action Group was believed to have contrived to get the powerful monarch dethroned and banished from his domain. He died a few years after in a condition of distressing poverty.

    It can be seen from the foregoing that ever since the amalgamation of the two Southern and Northern protectorates in 1914, the struggle for federalism and egalitarian redistribution of power in Nigeria has been marked by continuous strife and upheavals sometimes leaving bloody claw marks all over the protagonists. Sometimes, it ends in lone victory for the visionaries and sometimes in catastrophic defeat and precipitate retreat. The one unfolding before our very eyes will not be different.

    As the Tinubu administration joins the fray, it is important to reframe for the administration some of the costly milestones and important benchmarks in Nigeria’s unending struggle for a just and true federal arrangement. First no civilian government in the history of the nation with the exception of the First Republic has managed to fundamentally alter the structure of the federation. In the First Republic, the Balewa administration not only created the Midwest Region, it also managed to impose a state of emergency on an equally federating unit. Needless to add that both interventions, because they were fundamentally partisan and without much objective merits, ended in tears and the eventual destruction of the Republic. May the good Lord guide the administration in the right direction.

  • The Restless Atmosphere

    The Restless Atmosphere

    The title of this piece is not original to the columnist. It is borrowed from a Geography textbook for advanced learners quite famous at the beginning of the seventies almost fifty five years ago. Yours sincerely still remembers his Geography professor , the then Dr Lawrence Jeje, delivering a masterful appraisal of what happens when the atmosphere becomes restless. It is marked by a tectonic shift of unusual vehemence; a whirring of geological plates on a colossal scale leading to widespread disturbance of earthly stability. The average citizen is unperturbed by developments. But the experts wear a gloomy visage. This was one of those circumstances when ignorance is truly bliss.

      As it could be in Geography, so it is in contemporary History. The world has gone truly restless. Barely two weeks after we published a piece extolling Britain as a worthy example of a truly multi-cultural society, the country of good manners exploded in an orgy of mindless violence, mutual loathing and generalized anarchy. As pitched battles raged on the streets with law enforcement agencies clearly losing the initiative to hordes of unemployed, hungry and angry toughies radicalized by unrelenting social adversities, there was a brief possibility that things might tip over to complete anarchy. This was not the England we thought we knew. Years of sullen resentment against the system and homicidal rage incubating in many garrets and underground dungeons against the privileged classes battled their way to the banquet. They may not give up or give in easily the next time around.

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       It is not only in Britain that things appear to have gone awry. France barely escaped the scourge of rightwing despotism and only when its left , centre and moderate right operationalized  voting across board irrespective of ideological leaning. At the last count, Emanuel Macron was still clinging to the rope.  All over Europe, there is a fearsome right wing resurgence which does not brook opposition or some old notions of brotherhood or equality of race. In America, despite the withdrawal of Joe Biden from the presidential race, the American presidential election later this year promises to be the most divisive and rancorous ever. The feel good factor has deserted most countries as their citizens struggle with bills.

       This global crisis of biblical hunger, lack of shelter, erosion of spending capacity and absence of job security is being driven by an underlying shortage of hope and loss of faith in the capacity of humans to organize themselves and order their own affairs. The collapse of the big religions that the world has known is supplemented and complemented by the dramatic unraveling major ideologies across the global spectrum. Never in human history have humans felt more forsaken and abandoned to their terrible fate. The shortage of food on the table is accentuated by the absence of nourishment for the soul and the spirit.

      The world needs a deep make-over; a fundamental rethink and reappraisal of the role of government in our life. The turbulence and restlessness may well presage a profound global restructuring. The next wars will be wars of the mind; wars that will make nonsense of national borders and the current physical self-containment of humanity. It is when all avenues of development and capacity building are blocked that humans are forced to reimagine the fate of humanity. The human species is about to take another phenomenal leap.

  • Symptoms of National Distress

    Symptoms of National Distress

    • On the need for a more equal society

    For a brief moment in the past fortnight, Nigeria lurched from one corner of the ring to the other like a punch-drunk heavyweight boxer looking for relief either from the referee or his own corner. The entire nation was about to be immolated in a social inferno entirely of its own making. Mercifully, the worst of the crisis seems to be over. Things have abated. The combustion, like all unstructured outrages, has consumed itself. Once again and for the umpteenth time, Nigeria’s legendary luck has intervened and the crisis seems to have receded, despite the subsisting anger and grief in many quarters, particularly in a sullen and angry north.

       No one can be sure how long the current reprieve or remission will last. It will be foolish to imagine that the forces of annihilation have taken a permanent bow from our crisis-suffused polity. In all likelihood, things will erupt again once the hostile forces have gathered enough strength and momentum to try their luck. It is a relentless siege against rationality and organic nationhood. We have been papering over the widening cracks and as the cracks continue to widen, the paper seems to have lost its adhesive capacity to unrelenting adversity. The patch-patch structure that has held the nation together in a state of precarious exigency has reached a stage of terminal stress.

       It would be equally foolish to think that the current administration will remain unaffected by the dramatic turn of events. President Tinubu has had his baptism of fire. Things are unlikely to be the same again. In order to effectively forge ahead, the former senator will need fresh votaries and new allies in the herculean drive to stabilize the nation economically and politically. Much will also depend on elite willpower and visionary drive. There is only so much a government—or any government at all– can do to re-engineer a society in the absence of elite amity.

      Some analysts observing the strange behavior of the dominant ethnic formations in the country during the last upheaval came to the interesting conclusion that Nigeria might have restructured itself with a natural and neat precision without any fuss or fanfare. As proof, they point at the widely divergent attitude of the various sections of the populace as the crisis unfurled.  While the north dissolved into a maelstrom of violence and looting, a weird somnolence and sheer apathy took hold in the east as the old western region, the former epicentre of civil rebellion and insurrection, witnessed a few hesitant and uncoordinated protests which soon petered out.

       It will be profoundly mistaken and intellectually remiss to view these developments as signs of natural reconfiguration. They are symptoms of national distress and instances of collective distancing and dissociation from the Nigerian project. The flagging off of Russian flags, the looting and vandalization of government property and the open calls for military intervention by wanton youth and assorted hobos and yokels are the hallmark of a hegemonic formation at the end of its tether and a feudal society in the grip of terminal disorder. It is to be noted that given the current mood of mutual hostility and bitter resentment in the country, were central authority  to give way at this moment, the endgame is likely to be characterized by a genocidal frenzy and apocalyptic bloodletting more reminiscent of old Yugoslavia than Czechoslovakia.

    President Tinubu has his work cut out for him. The next few months will test his capacity to keep the nation together and working. His legendary political skills and adroit footwork will face a stiff test. In the rally for the presidential sweepstakes, he proved particularly adept at outthinking and outmanoeuvring his opponents. Whether this will be enough to dissuade a restive and recalcitrant elite group from setting the national edifice ablaze remains to be seen.

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      So in the long run a lot will depend on elite capacity to forge a consensus about the way out of the economic, political and spiritual morass that has plagued the country for so long. But it is also obvious that elite unanimity cannot be procured at the expense of social and political justice without severe repercussions. Elite consensus in Nigeria is permanently undermined by elite criminality and political delinquency.  Even where you manage to plug the loopholes and the gaping holes of massive looting, you cannot ask elite criminals who have contributed to the economic adversity of the nation to take a bow and go while piling the load of retribution on the poor and needy without inviting a social calamity.

       Tinubu is socially smart and politically savvy enough to spring this trap of a perilous confrontation with the highly inflammable lower classes that have already sniffed blood. The president’s body language and actual language suggest that it is a risk he is willing to take, hoping and gambling that before long the fruits of his reforms would have kicked in to douse the social and economic tensions. But this is like attempting to square a circle, for it ignores the possibility and prospects of elite sabotage in a fractious, multi-ethnic and multi-religious conglomeration.

      Let us see how one of the remarkable Scandinavian countries solved this issue. Looking at a king’s mouth, no one would ever imagine that he once suckled at his mother’s breasts. The contemporary consensus is that Norway is a peaceful, prosperous and well-governed country. But up till the first decade of the last century, Norway was a backward deeply feudal society ruled by superstitions and retrogressive norms.

       That was when its elite got together in a pan-Norwegian concert insisting that their beloved nation cannot negotiate modernity on such outmoded and reactionary terms. They were not driven by radical malice which is often the bane of revolutionary social justice, but by the imperative of a more egalitarian society. They have never looked back.

      Today, in terms of social cohesion, national prosperity and feel-good factor, Norway is a recreated nation ahead of USA, Britain and France. This has been possible because Norway is a homogeneous country, linguistically, culturally and religiously speaking. It is easier to reach consensus in such a holistic entity than in fractured and fractious colonial nations bristling with mutually unintelligible ethnic groups.

      On a lighter note, but which is equally revealing. When the Dutch people after their war of liberation decided to settle for a royal family to reign over them they went for the family of a leading resistance fighter and installed them as their new royalty. No royalty anywhere in the world is more restrained, more people-friendly and progressively oriented than Dutch kings and queens. They knew where they are coming from and the provenance of their royal ascendancy. As Napoleon Bonaparte would cheekily put it: “ a throne is only a bench covered with damask”.

       Perhaps then this is as good as any other place to say a word or two about ideology and its role in the affairs of human beings. Ideology matters most in governance. It determines the structure and format of government as well as its outlook. Even when a person or a group say their position is non-ideological, that is an ideological position and most likely a complicity or collusion with the status quo. Readers of this column would have noticed an unwavering hostility and deep aversion to neoliberal economic fundamentalism and its IMF/World Bank prescriptions which have seen to the ruination of many developing nations.

    This columnist belongs to the liberal left, particularly its open, forward-looking non-sectarian segment. This position has not changed. Having been in the trenches since the age of fifteen, yours sincerely is not about to commit ideological suicide. The real issue with the Bretton Wood institutions is a lack of political wisdom and a deficit of emotional intelligence which has made it impossible for their chief priests to identify with the plight of the ordinary people in Third World who have been forced to bear the brunt of the callous mismanagement of their national patrimony.

         As a consequence of this background of social injustice and political inequity, economic deregulation often requires harsh political regulation to maintain its order, leading an unsuspecting society headlong into the arms and embrace of military despotism or civilian autocracy. The cost of administering economic shock therapy on fragile societies with a weak social fabric can be ruinous if not prohibitive.  For brittle colonial nations bristling with multi-ethnic animosities the tradeoff for the modest gains can be apocalyptic political and social upheavals and mutual baiting by ethnic groups which does not conduce to social harmony or organic nationhood.

     Creating a zone of affluence in circumstances of bewitching poverty or a new breed of billionaires in a condition of appalling deprivation will produce a toxic effluence which can overwhelm the entire society. Nigeria is not a homogeneous country like South Korea where even the authoritarian and seemingly untouchable chaebols are subject to vigorous private inquisitions to contain their excesses and continuous scrutiny by an indigenous patrol which brooks no nonsense from them.

      On the contrary, Nigeria may unwittingly be creating chaebol-like oligopolies without the traditional rail guards and the culture of shame and family honour which underpin this peculiar Korean contribution to capitalism. Witness the way the recent Dangote saga was assuming an unwholesome ethnic dimension or how earlier scandals have disappeared in the labyrinth of state perfidy.

      The upshot of all this is that Nigeria needs and deserves a New Economic Deal. Fortunately, there is opportunity in every crisis. President Tinubu should make use of the respite to go back to the drawing board in order to come up with a more socially responsive economic programme.

  • The last of the oriental sisters

    The last of the oriental sisters

    With the dismissal last Sunday of Sheikh Hasina, the former prime minister of Bangladesh, in very stressful and fretful circumstances, an era might have come to an end. It is the era of strong women with heavy balls who pursued family honour and abjured heirloom to the bitterest and sometimes most tragic end. It is the epoch of the much storied daughters of the east, women who entered the political coliseum on behalf of martyred fathers and tormented families. They were all to no exception modern amazons who fought with everything they had to redeem family honour battling and brawling every inch of the way like ferocious kittens.

      Please stand up for recognition Madam Sirima Bandaranaike and Ms Chandrika Kumaratunga Bandaranaike of old Ceylon and modern Sri Lanka, the colourful and controversial Benazir Bhutto, assassinated daughter of the martyred prime minister of Pakistan, Ali Zulfikar Bhutto, the graceful and benign Corazon Aquino, wife of Benigno Aquino who was shot and killed on the order of the then President of the Philippines , Ferdinand Marcos, as he landed in Manila Airport, Megawati Sukarnoputri of Indonesia, Aung San Kyi of Myanmar who is currently held by the monstrous and murderous military junta in Rangoon and perhaps the matriarch  of them all, Indira Ghandi of India.

      In a surreal scene replete with psycho-drama, the helicopter ferrying Sheikh Hasina to safety in India had hardly departed the lush and well-manicured presidential lawn in Dhaka when an angry mob invaded the premises. A protester was captured for posterity using her undies as prized handkerchief to wipe the sooth and grime of early morning Dhaka from his face. Another was seen hurrying away with her handbag. It was the dawn of a new era for the longsuffering Bangladeshi people, particularly the hordes of students who had thrown everything they had against the female autocrat, losing scores of priceless youth as the berserk police poured live bullets into the crowd.

     If it was indeed the end of an era, it was not supposed to end that way for Sheikh Hasina. But then character is fate, as it has been observed many times. In addition to the heroic valour and courageous mettle of their forebears, most of these exemplary women, particularly the direct daughters, also seem to have inherited the authoritarian cast of temperament and iron contempt for established norms of their fathers. In retrospect, no one knows how Aung San Kyi would have turned out in Burma but her stony endorsement of the cruel treatment of the Rohingya people dimmed her global reputation and had sent alarm signals ringing in most western capitals.

      Sheikh Hasina is the daughter of the founding president of Bangladesh and the charismatic leader of the movement for independence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. A proud earnest man with a reputation for stern discipline and uncompromising fidelity to principles, he gained global attention when he was imprisoned for treason by the Pakistani authorities for declaring independence for his country. As he himself would reveal later, he had already mentally prepared himself for execution.

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      But he was reprieved to become the new leader and undisputed hero of the new nation. In 1975, Sheikh Mujibur and his entire family were wiped out in a particularly bloody military uprising. Hasina and her sister were spared only because they were out of the country on a visit to Hasina’s physician husband in West Germany. They were denied reentry by the new authorities and both went on exile in India, never to return to their fatherland until 1981. Upon her return, Hasina swung into full time political activities. It was an inch by inch slog to redeem family honour and political heirloom replete with assassination attempts, incarcerations, restrictions and interdictions.

              By the time she fell from power last week, Hasina had made sure that all those implicated in the assassination of her beloved father  and his family had either been hanged or posthumously disgraced and dishonoured, or in exile fleeing  from the long arms of justice. It was the sweet revenge of the favourite daughter. But she is also credited with transforming her country from a fetid and slummy backwater to a glittering emporium.

        It was not her remarkable achievement on the economic sphere that the irate students and affronted compatriots who sacked her from her plush residence were quarreling with. It was her authoritarian distemper, her autocratic highhandedness and increasing disdain for the regular norms of democracy and her aristocratic contempt for the poor and the teeming masses that have seen their living standards plummet despite the rising prosperity of the nation.  There was also the whiff of corruption which dogged her every step particularly in the later part of her fifteen year rule.

      Absolute power corrupted absolutely. This is an engrossing tale of fierce loyalty and pursuit of family honour in the most adversarial of circumstances. Now that all passion appears spent, all is quiet once again on the Bengali Bay. Here is wishing Mohammad Yunus the best of luck as he sets about resetting the political and economic buttons of his beloved country.

  • Global disorder and its localities

    Global disorder and its localities

    An avid reader of this column after reading last week’s piece, particularly the famous debate on diarchy between Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the first and last ceremonial president of Nigeria, and Alhaji Alade Odunewu, a leading Nigerian journalist of the preceding era, pointedly asked this columnist about Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s contribution to the debate. The answer is that the scholarly and rigorous Awo took no part in the debate, considering it not only a distraction but an exercise in futility and frivolity. As far as Awolowo was concerned, the military has no place in modern governance.

       Accursed are the countries that fail to listen to their leading thinkers, philosophers and cerebral statesmen for they shall not continue to roam about in the wilderness of unviable existence. Awo seemed to have been proved right by subsequent events, despite the irruption of a slew of military despots in Latin America, particularly the reprobate and murderous General Augustino Pinochet who unleashed a reign of terror and mass liquidation on his own compatriots after masterminding the assassination of the lawfully elected president, Salvador Allende. Fifty years after, Chile is yet to recover from the polarizations and bitterness brought about by repressive military rule.

       The dismissal of the Greek military junta which held hostage the very nation where modern democracy started, the struggle to put messianic military institutions in their place in Indonesia and Turkey, the subsequent botched coup in Russia after the unraveling of empire and the rallying of political society against military rule are part of the heroic folklore of modern history. These nationalistic armies based on their past heroic exertions at the behest of their people felt they had earned the right to perpetual rule against the tide of history. But they were profoundly mistaken, caught as they were in a time-warp.

    The subsequent return of Nigeria to full civil rule by the end of the decade and analogous developments in many African countries pointed in the direction that events were moving. Exactly twenty years after the diarchy debate, General Babangida and his cohorts annulled the freest and fairest election in the history of the nation. Zik, in a moving epitaph to the diarchy debate, was known to have wondered aloud where the grundnorm for the annulment came from. That was exactly the point. Being a product of unconstitutional rule, the annulment was its own grundnorm. Military rule coupling and copulating with civilian reign is a genetic, ideological and constitutional disorder.

     All this against the backdrop of certain developments at both the international and national levels, particularly the protests in Nigeria which turned violent in some states. But first the good news. It has been observed that a week is a long time in politics. Nothing has served as a certified proof of this maxim more than recent development in America. In less than a week, public mood in America has swung in a cyclothymic manner from dark depression to euphoric ecstasy and expectations. This had to do with the dramatic entry of the vice president, Kamala Harris, to the presidential race and her emergence as the nominee presumptive of the Democratic Party after the withdrawal of the incumbent President Joe Biden.

      Barring any catastrophic development, Kamala Harris has all but sewn up the nomination of her party. This would have been unthinkable a few weeks back. Those who vow that America is exceptional in its capacity for endless self-invention and ability to withstand any looming political calamity seem to have a point. America is the ultimate shrine of self-belief. A combination of luck, a touch of divine guidance and a dash of American Exceptionalism have helped America pull through one of its worst crisis in recent times. It has saved the country from the clutches of a disturbed psycho and global anxiety. In some other countries, a doddering and tottering Joe Biden would have insisted on slouching on till the bitter end.

      Kamala Harris is merely a symbol and a symptom combined. What has been bubbling under the surface for several decades in American politics has now forced its way to the surface, and that is the fact that America cannot continue as a refurbished slave plantation. In most of the elections held from the beginning of this century, particularly George Bush’s controversial triumph over Al Gore, the Democratic Party has always won the popular vote only for the plutocratic powerbrokers to pull their joker with the Supreme Court acting as the ultimate selectorate.

      The election of Barack Obama in a moment of absentminded fair-mindedness provoked the horrific backlash that threw up the monstrous Donald Trump. Let it be recalled that the American Founding Fathers cannot be regarded as natural democrats. They plumped for Liberal Democracy out of hard and harsh necessity as the best way of organizing a modern and egalitarian society. Their self-evident truth about the inalienable rights of all humanity did not extend to sub-human species such as the native Americans, Black slaves and other people of colour.

      To hedge their bet, they went for a patrician and authoritarian mono-gender senate as a countervailing necessity to the plebian and uproarious house of rabbles. To further load the dice against the rowdy plebs they came up with the idea of the Electoral College as the ultimate joker against rabid populism and popular vote, an attempt at electoral eugenics and backhanded sop and concession to the slave states and their superior habitants. Yet such are the ironies of history that an American deep state which rejected the brilliant, ferociously focused Hillary Clinton as its first woman president is now faced with the possibility a lady and a coloured one at that as its president and Commander –in- Chief. Interesting times are upon America.

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        But while America has taken the first tentative steps towards self-redemption, Israel has been travelling in the opposite direction, a mine-littered route of martial self-apotheosis which represents an acute danger to extant global order and the whole paradigm of the post-Westphalia nation-state. It is rare in the history of the modern world for a single nation to constitute a direct physical threat to so many nations at once.

    Not even America at the height of its martial glory and military dominance posed this kind of threat to the larger world. Unlike America which is a more complexly structured and variegated society, Israel, a one-tribe nation, is suddenly seized upon by a combination of messianic complex and persecution psychosis which is at once primitive as it is post-modern in all its  psychoanalytical perplexities. No one has seen this type of nation-state species in the history of the modern world. The world is now confronted by what can only be described as the Israeli Question.

      Ever since its creation in 1948, Israel has gobbled up territories not belonging to it and has made nonsense of the territorial integrity of the Arab nations surrounding it. Since the eruption of hostilities with Hamas on October 7th, Israeli has emerged as a new type of warrior-nation which does not seem to mind international outlawry and hostility as long as it achieves its stated aims and objectives. All its Arab neighbors have been reduced to cowering and trembling wretches. Not even a faraway mortal adversary like Iran has been spared the long arm of Israel’s vaporizing visitations.

      After the mysterious death of its president in a remote corner of the nation and the Israeli-directed elimination of its top commander, Iran has become sombre and subdued unable to fathom out how to respond to the serial humiliation without losing it all. Arab countries which once relied on the military might of Iran to protect them are now discovering to their chagrin and discomfiture that Big Brother himself might need some protection from some bigger predators. It cannot come from Houthi insurgents. As we have once noted in this column, any country armed with nuclear weapons which is not afraid of unleashing it will be given a wide berth or the right of passage by other nations.

       This past week, Israel demonstrated its dominance and emphatic superiority in the region by decapitating the political and military leadership of Hamas in one fell swoop in an operation which was as remarkable in its daring as it was in military precision. In a contemptuous breach of international norms, Israel invaded the most hallowed sanctuary of power the Iranians could boast of on their own soil in order to dispatch the Hamas leader, Ismail Haniyeh. It was with the glee of a self-assured conqueror that Israel announced that another Hamas commander who disappeared a fortnight earlier should be added to the headcount. With the world, particularly America, no longer able to remonstrate with Israel, the Arab world would need a lot of fortitude and forbearance to deal with the most potent threat to their collective existence in modern times.

       The world may be witnessing the final working out of the last phase of western hegemony in all its contradictory and countervailing momentum. Hegemonies are not constructed overnight and neither do they disappear overnight. Those who are hoping for a more gentle, peaceful and compassionate world would have to tarry awhile. The stateless anomie of Yemen, the horror and horrific landscape of Gaza and the frozen open morgues of Ukraine as well as the decimated and deserted desert of Sudan are just a sneak preview of what might follow.

      With the United States hobbled  by its own internal schisms and polarized political elite, with the UN reduced to a glorified hyperactive chat show despite the heroics of its helmsman and valiant staff, and with an Israel rampart and resurgent in triumphant militarism, the world is likely to be a very dangerous place in the short run. Here is what is likely to happen. With Ukraine slowly bleeding to death, Russia is likely to retain a huge chunk of Ukrainian territory it has seized. China will gobble up Taiwan when the west is at the lowest ebb of its confidence and assertiveness.

       The Israel of the immediate future is the Israel we are witnessing: the unrivalled superpower and law-giver of the Middle East.  Hemorrhaging on all fronts, the Islamic community will have to throw up new statesmen with the adroitness and pragmatic sagacity to negotiate the conundrum of powerlessness in a situation in which its traumatized citizenry demand more assertiveness. As a disaffected insider brutally puts it, Iranian authorities should not even contemplate retaliation with its outmoded and superannuated weaponry, otherwise several of its cities will be blitzed at once by the incorrigible Zionists.

      So, where does that leave Nigeria and the other African behemoths? Consumed by internal contradictions, the civilized world is likely to look askance as Africa implodes economically, politically and spiritually, devoured by the epidemics of state dereliction. The old west cannot even attempt a second colonization because the momentum, the drive and the revolutionary self-delusion are no longer with it. While Nigeria is roiling in its second national shutdown in a spate of four years, Kenya has almost unraveled and both the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sudan are effectively defunct as states and as nations.

      This is why a lot depends on what happens in Nigeria in the next few months. As the greatest conglomeration of Black souls anywhere in the world, Nigeria has been touted as the Mecca of the Black person and a magnetic hub for the injured and the dispossessed of the race. But before this can happen, Nigeria must get its act together. It may well be that the forces driving these protests and unabating national discontent are far more fundamental and foundational than hitherto imagined. Nations do rise from the ashes of defeat, just as new nations arise from the colossal debris of global disorder. Ask Israel and ask the modern Arab nations themselves.

  • Okon services a non-performing loan

    Okon services a non-performing loan

    You can trust  Okon Anthony Okon to be in the thick of the social and political fray in times like this. As soon as the banking scandal broke, the mad Calabar has been running commentary and offering gratuitous advice to the detainees and their detainers. At times, he would boast that he was an EFCC consultant on debt recovery with services ranging from sleep deprivation to raising a colony of wild and remorseless mosquitoes to facilitate disorientation and eventual disintegration in prison cell. Among his achievements, he claimed to have serenaded one of the detainees out of hiding by singing Cecelia, an old Simon and Garfukel  classic, to her.

       One morning, the mad boy barged into my bedroom, panting and heaving like a demented horse. “Oga we don obtain dem list of dem debtors, na dem Yoruba people boku dem place, from A to Ziii. Yoruba people na obonge thieves”, the mad boy screamed.

    “How do you know?”, snooper asked rather indignantly.

        “I don look dem yeye list Elisabetically and dem,,,”

         “Okon, what is that?” snooper asked in alarm

        “You know when dem count from dem “a” till dem tire?”

         “ Oh you mean alphabetically”, snooper moaned in exaggerated displeasure.

          “ Oga, if you like make you you call am Albertically. But na Yoruba people go finish dis obodo. May be na the lagoon water dem dey drink”

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        You would have thought that a man huffing and puffing like this was himself above board. One morning, Okon ran into my room claiming that he was being pursued by EFCC debt collectors. Okon had taken a non-performing loan from a local bank.

    “Oga, Farida wan turn me to Farina”, the mad boy moaned in distress.

        “What did you use the money for?” snooper asked the mad boy in alarm.

        “I use am to service Saro woman for Amukoko, but….”, the boy said with a sheepish grin.

        “Then you must discharge your obligation immediately”, snooper screamed.

          “Oga discharge ke?  I never even begin to gallop sef before dem mad Saro woman go blow him whistle say time don go and money don burn. So na non-performing woman who come take non-performing loan. Finish. Make them EFCC go look for dat Yorubaman who come vamoose and leave Okon alone ooo”, the mad boy crowed.

       At this point, the dustbin woman started screaming.  “Oga gudumorin ooo. He be like if say Saro woman and dem EFCC dey look for Calabar boy oo. Dem say him take Leone. Saro woman say him don finish to soak him gari oo”

         Upon hearing this, Okon jumped out through the window and fell into the sewage tank.

  • The legend of the happy warrior Tribute to a master satirist

    The legend of the happy warrior Tribute to a master satirist

    Many readers of Olatunji Dare, master satirist and doyen of polished, felicitous writing, must have felt a pang of pain tinged with regret as the nobleman from Kabba signed off from his long-running column on this paper this past week. As this writer told him in a private tribute, many compatriots, yours sincerely included, have grown so accustomed to reading him from his days as the bus stop journalist, that they could not imagine life without the column and the columnist.

     But columns do die, and so do columnists themselves eventually. What is important is the lasting impression stilled in the consciousness of the populace and the impact on national conscience. Judging from the torrents of tributes as he clocked his eighth decade on earth last week, there can be no doubt that Dare has been hugely impactful and consequential for the nation both as a teacher of journalism and its active practitioner in Nigeria.

      Yet he remains an elusive quarry and quantity for many of his compatriots.  Diffident, retreating and self-effacing almost to the point of self-erasure, Dare is worth his weight in gold. It will be a mortal error for anyone to mistake his quiet retreating nature for lack of resolve or to confuse his diffidence and discretion for a namby-pamby complicity with evil. The notable columnist is a man of steely disposition and iron fortitude. On the occasion of his sixtieth birthday about twenty years ago, yours sincerely volunteered to fly over from San Antonio to his Peoria base only to be politely told not even to bother. The occasion was for quiet reflection and family members.

      Nigeria has thrown up many notable satirists, among them cartoonists who mock and damn with their brush rather than their pen but who remain under-celebrated and in glorious anonymity. This is probably because unlike the traditional painter or sculptor, the cartoonist illustrates with his brush what has already been painted in words or what has already been conceived in someone else’s imagination. As this writer once observed, even among geniuses there is a pecking order. In the league of super-satirists, Olatunji Dare belongs in a class of his own for reasons we shall adumbrate shortly.

    In his epic slugfest with the late Alade Odunewu in 1973 over diarchy, a combination of military and civilian rule,  Zik cunningly baited the great journalist by asking him whether he was ready for some preliminary skirmishes before the main tournament. A noted prize fighter in his youth, the Owelle of Onitsha was also a storied master of psychological intimidation and attrition in political warfare.

      By dropping heavy hints of the dire prospects that awaited Allah-De in entering the same ring with him, Zik was following the rule of engagement as laid down by the patron saint and military progenitor of Fabian warfare, Fabius Cunctator. The great Roman general it was who noted that preliminary skirmishes must never be fought with main artillery.  Always reserve the sucker punch and the overwhelming firepower for the last moment when the enemy might be deluded into thinking he was winning the war or the argument as the case may be.

      Like a compulsive combatant, Zik relished literary confrontations or the odd political discombobulation till old age. In advanced years the old duelist often cut the figure of an elderly hawk with its powerful talons primed for immediate deployment. No slight or contumely escaped his eagle-like surveillance. Those who tangled with him managed to extricate themselves with deep claw marks and bruises as if they had survived a Mammy wagon crash. Ask Ajie Ukpabi Asika who he woundingly dismissed as a lapsed Doctoral candidate. And ask the Oyi himself, Chuba Okadigbo, who barely escaped those waiting to physically fraternize with him at Flora’s funeral.

        Olatunji Dare is of a different breed and brood; a happy warrior at the level of professional and stylistic consciousness. Even though he has collected quite a few political and journalistic scalps in a long and distinguished career he goes about it in a civil and civilized manner and with a cheeriness and playful deadliness  which a few may find galling because it does not conform with the fierce urgency of the moment and its sectarian tempest. That is the nature of satirical writing in a charged and combustible atmosphere where even the most astute could be wrong footed.

       It will be appropriate at this point to say a few words about the notion of the happy warrior. The motif has travelled far and wide particularly in America. But it originated from an 1807 poem by William Wordsworth with the title, “Character of the Happy Warrior”. It was modeled on the career and life of Admiral Horatio Nelson of Trafalgar, the ultimate selfless patriot and noble man of action. Before he was taken down by a French sniper at the battle of Trafalgar, Nelson had already lost an eye and an arm in heroic exertions at the behest of his nation.

        In more recent times, this was the nickname of Herbert Humphrey, a notable American politician and statesman. The distinguished senator from Minnesota was the losing presidential candidate of the Democratic Party in the race to succeed Lyndon Baines Johnson in 1968. Richard Nixon was the winner. Combative and battle-joyous, Humphrey was ready to jump into the ring with anybody at short notice. But he was also known for his benign and benevolent politics.

     In the mass hysteria that followed the assassination of the Kennedy brothers, he was a figure of reason and calm judgment. Not long after losing the presidential election to Nixon, he found himself in the White House on a bi-partisan mission. After the meeting, he was invited for a tour of America’s preeminent sanctuary of power and prestige. Upon being chaperoned into the master bedroom in its majestic and magnificent splendor, Humphrey rued in good-natured self-depreciation. ”You know Richard , If I had known it is this beautiful here, I would have worked harder.”

      Perhaps we need to go back to traditional Africa for the quintessential encapsulation of the legend of the happy warrior. At the end of Sembene Ousmane’s groundbreaking novel, God’s Bits of Wood, a cinematographic capture of class confrontations as they reached a tipping point, the lead characters were admonished to fight and battle to the end without allowing hatred and bitterness to dwell in their heart in the tradition of some ancient Africa warriors.

      But how is it possible to fight and battle to the bitter end without allowing hatred and bitterness to dwell in one’s heart, particularly in a society marked by inequities and injustice of staggering and idiotic proportions? This writer suspects that this is an antinomy that dogged Dare in his distinguished career.  An antimony is an epistemological impasse, an irresolvable contradiction, an impossible moral conundrum that defies totalization.  In Dare, the animus sometimes seeps through having escaped the guardrails of urbane reticence and immense self-discipline. At other times, it is deflected on the pathway of a torrent of delicious and felicitous ironies in a strategic feint.

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      Only few people in history have been able to completely overcome this contradiction. For example, Karl Marx, the great philosopher of change and past master of proletarian polemics, could not. Marx saw no reason for moderation which he believed is a vice in the pursuit of social justice. He hated and abhorred the old European feudal oligarchy and the emergent bourgeois master-class with equal passion. On his deathbed, Marx vowed to make the bourgeoisie pay for every one of the carbuncles that had turned his life into an unrelenting misery. On the other hand and probably because of his aristocratic and more privileged background, Friedrich Engels, Karl Marx’s confidante and collaborator, was far more benign and conciliatory.

      There are more than enough grounds and excuses in Dare’s chequered career to be angry and disappointed. But he has managed it very well. Nominally and peripherally from the north, he was ideologically and politically dissociated from its conservative politics as a result of a progressive upbringing as well as his own egalitarian worldview. He could not have expected rapturous approval from its feudal honchos. Its loud silence on his stellar accomplishments speaks volumes.

      But it was a case of double jeopardy. If the northern oligarchy had little or no time for him, the self-consumed and self-obsessed Yoruba political establishment was also tardy and remiss in making use of his abundant talents. Yet there is a play of ironic signifiers across binary divisions which must have impacted on Dare as a humane and compassionate composite.

      For every humiliation he experienced in the hands of rude and wanton boys as a teacher on the playing fields of Birnin-Kebbi, he will always remember the glorious example of Major Mustapha Jokolo whom he taught as a young chap in the same place and who has continued to accord him utmost courtesy and kindness. To compensate for the tardiness of the Yoruba establishment, there is always the example of Lagos State and its succession of governors who have treated him with utmost courtesy and kindness since the advent of civil rule.

      Having politically unbundled the man, that leaves perhaps his most significant part, which is Dare the stylistic exemplar.  This is the essence of the man. Nigeria has thrown up many stylistic titans, men who could command words to do anything for them. Even among this distinguished lot, Dare stands out for the integrity and passion that power his writing. It is said that a man’s word is his bond. Shakespeare famously quips that “words have become rascals since bonds disgraced them”. But the master satirist from Kabba would have none of that in the magisterial suzerainty he exercises over the written word.

      Hence his disavowal of sloppy writing, rude writing and writing that disgrace writing. Dare could smell the dabbler and dilettante of the written word from a distance. The dabbler merely lumps words together in a crude and inchoate manner hoping to create some effect. But the master is not impressed. Great prose is made of sterner stuff.

      Exceptional writing is the product of exceptional mental labour. In extreme concentration and like a mini-god of creation, the writer is transformed and transported to a supra-human portal where nothing else matters.   Nothing can be more intriguing and ennobling than to chance upon Dare as he finessed his delectable prose completely unaware of his immediate surroundings. It is like witnessing a lion in labour.  You quickly shut the door.

      In this writer’s life time the only other comparable experience was to happen upon Dele Giwa as the ace prose maestro knocked away at his typewriter oblivious of everything else even as he lapped at his favourite Benson and Hedges stick of cigarette as if it was a bar of honey. He was a picture of celestial rapture, a cherubic smile hovering around his lips as he fingered and figured out the most magical combinatoire on the keyboard. Dele Giwa was murdered almost forty years ago but his words continue to resonate. So will Dare’s own memorable disquisitions beyond our age and succeeding eons.