Category: Tatalo Alamu

  • The Dean’s November

    The Dean’s November

    It has been a glorious week for journalism in Nigeria and for a scandal-fatigued nation by extension. There can be nothing more morally satisfying than watching good people finish first. In the ethical free trade zone that is Nigeria, this is immensely gratifying and a cause to be grateful to almighty. Allah de indeed.

    Watching the great man soak up all the accolades and encomiums , all the ringing ovations and rousing oratory at the Yoruba Tennis club last Monday, was like watching a king in autumnal splendour. It is the dean’s November. And all the men of timber and calibre came to pay their respects to the doyen.

    It was like an occult gathering of bi-centennial egunguns. The entire hall reeked of camphor cubes, organdi lace and other ancestral textiles. There were one or two double partings reminiscent of Edwardian dandies. Victorian Lagos came alive again.

    It was a Veterans’ Day, and as the reviewer of the collection, Dan Agbese, noted, it was perhaps the greatest collection of aging journalists that the nation has witnessed. Perhaps not since they founded Yaba Old People’s Home, snooper must caution. It was 17 years since snooper himself had a memorable breakfast of steaming Oturkpo yam porridge with Dan in company of the impossible Colonel Dickson Ovie-Itete. In the intervening years, the great Newswatch trailblazer himself has taken on a sage otherworldly hue.

    The man of the moment took it all in his stride. Not for once did the calm, impassive and Roman noble exterior betray any emotion. Like an all-seeing, all-knowing traditional deity, Allah De wore his usual mask of Olympian reticence. Only my master knew what my master was thinking about. Alhaji Alade Idowu Odunewu took in all the hype and hoopla with a regal forbearance that suggested good breeding and cultivated restraint. There is a stoic equanimity about the man that communicated deep wisdom and even deeper faith. When shall we see his like again?

    When Winston Churchill was told that Clement Atlee, his great rival and ultimate electoral conqueror, was a modest man, Churchill noted with caustic severity that Atlee had everything to be modest about. In our own Alade Odunewu we have a man who has everything not to be modest about but who has chosen the path of modesty and rectitude. There is something ultimately forbidding about Allah De’s simplicity and lack of airs. There is something about his casual, self-effacing mien that is a subtle indictment of the pompous self-importance of many of our contemporary rulers. Allah De is a different proposition altogether.

    There are great writers who are squalid human beings. There are great people who are squalid writers. There are people who are squalid human beings and squalid writers to the bargain. To be a great writer and a great person is a rare combination indeed. Alade Odunewu, by right and reputation, belongs to this special breed. Nigeria has produced greater writers and perhaps greater people in the realm of politics and entrepreneurial daring. But Allah De is in a class of his own as a great person and a great columnist.

    In their epic duel which was to earn Allah De the sobriquet of the dean of satirical journalism in Nigeria, Zik of Africa cautioned Odunewu about deploying major artillery to fight minor skirmishes. How about some preliminary skirmishes before the main tournament, Zik famously asked of his antagonist, trying to lure the wily journalist into a fatal clinch. Allah De did not decline. The result is a classic slugfest that has since become a benchmark for civilised discourse in post-colonial Nigeria.

    Zik, the apostle of Fabian socialism, the ardent disciple of Fabius Cunctator, the great Roman strategist of attrition, was drawing Allah De’s attention to one of the fabled tenets of delayed engagement and graduated violence as learnt from the master himself. Preliminary skirmishes must not be fought with major artillery. But the great Zik could have saved his breath. Allah De was never one to rush into political hostilities.

    In the end, it boils down to a question of style for great man and great columnist. The great riddle of Allah De’s life as a man and a prose stylist has to do with the complexity of simplicity. More often than not, it is not simple to be simple. Although Allah De’s style evinces a powerful simplicity, it is a simplicity that has been worked over several times by a profound and complex mind. It is not the simplicity of the Fleet Street journeyman, or the simplicity of the zealot of the American night school of journalism and ersatz fast food communication. It is a simplicity under-girded by a potent imagination.

    This is the point Dan Agbese seems to miss in his otherwise refreshing review. While praising Allah De for the simplicity and elegance of his writing, Agbese also betrays the mindset of the fundamentalist of the old school of journalism with its war cry of clarity and lucidity. By so doing, Agbese manages to skirt round the issue thus resurrecting an old stylistic ghost which dogged Newswatch at its inception and which provoked a memorable defence of stylistic complexity by one of its star columnists.

    It is true that the classical canons of modern mass communication are anchored on lucidity and simplicity of style. But such lucidity and simplicity of expression are often in collusion and complicity with ruling class agenda. They are tools of mass deception. The simplistic mind often hides under the mantra of simplicity to obscure and obfuscate complex issues.

    In the tortured and tormented labyrinth of the post-colonial state, with its state assisted crimes and ruling class delinquency, this kind of simplicity is going to be a tall order indeed. In a post-modernist world where writing about adventure is also the adventure of writing itself, this is like a relapse into stone- age verbal exchanges among hunter-gatherers of primitive information.

    At any rate, less is just less. Anybody who has something memorable to say must find a memorable way to say it, if they are to register with posterity. Poor Dan Agbese, journalism is too serious a business to be left to professional journalists. It is not by coincidence that the most remarkable journalists that Nigeria has produced are people who bring the fertile resources of other professions to bear on the trade.

    We are talking about the great Zik with his polyvalent potency, Awo with his classical erudition, Anthony Enahoro with his powerful intellect, Aiyekoto with his urbane and cosmopolitan swashbuckling, Allah De with his world-weary wisdom and superlative imagination, Sad Sam with his cynical perspicacity, Gbolabo Ogunsanwo with his polysyllabic virtuosity, Dele Giwa with his elaborate literary conceits, Stanley Macebuh with his mandarin ruminations and our own Olatunji Dare with the clinical clarity of an absconding scientist.

    While most of these men often return to their primary trade, while some of them would take a French leave from journalism, Allah De remains the quintessential journalist. Again, it is a question of style and taste. Allah De does not mix journalism with partisan politics. But this is not say that he was ever indifferent to the political fortunes of his beloved country. When affronted, Allah De roiled with quiet tempest. But he was wise and worldly enough to leave political rascality to the professional rascals. In such moments of sublime impotence, the great man would probably sigh: Allah De.

    The result is a body of writing that is at once penetratingly critical but also ruler-friendly. This is the man the entire nation celebrated last week. Since everybody seems to have an Allah De story, snooper might as well end with his own. Once upon a long time ago, Allah De missed his way in the jungle of primeval beauty that was one of the nation’s finest universities.

    Snooper snooping around as usual in the dense jungle recognised the great man and helped him on his way. The doyen was full of urbane gratitude. It turned out that in characteristic humility and fatherly affection the great man had come all the way from Lagos to thank one of his daughter’s teachers for his diligence and devotion.

    Last week the nation returned the full compliment to one of its most illustrious and noble sons. It was a moveable feast. Here is wishing the great dean many happy returns of the day, sir.

  • Mama Igosun haunts Okon

    Not even good old Okon could believe his eyes. The world is full of strange turns and twists. There are times when day dreaming turns into nightmares and when actual reality becomes a dream-like reverie. Is dreaming a slice of life or is life itself part of a huge collective dream? Whatever it is, when a child gets to the place of fear, fear must overpower it.

    Okon rubbed his eyes to make sure it was not a nasty dream. But there was Mama Igosun, now hunched and hobbled by age, leaning on a carved walking stick and blocking Okon’s exit from the kitchen. She was carrying her trademark apothecary’s pouch containing dangerous charms and fireworks. Her capacity for domestic confrontation remained undiminished by advancing years. Okon took a look and froze with fright.

    “God of Israeli, which one be dis one again? I think dem say say dis witch don die”, Okon mumbled to himself.

    “Iyanla iya baba ee”, the old woman began cursing in vernacular and then switched to her unique pidgin English, “na your grandma be witch.”

    “Mama , I hear say Ogunpa River don carry you go, abi na dem Tokyo boy?” Okon taunted.

    “Na your papa him grandma Ogunpa dey carry go like dat. No think say I no sabi say na you come set fire for house for Igosun. I dey take my time because pounded yam still they hot after twenty years. Now I come da sheria for you. Wey your oga sef?” the feisty old woman demanded.

    “Ha mama, dat one dey hide somewhere becos I don declare labour unrest for house”, Okon noted with a satanic smile.

    “Wetin be labour unrest? Your mama pregnant?” the old woman demanded.

    “Mama ..” Okon began and was cut off by the no-nonsense matriarch.

    “Shut up!!! If to say your mama pregnant, I fit deliver am. I train for midwife for Eku Baptist when my husband be PWD for Sapele, But we no dey allow oloriburuku boy like you to come out. Na for inside womb we dey finis dem, make dem no come cause trouble for ilu”, the old woman fumed.

    “Mama, you be illustrate woman. Labour unrest mean say I wan more money”, Okon jeered.

    “Who go pay yeye cook like you more money? I don tell Akanbi to fire you. I go bring am four Agatu for Mokola make dem come dey cook for am. Agatu pople no dey eat snail, but you Cameroon Kukuruku you dey steal sotey your belly go burst one day. Omo ale!” the old woman screamed.

    “Mama dis one you dey do na child abuse,” Okon protested.

    “I never abuse you. When I comot my knife you go see,” the old woman screamed. By now, Okon was considering the possibility of ejecting through the open window.

    “Okolobo, abi wetin you dey call dat your funny name? Set the kitchen, I wan cook olu and tata for Akanbi” the old woman raved and moved forward in a threatening manner.

    “Kai, mama, I know say Tata be one useless boy and Dan iska who dey write nonsense for dem internet but Olu be my girlfriend, make you no whack person just like dat.” Okon pleaded.

    “Wereeeeee!!! Olu na mushroom and tata na cricket,” the old woman fumed and lurched forward to hit Okon with her walking stick. Okon dived but hit his head against the sharp edge of the wall. It was at this point he woke up. It was a nasty dream.

  • Another country is possible

    Another country is possible

    (A Miracle at the Murtala Muhammed Airport)

    Like an aging crooner, snooper is in a very soapy and sentimental mood this morning. It may have to do with the onset of the Harmattan weather and its exhilarating haze which often leads to undue excitement and a loss of balance and sober perspective. Or it may be due to the approach of Christmas, the period of child-like gaiety, charity and goodwill. At a charity ball, the impossible and irascible Bernard Shaw was once asked by a society lady why she of all people was the object of his fawning affection and adulation. “It’s a Charity show, isn’t it?” the crusty curmudgeon shot back.

    But Bernard Shaw or no Bernard Shaw, there are times when you feel that with all its faults and dangerous fault lines, it is a great honour to be a Nigerian. With its mystique, its mysterious allure, its great personality and combustible mix of macho and masochism, Nigeria is a great country waiting for a great leader. Under existing configurations, we may have to wait till the end of time for that mirage, that is, if somebody does not pull the fatal plug. But there are moments when something happens to remind one of the great possibilities of this nation if we get it right. Biological clocks also tick for nations.

    Yes, another country is possible. But it will take a lot of incentives and disincentives. Incentives for good, civil and civilised behaviour, and disincentives in the form of harsh and swift retribution for uncivil and uncivilised conduct , particularly in the public arena. It is the human institutions that we have built and sustained that have helped humanity evolve away from the state of nature where everything is short, nasty and brutish. Take these man-made institutions away and we are not much better than our animal cousins. As a writer once put it, mankind first civilised on the plains of Africa, but he has not continued to do so there.

    The de-civilisation and dehumanisation of Nigeria, the regression into the stark ethos of the Stone Age society, did not begin in one day or in one era. It has been a slow excruciating process. With today’s eighty per-centers just imagine what the ten per-centers of the First Republic so famously and implacably excoriated by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu would think of us as a people and a nation. Or just imagine how innocent in retrospect Admiral Augustus Akabue Aikhomu’s famous doctrine of the misapplication of funds seems in the light of current total evacuation of the Exchequer !

    Proverbially and symbolically, a fish starts rotting from the head. It is when the elite of a nation lose the cerebral capacity for a visionary conception of a better society and the capability for moral imagination that a society begins to nosedive. If we are not at the rock bottom yet, we cannot be that far away.

    With due respect to General Olusegun Obasanjo, what is starring us in the face is not imminent revolution. That revolution of his imagining ought to have come a long time ago. A revolutionary situation subsists when there is still some residual and rudimentary normative order to society, when an active and however tiny section of the ruling class miraculously escapes the general ethical paralysis. But when the unforeseeable is about to collide with the unknowable, it is called revolutionary anarchy. That apocalyptic meltdown is already upon us

    Yet despite this vision of Armageddon, there are moments when something to cheer crops up in the ethical fiasco of contemporary Nigeria. It is something to applaud when one notices a stirring in the right direction, when a fallen giant of a nation heaves and haws in the right direction as it tries to lift its great heft off the ground. These nuggets of hope may well be the last snapshots of derailed possibilities. Or they may be the seeds of regeneration and miraculous redemption.

    Last Monday yours sincerely arrived at the Murtala Muhammed Airport on a British Airways flight after a short trip abroad. Over the years, one had learnt to expect the worst from Nigerian airports. There were times in the past when the arrival hall often reminds one of an inner city asylum and its berserk denizens.

    But it has to be said that slowly and quite obviously some order and rationality have kept into the procedure. It still takes a long while to retrieve luggage from the gasping and epileptic conveyor belts. Pimping, touting and “les protocols” in the manner of Mobutu’s Zaire have been reduced to a minimum. The passage and the arrival halls are well-lit, but the cooling system is still grossly inadequate despite improvement over the years. The custom officials were stern but polite and unobtrusive. One of them even managed to crack a joke at snooper’s expense before waving one off with much gusto.

    Outside, particularly in the outer perimeter and outward margins of the airport, it was still a no-man’s land. Petty thieves, cut-purses, assassins on the prowl mix freely with well-wishers and other sympathetic undertakers. This is the tense and turbulent confluence of the people of the underworld and the denizens of the Nigerian underground, those who have been banished into the deep bowel of the society by misery and deprivation. You have a feeling that many of these callow criminals are driven to crime by the dire need to keep body and soul together.

    Far from the maddening crowd… as they say. It was a tired and drowsy snooper that jumped into the waiting car after making sure that all the contents of the wheel cart had been safely evacuated—or so it seemed. It was time to face squarely the next battle of how to get home safely. The fact that you are out of the airport precincts in one piece does not mean that you are going to get home in one piece if you are coming from the airport.

    That requires a different set of survival skills, which includes ability to dodge bullets or the limbs of a superior athlete if you have to make a dash for it. The armed robbers know their route and rote very well and this includes which vast stretches of the lonely road out of the airport remain unpoliced. In such circumstances, you just have to ride your luck hoping that your number does not come up on a particular night,

    Eighteen years earlier, on the evening of August 26th, 1994, snooper’s number had come up after arriving back in Nigeria on the same British Airways flight from London. In what looked like a state-inspired armed robbery, the car was suddenly hemmed in and pinned down around the Portland Cement exit on Ikorodu Road. In a textbook military operation, gun-toting hoodlums swiftly surrounded the car. Yours sincerely and other occupants were dragged out and ordered to lie on the main Ikorodu Road. Snooper refused. But in a flash, everything was gone including the car.

    Intriguingly, that was also the night that General Abacha’s reign of terror finally took on a life of its own. Across the same road and around the same time, the chambers of Gani Fawehinmi, the iconic lawyer, was being burgled and his guards maimed. Air Commodore Dan Suleiman’s residence around Yaba was also firebombed that same evening.

    It was Segun Odegbami who kindly took yours sincerely to a local tailor in Fadeyi to be kitted with a new pair of trousers and shirt. Ironically, it was the same Segun Odegbami who helped to retrieve snooper’s laptop from the overhead compartment of the aircraft last Monday evening after a bout of professorial amnesia. How some people remain a permanent fixture is a mystery.

    Luckily, snooper got home safely on Monday evening. Although the security situation has worsened in some national aspects, 1994 seems far away from 2012, and so is state gangsterism. On Tuesday morning, disaster struck as snooper was preparing for the day’s chore. The laptop was nowhere to be found. For a moment, snooper thought it was a nasty dream. But the laptop had truly disappeared. They have finished me! Snooper cried to himself.

    In a jumble of conspiracy theories, snooper’s mind immediately fixed on a tall gangling youth with a lupine visage who was begging to help with lifting the luggage from the cart. The Lucifer must have nicked the laptop. In their bid to hurriedly evacuate from the airport premises, the aides must have left the laptop in the cart for easy picking. Oh Lord, it is malarial mid day! For anybody who lives by the computer key board, losing your laptop is the equivalent of a death sentence. The computer is the bank vault of the engaged intellectual; or his armoury if you like. Losing it is like going to war with the sheath of your sword, or what the Igbo call an efulefu.

    In a fit of panic and disorientation, snooper ordered his derelict aides to go to the airport and come back with the laptop whatever it took. On paper, it was a foolish and forlorn mission. Even in civilised nations, the modern airport is not a place of charity. After waiting in vain for about four hours, it was a crestfallen and hesitant snooper that called one of the chaps. They were on their way back, came the glum reply. But what about the computer? Yes, it was found and safely deposited at the zonal office. After a letter of authorisation and proper documentation, the computer was released.. It was miracle day in Ikeja.

    Snooper wishes to thank the airport manager for the South Zone, his men and women and the security people at the airport for this Christmas gift. They were professional to boot. Not a penny was demanded or given. Snooper did not even show up. It is moments like this that one is proud to be a Nigerian despite all the problems. For a nation, it is of signal importance to cultivate a cult of heroic example.

    It is profoundly salutary and instructive that this miracle should take place in an airport named after the illustrious Murtala Ramat Muhammed, Nigeria’s iconic military leader. To his detractors, Murtala was everything a head of state ought not to have been: a tribalist in uniform, an ethnic irredentist, a war scoundrel and a bank robber. But in a feat of radical epiphany, Murtala first transformed himself before seeking to transform the nation. There can be no transformative agenda without self-transformation. You cannot be sovereign over others without being sovereign over yourself. If it is not too late, this is the lesson for our leaders. Another country is very possible..

  • Okon floors Father Kukah

    Okon floors Father Kukah

    (On the rise of Wa Jetzi}

    Just about the time one has finished praising the country for a healthy development in one department, one is immediately confronted by unsavoury developments at a more worrisome level. This one is a superior mess because it hints at spiritual decay and utter debauchery in the church. There is already a concurrent armed critique of the state and a major religion going on at the moment. The contemptuous invasion and desecration of hitherto hallowed spaces of worship by armed hoodlums may well be the beginning of another brand of the same phenomenon.

    Snooper has been monitoring the unholy kong-fu among men of God ever since Bishop Kukah detonated his grenade about the embarrassment of jet-setting spiritualists. The internet dogfight and proxy wrestling have seen supporters on both sides locked in a mortal clinch. For daring to upbraid their idol, some irate commentators have gone as far as dismissing Kukah himself as an AGIP. Temperance, my lords spiritual, temperance. In Kenya, it was the Wa Benzi or the Mercedes people. In Nigeria, it is now the church Wa Jetzi.

    In a bid to write a long objective piece on this development, snooper has had to seek an advance permission from Bishop M.H. Kukah to quote portions of an earlier private exchange between the two of us to illuminate the perennial dilemma of the civil society activist transiting to state actor. When no response came, snooper sent a terse reminder which elicited the following response from the feisty father confirming that he never got the first memo. “Is this [Name of suspect withheld]……the Master and Slave driver of poor Okon? Perhaps the guy swallowed it as protest over poor pay.”

    Like a practised spiritual insurgent, Bishop Kukah has set fire on snooper’s homestead, opening another front before one could subject him to a severe siege. Snooper has long suspected that Okon has some masters high up in the system who are urging him to declare a trade dispute. To the best of our knowledge, the boy enjoys free boarding and lodging, apart from generous stipends which allow him to indulge his satanic fancies.

    It was an irate snooper that pursued the crazy boy to the kitchen the following morning.

    “Okon, do you know Father Kukah?”:snooper demanded

    “Chei, kai kai, Oga dem Ibo thief don beat man to dem title,”

    “And whst is that supposed to mean?”, a furious snooper charged.

    “Oga abi father cooker no be baba for all dem cook? Na dem title I wan take. But cook na cook. Na too know dey make dem Yoruba people dey call cook cooker. So na me be father cooker, But he get one Yoruba man for Surulere dem dey call Chief Kuku. Dat one he don cook sotey he don become chief”, the crazy boy retorted with mad relish.

    “Okon, you are a fool. I mean Reverend Father Kukah, the Catholic priest”, snooper corrected.”,

    “Ha oga, dat one for Costain for Kaduna? I sabi am well well. Na to my village for Itigidi him come run as dem Abacha wan kaput am. For dem early morning dem man they cry cuckoo, cuckoo as if dem Abacha don dabaru him head. Him say dem small bird wey dey protect him from Abacha na dem him dey call, but dem Oyinbo engineer come tell us say cuckoo mean say him head no correct again”, the mad boy sniggered

    “Okon, Okon!!!! Father Kukah is condemning church leaders who buy planes,” snooper stated without excitement or flourish.

    “Ha oga for that case, na only god of man fit save man from dem men of God. But na too know dey worry dem yaro Father. Wetin concern Kukah if dem holy people dey buy plane? No be dem plane dem go take reach heaven? If dem wan go reach god quick quick no be dem plane go take dem go? Dis Kukah man sef, na bad belle dey worry am. Abi him no sabi say when overseer don oversee too much him dey go overseas be dat?”

    On that note, snooper quickly beat a disorderly retreat.

  • A Titan despite everything

    A Titan despite everything

    Snooper mourns the passing of the late master of Ilorin feudal politics, Dr Abubakar Olusola Saraki. Human greatness has nothing to do with ideological and political divides. You do not have to share a man’s political beliefs in order to acknowledge his distinction. Any other thing is spite and self-belittling hatred.

    Despite our profound disagreement with his feudal and ultra-conservative brand of politics, there can be no doubt that the late physician was a titan in this peculiar territory. He was a master of the masses and a lord of the lowly. Despite the fine aristocratic airs of a northern feudal baron, there was always more than a hint of menace and steely resolve lurking just below the surface. This was not a man to toy or mess around with

    You cannot come from virtually nowhere to impose yourself on a political environment so completely and comprehensively that nothing seemed to have been before without great political balls or cujones. Saraki’s collection of gubernatorial political scalps from Ibrahim Attah to Mohammed Lawal attests to his valour as a political headhunter in the jungle of Nigerian politics. The shy diffidence, the courteous affability and urbane restraint only made Saraki a more deadly customer. He was a man of spectacular pluck and grit.

    Yet despite his progress-challenged and development-unfriendly brand of politics, there was always a hint of great compassion, of genuine generosity, honour and nobility of spirit about the man. Despite the foolish political misjudgement which led him to enter the ring with his ruthless and equally determined son, he was honorable enough to acknowledge defeat and to concede that perhaps his time was up in politics. Like all great politicians, the gambling instincts which stood him so well in his colourful career also proved his eventual nemesis.

    Saraki’s last days were spent in the political shadows marked by declining health and even more dramatically declining political relevance. Kwara politics appears to have moved on. There is time for everything. There is no political empire on which the sun will not set eventually. This time it has taken the rising son to accelerate the setting sun. Things do not get more tragically ironic. May his great soul find perfect rest.

     

  • King Lear comes to Agbaji

    King Lear comes to Agbaji

    Great political drama is afoot in Kwara State. Dear readers, let us leave bombers, bunglers and the ailing Nigerian state alone this week for a trip to the land of Dadakuada music. In Ilorin, a fascinating and superbly choreographed royalist soap is winging its way to a fateful climax. It is absolutely riveting, a combination of Dallas and Dynasty with the old King Lear thrown in.

    The stage is set. The firecrackers are crackling to the resounding beat of war drums in the eerie background. The sanmoris, the jamas, the onitijus, the onigogos and the fanatical hordes of Oke Suna—the quarters of the faithful—are watching with keen interest. These foot soldiers with their core of itinerant Muslim preachers, politicised clerics, jaded jihadists and other spiritual wannabes have always been the real power behind the throne since the Islamic coup of Malam Alimi , and they make the former fiefdom of Afonja such a fascinating sociological case history.

    But don’t forget that Napoleon once famously observed that a throne is only a bench covered with damask. The end of a political dynasty or its metamorphosis is here. There are echoes of fierce ambition, of filial impiety and political perfidy. There are hints of a fey and slightly unhinged king Lear about to preside over the dissolution of his own political empire.

    The main protagonists are very well known. In one corner of the royal ring prowls the aging political pugilist and much lionised avatar of Kwara politics, Abubakar Olusola Saraki, an outstanding surgeon of politics if ever there was one. A man of superhuman energy and vitality combined with extraordinary political dexterity, Saraki has grafted and sutured together a durable political dynasty which has endured all stress and storms. Like all thoroughbred feudal monarchs, Saraki does not take hostages. Behind his jovial and avuncular comportment lies steely glint and an iron will of implacable severity.

    In the other corner, Saraki’s son and heir now unapparent, Abubakar Olubukola , crouches with tigrish fortitude and in fine feline fettle, too. Bukola’s imperious airs of feudal entitlement and his occasionally fatuous and ill-judged pronouncements on national matters may not endear him to many, but there is little doubt that he has proved himself a formidable political dead ringer of his famous father. After eight years of being in charge of Kwara state, the medical doctor on permanent sabbatical has cobbled together a canny alliance which has sent his father and benefactor packing from the royal castle and now threatens his political supremacy.

    As far as political intrigues go, this is the father of all biological coups and the ultimate designer baby of political patricide. Thrown into the ring with them as hostage and hostess is the favoured daughter and latest pretender to the throne, Olugbemisola Saraki. A serving senator of the Federal Republic, the fetching and delectable Gbemisola is no Benazir Bhutto, the redoubtable daughter of the East, who had to face off her vagabond and wayward brothers to grab the ultimate laurel. It is more like a sea lioness being thrown into pool of crazed sharks.

    But complexities and contradictions do abound. A democratic throne is a violent oxymoron. Modern Nigeria itself is a land of rowdy contradictions and at this point in time there is no point in ruffling feathers about the peculiar sociological and cultural milieu of Kwara state. Suffice it to note for now that baring a violent revolution in Nigeria which abolishes its last vestiges of feudalism, it is virtually impossible to win back in peace time what you lost on the pre-colonial warfront.

    Had William Shakespeare lived around this time in post-colonial Nigeria, his extraordinarily fecund imagination would have found much grist to its ever churning mill. But even the great bard of Stratford-Upon Avon would have been forced to accommodate new pressing and urgent realities. King Lear has come to Agbaji, but the old royal baggage remains in Elizabethan England.

    In King Lear, we see a sick, tired and worn monarch in a fit of senile grandeur trying to divest himself of his royal patrimony. In other words, a king is presiding over the dissolution of his own empire among his beloved daughters. His condition is as simple as it is simple-minded: protestations of love and devotion from the daughters. While the first two, Regan and Gonerill, faithfully and opportunistically began singing sonnets of love, the third, Cordelia, promptly demurred, claiming that there is indeed no art to find the mind’s construction on the face. The father promptly disinherits her, inviting a calamity of unimaginable magnitude.

    Had King Lear been a modern day monarch, he would probably have been diagnosed as manifesting the onset of senile dementia clinically known as Alzheimer’s Disease. He would have been sanctioned or eased from the throne. As usual with Shakespeare, while he was rhapsodising about the nobility and stoic lack of guile of an older world represented by the old king, he was also foreshadowing the arrival of a more complex and complicated society mediated by the Industrial Revolution and its urban pathologies. The new man is epitomised by Edmund with his ubiquitous savvy and Machiavellian audacity of courage.

    As he took his case against his own son to the crowd of faithful in his Ilorin GRA redoubt with the cogency and the clinical clarity of an absconding medico, there was no sign of senile dementia in the older Saraki. Although now betraying signs of the depredations and corrugations of age, Abubakar Olusola Saraki was as nimble-footed as he was quick-witted. His beloved son has been misled by idiots, a furious democratic monarch charged. His logic is simple and compelling: if you subscribe to a royalist code of succession and benefited immensely from it, you cannot change the code in midstream. By toying with this sacred and divine order, the son has joined the former henchmen of his father in the gallery of infamy and political treachery.

    This is all well and good, but there is something about Saraki senior which reminds one of the medieval rulers in the epoch of classical feudalism. Like King Louis of France who famously retorted that “l’etat c’est moi!!”, Saraki elder is proclaiming: “Kwara state is me!!!.” This monarchical veto and autocratic fiat is incompatible with a democratic dispensation. Like a medieval ruler, Olusola Saraki attributes divine wisdom and absolute infallibility to his choices which jars with the idea of the citizen as a discrete sovereign in his own right.  It is noteworthy that the camp of the son has been quite muted in its response and diplomatically coy about taking the battle frontally to the old man’s quarters. With the reins and levers of power firmly in  his hands, Bukola appears content with running rings round his old man before moving for the kill with a little help from the federal might. A plebeian intruder who was rude to the founding father was quickly slapped down and sent to political Siberia.

    Having prevailed over all his former associates turned mortal adversaries such as Adamu Attah, Shaba Lafiagi and lately Mohammed Lawal, it will amount to an epic irony if the older Saraki were to succumb to his own son in a royal battle of wits and will. That would be divine justice of punitively poetic proportions.

    Having seen the inside of government and governance for eight years, what Bukola Saraki seems to be saying is that there is time for everything. Even for a famous First Family, the patriarch’s wisdom cannot approximate to the collective wisdom of the people. The retort will be that the son was a political nobody before his father enthroned him and he is in absolutely no position to query his benefactor except he is succumbing to dark and sinister sibling rivalry and filial ingratitude masquerading as public order and morality.

    In all this, the vaster multitude are nothing but bemused spectators in a play of giants. This has always been the case with this northernmost outpost of the old Yoruba Empire. Have cavalry and Islamic charms and will travel. Afonja, its old Yoruba ruler, a courageous but feckless generalissimo with remote maternal roots to the Oyo royal lineage, was the last coup maker of the empire. He demanded and eventually got the suicide of the last king, Awole, after accusing the latter of plotting to eliminate him.

    After Afonja himself was sent down in a palace coup with a hundred arrows embedded in his body, making him stand in stiffened erection like a crusader’s effigy, a succession of Fulani emirs were treated with absolute scorn and contempt by the warlords. One of them, Moma, was assassinated in 1895. In the case of the gifted but half-crazed Balogun Karara, he routinely marched on the capital from his Offa redoubt installing and removing emirs at will until the colonial intervention put an end to the road show.

    This is the suzerainty that Olusola Saraki inherited by default. Ilorin has not always been the political hunting ground of the Sarakis. In 1964 when Saraki, a freshly qualified doctor from Britain, attempted to run as an independent candidate for the House of Representatives, he was given an electoral black eye and forced to beat a humiliating retreat to his Lagos base. But he rallied, deploying the allure of increasing prosperity and the power of guileful generosity.

    By 1983 when he helped the UPN’s Cornelius Tunji Adebayo to trounce Adamu Attah, the sitting governor, Saraki had become the undisputed political boss of Kwara. But queries about his ambiguous pedigree and dubious lineage persist. Till date, there has been no response to a devastating riposte from Abdul-Ganiyu Abdul-Rasaq, the notable Ilorin lawyer, that Saraki’s father was an Abeokuta indigene who only came to Agbaji for Koranic studies. But even then, the current rulers of the famous city are not indigenes themselves. In Saraki, Ilorin was merely obeying its old logic of political warlordism combined with spiritual predation.

    There are tantalising possibilities in the current face off between father and son which show that history often moves forward by lurching sideways. If the elder Saraki were to prevail against his son, would he have the courage and bloody-minded audacity to bring the full weight of treason against his adored son? If on the other hand, the younger Saraki succeeds in vanquishing his father would the old man, now worn and exhausted by age and political misfortune, suffer the fate of cruel banishment like the old King Lear?

    Either way, something tells snooper that the bell is tolling for the Saraki dynasty in Kwara. If Bukola prevails, he would have succeeded in opening up the democratic space in Kwara in a profoundly ironic and paradoxical manner. This in spite of himself and his decidedly reactionary worldview which he ventilates with imperial arrogance.

    If on the other hand the father trumps the son, he would have succeeded in installing the first female executive governor in the history of the nation, a feat that has eluded far more progressive enclaves. If this feat were to be achieved in a harshly patriarchal bastion of feudal politics, it will show the cunning of history on spectacular display. Judging from what we have heard of her, nothing will then stop Gbemi from washing some dirty family linen in the public space if only to permanently see off her disloyal brother.

    Every success contains the germ of eventual failure. There may be not much to choose between feudalised democracy and democratised feudalism, but history is still unfolding. When President John F. Kennedy was assassinated, a political sadist cruelly taunted his bedridden father. “This is one deal old Joe cannot fix”. It looks like this is one deal Oloye cannot fix. King Lear has finally arrived in Agbaji. But it will be noted by many generations to come that a major political physician once passed through the plains of Kwara.

  • The Odour of Chrysanthemum

    The Odour of Chrysanthemum

    And while we are still on the subject of the distinguished departed, it is meet to report on the passing of the legal legend and indefatigable colossus of jurisprudence, Justice Kayode Esho. He was a man who used the instrumentality of legal adjudication to advance the cause of political justice in a backward neo-colonial society. This great icon will be missed by many who have come to admire his sharp and penetrating intellect, his vast erudition and implacable forthrightness.

    In the past week or so, Nigeria has lost four of its most eminent and distinguished sons, Hope Harriman, the great industrialist with his cutting wit and hail-fellow-well-met bonhomie; Lam Adesina, columnist, educator and great grassroots politician; Olusola Saraki, the Ilorin power broker, and now Justice Kayode Esho. The odour of Chrysanthemum, the flower of death as D.H Lawrence famously reminded us in a remarkable short story, pervades Nigeria.

    The deaths of these great and illustrious Nigerians is sending a grim message to us. We are fast approaching the final end of an era; the era of titans. Unfortunately, and as we have seen in the particular case of football, not many new great products are coming off the production line. To put it bluntly, the factory of true human greatness and genuine distinction seems to have shut down in the nation a long time ago. Lilliputs have gone for lollypot.

    It is a dark, dismal and depressing scenario. But there is hope based on a dispassionate reading of history. It is precisely when a society reaches the end of the road when something miraculous happens. Neither in rectification or retribution will Nigeria be an exception.

     

  • Obama as  Uber-man

    Obama as Uber-man

    The superman finally came to the American supermarket this past week. It is the rise of Uber-Man, a human phenomenon that transcends race, class and religion. Please permit the special coinage, a conflation of German and English. The Uber-Man is a superhuman being , but not in the classical German sense. It is an ordinary man who rose to extraordinary heights by capturing the moral imagination and better aspirations of his society.

    There is something infinitely satisfying when good people finish first. It reaffirms our hope in the essential goodness of humanity and the possibility of human redemption. It speaks to the possibilities of paradise on earth, a quest which has resulted in much revolutionary strife and bloodletting in human history. In the permanent struggle between the good man of Rousseau and the cynical skeptic of Voltaire; between the wise savant of Obatala and the hardy warlord of Ogun, it is always reassuring to see Homo sapiens on the rise.

    In every human society, there are forces for good and forces for evil. In the perpetual struggle between agents of darkness and servants of light, much depends on the structural and ethical configuration of the society. There are nations and there are nations. Some nations are structurally configured for the ascendancy of brute force and brutish amoral characters. These are the hell-holes on earth whose denizens are serving out some divine interdiction. It is always good to see a nation put its better foot forward, to see the collective good reassert itself. Goodliness is next to godliness.

    To be sure, America is not a perfect society. No human society is as yet a perfect society. It is always wise to have a sense of perspective. When people make noise about America’s unenviable and unflattering past, all they need to do is to compare it with other societies, particularly theirs. Humankind is not a fallen angel but a rising ape. As Walter Benjamin famously puts it, there is no record of civilization which is not at the same time a record of barbarity. From the Egyptian pyramids to the American Pentagon, there is no human monument which is not at the same time a silent tribute to man’s inhumanity to mankind.

    The good fortune of America is its capacity for ceaseless self-surpassing and endless self-invention. This is so because America is a nation founded by romantic intellectuals and starry-eyed idealists who believed against overwhelming evidence and their own innate disposition and inner judgement that all people are created equal. Once that benchmark has been fixed, it is left to ordinary and super-ordinary men and women to slug it out and slog towards the ideal. What a struggle that has been in America in the last three hundred years, from the civil war to civil rights protests.

    These are the epic contentions and the ceaseless fire-fights for emancipation and freedom that have culminated in the Obama revolution. It was a close run thing. America is still bitterly divided and fractured along critical fault lines. For a moment, Obama himself appeared to have stumbled and faltered. There were moments when he seemed to have lost the script altogether. But he never lost his decency, his compassion for the disadvantaged, his unfailing politeness and courteousness and the extraordinary courage in face of adversity that has defined his life.

    Had Obama gone under in the face of a determined onslaught, it would have been a cruel unraveling. Had the revolution been abridged, it would have been a great loss to America and humanity at large. The minimal strides of America towards a just and fairer society would have suffered a terrible set back. The forces of rightwing reaction were already celebrating before they succumbed to a stinging sucker punch.

    The good thing about electoral revolutions is that they flow from the ballot and not the bullet; and they tend to unite society rather than divide it. Obama was elected not because he was a Black person, but in spite of that fact. The Black alone could not have elected him. It was a pan-racial, pan-class and pan-religious affair. It was the triumph of the good American. It was victory for the Uber-man as represented by Obama.

    It would be foolish and presumptuous in the extreme to assume that under Barack Obama, America has suddenly become a fairer and more egalitarian society, or that it has lost its warrior-state mantra. The dogged pursuit and swift execution of Osama bin Laden is an awesome display of the bloody-minded and chilling resolve of a super-security state. But there is a conscious movement in the right direction. This is the lesson for all fractured societies and nations. Thye next four years should be interesting, that is if Obama survives a possible violent backlash from the loony right. We congratulate America and the Americans.

  • Fairy prince who stole the world

    Fairy prince who stole the world

    (First published in November, 2008)

    Elf-like and exuding supreme confidence and self-assurance, Barack Hussein Obama has seized global imagination by the jugular. In the end, nothing, perhaps, can match the laconic irony of the description of Obama’s spectacular ascension as a fairy tale. A fairy tale combines magic and superstition with savage and exacting reality. Savage because it belongs in the realm of primitive rituals of coronation. Exacting because it is actual history unfolding as a communal fantasy; a spectacle of the tribe. Like a fairy prince, Obama has dangled magical possibilities before the world. Things may never be the same again.

    For America, and perhaps the rest of the world, it was a truly defining moment. For comparison, we have to reach back to almost fifty years earlier in 1959 when the dazzling, youthful and charismatic John F. Kennedy was elected president of the United States. It was also a watershed election. America had elected its first catholic president, and a handsome, rich and glamorous one at that. The whole world took note. Camelot was back.

    It was always going to be difficult for a man who claimed religious allegiance to the papacy in Rome to become America’s leader and Commander in Chief. Although founded on secular authority, there has always been a deeply religious strain to the American nation anchored on the Puritan and Calvinist ethos of its ancient founding fathers.

    But if Kennedy was a victim of intra-elite rivalry and conspiracy, particularly the long face-off between the East coast WASP elite, the Boston Brahmins and the Irish descendants, Obama’s ascendancy was borne on the cusp of a grand assault on the centre from the margins and from below. This is why it resonates more with the wider world than Kennedy’s earlier triumph.

    It was a democratic revolution. But it is even better and more ennobling than the real thing. Unlike the typical revolution which pits one class against the other in an orgy of hate and bloodletting, this one demands a unity of purpose that cuts across class, race and creed under a supreme unifying symbol. The American people rose as one against the tormenting excesses of the warrior super-state and its plutocratic tyrants.

    Once again, America has shown the way forward for the civilised world. A truly democratic nation can negotiate its way out of any political quagmire. Whatever its imperfections as a nation, America has a unique capacity for ceaseless self-invention. In the process, it often manages to correct the toxic side-effects of its own self-projection and hubristic swaggering. To that extent, the emergence of an Obama-like figure of redemptive possibilities is a historic inevitability.

    It may appear curious and even bizarre that the same nation that voted for George Bush junior twice is also the nation that rooted for Obama’s more transformational leadership qualities. The irony of it all is that without the younger Bush, there would have been no Obama presidency at this point at least. America needed a man of spontaneous mayhem and clueless briskness like George Bush to drive the super-security state to the extreme of its unilateralist logic and the summit of its murderous ferocity before it can come to its senses. For any nation founded on rational principles, nothing concentrates the mind more than looming political disaster and fiscal anarchy.

    Yet in fairness to George Bush and much as we may rant and rail against him, much as low as his popular stock may have fallen, it is useful to remember that he did not create the American warrior-state. He merely inherited it. The American super-security state was ironically the creation of starry-eyed intellectuals with an exaggerated and romantic notion of America and its place in the world. Obama should take note. As it has been convincingly advanced by David Halberstam in his classic, the best and the brightest of America’s political establishment pushed the nation in the direction of permanent and perpetual war-mongering.

    Unfortunately, America was not founded on a warrior’s code or by a warrior caste. America was founded by starry-eyed intellectuals who wanted to create the world anew based on the ideals of freedom, liberty and equality. But just as the much-rhapsodised Athenian democracy was based on a slave-holding economy, equally brutal realities underpinned the American project. These are the realities of slave-holding and the brutal expropriation of the original owners of the land.

    Famously, L’Ouverture Toussaint, the great black revolutionist and Haitian hero, had cautioned his French persecutors not to replace the aristocracy of class they had overthrown with an aristocracy of race. It was a lesson lost on the American founding fathers, and it was to lead directly to a civil war and decades of civil strife. It was to lead eventually to the Obama presidency and the historic denouement of November, 2008. Every inch gained, every elbow room created as the heroic civil rights campaigners slogged their way through the obdurate detritus of the American political establishment was to provide the incremental building block for the Obama presidency.

    But as it is said, men make history but not under the circumstances of their choice. In one of history’s great ironies when the hour eventually dawned for an African American president of the US, the honour fell on the son of an African who had come to the country of his own will and volition and not on a descendant of enslaved Africans. The cunning of history indeed.

    Perhaps if Obama had grown up in a ghetto or one of the feral downtown slums of urban America, he would have been consumed by implacable hatred and bitterness, his self-confidence and self-belief hobbled, his spirit dampened, his radical optimism and appetite for glory sullied, and his infectious enthusiasm destroyed. It is also possible that he would have been picked up by the radar as an intelligent but subversive trouble maker and effectively demobilised.

    It is to the eternal credit of the system, to Obama’s own Olympian fortitude and self-belief and his lucky insertion into the system as the much adored and adorable grandson of doting white upper middle class grandparents that the president-elect of America survived unscathed. The audacity of hope is premised on the hope of audacity that all will be well. In another milieu after being repeatedly clobbered audacity will disappear and hope will diminish, leaving in their wake the sheer hopelessness of audacity.

    Let us leave things to a footballing trope. In an infamous gloss on Diego Maradona’s audacious run through the entire English defence which culminated in Argentina’s second goal in the 1986 World Cup, Maldini, one of the hard men of the remarkable Italian national team of the early eighties, noted tersely that if Maradona had begun that run in an Italian Football league he would surely have ended it in a hospital.

    It is impossible to imagine an Obama surviving in the continent of his father. There would have been a long queue for his head that is if he doesn’t succumb to “friendly” fire. It has proved easier to send a Luo to the White House than to the presidential castle in Nairobi. This is why one finds it so strange and bizarre that some of the shameless autocrats who have turned Africa into an undemocratic hell-hole have been falling over themselves to hail the Obama phenomenon.

    It is too early in the day to affirm that Obama would make a great president. The odds are greatly in his favour. Old Abe Lincoln who was both a great man and a great president had his character steeled in the furnace of unrelenting adversity and repeated failures. Obama has emerged relatively unscathed and closeted from the buffeting gale of human perversity. Hence a tendency to overconfidence and hubris. This is the twin-disease of the American nation itself and we can see how in both nation and latest political hero, they are a source of profound strength as well as potential disaster.

    Nothing, however, can discount from the profoundly symbolic nature of Obama’s victory. The victory has redrawn the race map of America forever and shattered its stratified hierarchies. After the horrors of Vietnam, Mogadishu, Iraq, Bosnia and Kigali, it feels good to be a human being again. After wandering in the jungle for almost three hundred years, America has finally reconnected with the dream of its founding fathers who were themselves torn between harsh reality and idealistic posturing. It takes a true dreamer and an exceptional individual to unite the entire world in Graceland. It is a magical moment and the magician is of African extraction. Something new always comes out of Africa indeed.

     

  • Politics and impolitics

    Politics and impolitics

    The Ondo state election has come and gone. It is time to clear the gore on the political battle field. Snooper congratulates the declared winner, Dr Olusegun Rahman Mimiko. It was a tough and hard won victory. There were many fronts and many proxy battles. It was a close run thing. Snooper has never seen Mimiko so rattled and frazzled in his political life. Statistically, it was the political equivalent of a dead heat. But it is a good thing that the ACN has decided to put the election behind it. Democracy is about simple majority, and you cannot win all the time. It is time to retool and refocus.

    It was not a perfect election. But you cannot blame a river for being sluggish in midstream without looking at its source. As the late Dr Abel Goubadia famously noted, it is impossible to have a perfect election in a country where there is no proper record of birth and death; where there is no proper identification of citizens; where there is no valid census; and where public utility bills smack of elaborate forgery and outlandish fiction.

    Whether we like Attahiru Jega or not, the national outfit he leads is also a victim of systemic dysfunction. In the circumstances, one should congratulate Jega and his team for making the best of an impossible situation. It will be grossly partisan and unfair to dismiss the efforts the nation has made to heave away from the electoral chaos of the immediate past.

    In retrospect, the ACN made some strategic and tactical blunders. It allowed itself to be tricked into fighting the wrong battle and probably with the wrong choice of offensive weapons. It was unwise to have allowed the struggle to have been framed or perceived by the public as a contest of political titans. The Yoruba love their political heroes. But they also have profound empathy for the proverbial underdog.

    Better still, then, the heroic underdog. Once Mimiko was allowed to wear the garb of the heroic underdog fighting off the armada from Lagos and fictional imperialists and conquistadors from the metropole, the ACN had its back to the wall. By so doing, he was able to rally the sub-ethnic brotherhood. And by so allowing, the ACN was hoisted on the petard of its most potent weapon.

    There is a subtle dynamics to this politics of identity which goes to the heart of Yoruba character and which is deserving of more scholarly scrutiny. The Yoruba are Republican monarchists if ever there is such a contradiction or paradoxical formulation. They love their kings for the order and stability they bring to society. But they turn swiftly against them once they become overbearing and overreaching.

    For over 300 years, the Yoruba people have been engaged in a war of will and wits with their kings, sometimes reining them in and sometimes deposing or decapitating them. In the same breast, conservative and radical tendencies cohabit and coexist. When the ACN, spearheaded by the then Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu , were embroiled in political warfare with the PDP and the federal might as implacably represented by General Obasanjo, the Yoruba people supported them as heroic underdogs.

    They like the message of hope and redemption they brought. But when they believed they could sniff another hegemony in the making, they gave them an electoral black eye. Only political illiterates would construe this reversal of electoral fortunes as the swan song or the beginning of the end for ACN.

    Political dominance is not a football match to be won and lost overnight. Once the right lessons have been learnt and the right conclusion drawn, the ACN retains the balance of power in the old region. This is even more so in so far as the issues of a misbegotten federalism and a lop-sided structure remain on the top burner.

    This is why the post-election hysteria and alleluia, the shrill denunciation and unremitting demonisation of individuals, remain unhelpful. Rather than a solid analysis of the way forward, what has been on display is vindictive vitriol and crass defamation. Probably unknown to their vendors, these hate-surfeit castigations say more about the character and psychological state of their purveyors than the object of their hatred and fearful loathing.

    But if one can understand the caterwauling of the unenlightened, the ranting of those who have taken up permanent combat position on the social media and their fellow internet interns and internees of cyber caves, what can one say about otherwise respectable intellectuals who also indulge in the habit of fanning the embers of hatred and hostility?

    Surely if their aim is to capture power or to dislodge the ACN party from its regional stronghold, they must know that it takes more than surly diatribe and spiritual grandstanding to found an authentic party. It takes clarity of vision, psychological stamina, organisational discipline and a certain generosity of spirit which conduces to the surrender of self and ego to the collective self-interest.

    No one is saying that either the ACN or its leadership is a collection of saints. There are no saints in politics. In contemporary Nigeria, that will be the shortest suicide note in history. It was not for nothing that Charles de Gaulle described certain exceptional historical figures as “sacred monsters” Yet as we have noted, some of the current imperfections of party formations in Nigeria are traceable to the provenance of the Fourth Republic in military autocracy.

    In 1998 at the onset of party campaigns, General Obasanjo famously transported loyal delegates to the Jos Convention of the PDP all the way from Abeokuta in a sealed train. Appropriately, the wily military strategist bivouacked his democratic troops outside the tin city from whence he established contacts with the forward units of storm troopers already engaged in preliminary skirmishes.

    In a classic textbook military operation, the original founders and owners of the party were muscled out. They fled one by one and sometimes two by two. In an even more historic riposte, Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi, upon noticing that the retired senior military officers with whom he had founded the original APP were rapidly absconding, famously asked them whether their new “posting” was out. It was the beginning and end of the PDP as a truly democratic party. Till date, Shinkafi himself remains in a political sanatorium.

    It was these “shock and awe” tactics that the old Afenifere and the AD succumbed to. After mopping up stragglers from his party, the general turned his friendly bearish hug to the AD/Afenifere and the APP. Neither survived. In order not to court summary extinction, the ACN appears to have understudied and mastered the battle order of the PDP while perfecting its own grand initiative.

    In the process, it was almost inevitable that ascendant party in Yoruba land would pick the same virus that has infected its much loathed bete noire. The symptoms include militarisation, monetisation, regimentation, the use of camouflage and deception and the tight leash on party internal democratic procedure in order to ward off infiltration and mole-planting. Ironically, it was the last two that would prove fatal to the party’s aspiration in Ondo. As internal and external pressures for genuine democracy grow, as the PDP is forced by failure to relax its vice-like grip on the nation, the other parties will also find themselves forcibly democratising and liberalising their internal procedures.

    Once again, and in as much as one regrets the political demise of revered elders, it is the old Afenifere that appears set to become the principal casualty of the unfurling dynamics. Perhaps this is just as well since there is time for everything. You cannot continue to invoke the name and sacred memory of a man in whose political ideals you know longer believe in. It is not what you say that matters, but what you do and are seen and perceived to be doing. Politics is too serious a business to be left in the hands of clergy men and retired bishops.

    Unable to grasp and comprehend the strange irrational dynamics of new political developments, fighting a new war with old weapons, the Afenifere has in the last decade been outsmarted twice from opposite ends of the political spectrum. First by Obasanjo and the PDP which infiltrated and destroyed their party, and then by the better-organised and better focused ACN that stole their ideological thunder.

    Now in a political development that will put their political twilight in acute jeopardy, they are set, bound and trussed, to deliver themselves as political hostages to the same reactionary forces they have heroically battled all their life. Snooper is personally aware that not all the old men are in tune with the retrogressive antics of their old comrades. But they cannot break ranks publicly.

    God forbid, if any of these great men were to answer the last call at this moment, will it be governor Mimiko’s lot to serve as the solitary pall bearer? Mimiko himself is too wily and wary a politician to serve as lone chief mourner in turbulent and adversarial circumstances. This is the major danger of the Masada complex, of fighting to the last man. There will be no one left to serve as a mourner.

    If it is not impudent and impolitic to advise our political patriarchs, the way forward is not to further alienate the ACN and its leadership. With five core Yoruba states under its control, ACN looms large in the old region. Politics of bitterness and hatred only compound and aggravate errors of judgement. The Afenifere grandees should seek out leading luminaries in the old region who still admire them but who also have leverage with the ACN leadership to broker a truce between them and their estranged younger comrades. As the late Chief S.O Gbadamosi famously rued at Ile-Ife during the June !2 crisis, what will they tell the late sage when they finally meet up?