Category: Tatalo Alamu

  • Reparation and repatriation revisited

    Reparation and repatriation revisited

    The struggle for reparation which drove some important ideological and intellectual debates in the closing phase of military rule now has to be revisited in the light of post-military developments in Nigeria as well as emergent realities of the post-Covid-19 world. But since no one can step into the same river twice, we can only return to the issue in a conceptually modified form.

    The case for economic reparation from our former colonial masters for the subsisting damage done to the African psyche, the disruption of its spiritual and political order and the devastation of its economy, is so clear and cogent that only fringe right-wing White Supremacist organizations can remain in denial.

    That being the case, the crucial objection of many even on the continent remains. While they do not object to the idea of compensation in its broadest outlines, they chafe at the idea of Africa’s profligate and debauched political elites being the recipients and beneficiaries of such manna from heaven, if earlier experiences are anything to go by. The propensity of the African ruling class, particularly its Nigerian franchise, for mindboggling thievery is legendary.

    But this does not obviate the need for some form of compensation. Ever since the advent of International Slavery and colonization, Africa, and Latin America to a lesser extent, have been at the receiving end of an unjust and unfair global economic order with the North of the globe cornering about four-fifth of the resources while the South could only make do with whatever remains.

    The advent of Covid-19 and its aftermath have shown the immense capacity of leading western nations to overcome economic adversity. Despite the fact that most western nations took a pounding from the malign virus, their recovery has been a tad short of the miraculous. The stockpiling of arms and fearsome nuclear arsenal also proved ineffective as a mere virus upended the entire world.

    It is argued that if only an infinitesimal fraction of the money expended on an unproductive arms race and economic hostilities against weaker nations is freed up for humanitarian purpose, the world would be a more equitable and hospitable place. This is where reparation for the slavery and colonization which enabled the economic and political ascendancy of the west over Africa and the Black person takes the front burner once again.

    The case for reparation is an old one in Nigeria. It erupted famously at the turn of the nineties of the last century when MKO Abiola mounted a fierce, well-oiled lobby for it. Yours sincerely was one of the naysayers. In a riposte, titled Reparation or Repatriation, we argued that the campaign for reparation was a red herring designed to cover or obscure the massive state larceny going on at that point in time under Abiola’s friends in uniform.

    While the argument for reparation was not untenable, it was already overtaken by more pressing matters as a result of military venality. If only a fraction of the national patrimony being salted away abroad in the vaults of western nations could be repatriated, Nigeria would be on the way to becoming an African El Dorado.

    This argument drew the ire of the intellectual lobby that Abiola had pressed into service. At an International Conference on Reparation held in Abuja to which yours sincerely had been invited and with Abiola himself as the presiding deity, one could swear that from a distance Abiola eyed yours sincerely with a hostile glare to which one responded appropriately with a baleful stare in his direction.  The reparation lobby unravelled with Abiola’s incarceration and subsequent death in captivity.

    If that was the grim reality of state looting in Nigeria about thirty years ago under draconian military rule, a more gruesome actuality of official malfeasance now subsists twenty three years into post-military civilian rule. The scale and scope of the current fiscal heists will make the much derided soldiers look like secular saints. If misapplication of funds was the euphemism for misappropriation of resources then, one is at a loss to find a word to capture what is going on at the moment.

    This past week alone, the Accountant General of the federation and the Director General of the Niger Delta Development Commission were both apprehended for misappropriating funds totalling a humongous 127 billion Naira. An exasperated reader on a forum observed that if the outlandish figures continue to turn in in this manner, the nation may soon play host to a bloody revolution.

    A social reality this besieged and violated can be forgiven for clinging to any straw. Under the influence of political hallucination, many can even think they can glimpse a messiah in the horizon. Yet compounding the contradictions and the welter of ironies is the fact that in the intervening period, there have also been more incontrovertible exposures of colonial atrocities in Africa and elsewhere which make the case for some form of reparation even more compelling.

    There are already some pointers to future developments in this regard. In an attempt to sidestep unwieldy and protracted legal entanglement over its documented genocide against the people of Namibia and particularly the Herero nationality, the German government has agreed to give substantial aid over a period of time to the Namibians. Although both sides avoid using culturally charged expressions, there can be no doubt that what is going on approximates the concept of historical restitution.

    The same combination of moral suasion and legal entanglement should now be extended to other nations guilty of unspeakable colonial crimes in Africa, particularly in the old Congo, Cameroons, East Africa and along the West Africa corridor. This is not to exempt Brazil and an Argentina where the local Black populace is known to have been systematically eliminated by deliberate state policy.

    It can be argued that the history of humanity is replete with the brutal decimation and elimination of weaker people by stronger societies that have developed cutting edge technologies of warfare. But nowhere in human history has the ascendancy of a world order, in this case the triumph of western modernism and the nation-state paradigm, occasioned a deliberate and systematic intellectual, economic, political and spiritual decimation of other people and their way of life.

    Having suffered this fundamental disruption to their psyche and the normal pattern of evolution, most Africans have forcibly reverted to the hunter-gatherer phase of human existence in their psychological formation. Hence, and except in the most fortuitous cases of exceptional circumstances combined with human resilience and fortitude, they are no longer capable of building durable and enduring societies or institutions of nation-growing for that matter.

    This is why their elites behave with predatory malice and economic malediction, ruining and wrecking anything across their path, acquiring what they do not need for survival and cornering resources that ought to be freed up for the betterment and qualitative improvement of their environment.

    This is why the imposition of the nation-state paradigm on a psychically battered and psychologically deflated people is perhaps the most brutal assault on a people’s humanity ever witnessed in the history of humankind and the evolution of the higher species. It has left in its trail in Africa, a history of millennial misery and unspeakable carnage.

    The deplorable and miserable state and appalling history of murder and mayhem of most postcolonial African nations speak to this horror of history. They were not altruistically designed in the first instance as sisterly nations to help humanity reach its telos and self-actualization but as overseas outlets for metropolitan merchandise, dumping sites for expired goods and veritable testing grounds for the latest munitions from the western military industrial complex.

    Whenever a distraught African country  manages to throw up talented and promising leaders in such distressing and deeply and unpromising circumstances, they were either incarcerated, thrown out of office, murdered or thwarted at the finishing line as a result of international conspiracy. The list is endless and bone-chilling:  Patrice Lumumba, Eduardo Mondlane, Samora Machel, Amilcar Cabral, Kwame Nkrumah, Thomas Sankara, Muammar Ghadaffy, Obafemi Awolowo etc.

    When Obafemi Awolowo was asked on a campaign trail whether he would nationalize Nigeria’s oil industry upon coming to power, the wily titan from Ikenne had enough lucidity and acute presence of mind to respond that he did not want to become Nigeria’s Mosaddegh. Mohammad Mosaddegh was the Iranian prime minister who tried that and was promptly dethroned in a military putsch. Awolowo was reading the tea leaves correctly. But this classic instance of political pragmatism was not enough to appease his metropolitan tormentors.

    On the other hand, the west has always been willing to promote a long line of African marauders who were willing to devastate their land for as long as they allowed them to remain in power. At a point, Joseph Mobutu Sese Seko, aka the cock that leaps from hen to hen in the open barn, was richer than his own country.

    Blaise Compaore after murdering Sankara did his stuff for almost twenty eight years until he ran out of luck leaving his country in an anarchic roil which has culminated in a military coup. So did Gnassingbe Eyadema after murdering Sylvanus Olympio in 1963. A western official was known to have famously declared that Mobutu might be a thug, but he was their thug.

    All that mattered was keeping the African emporium safe for brutal expropriation. Similar shenanigans were to cost the French the life of their ambassador to Kinshasa as the Mobutu misadventure finally reached the last bend of the Congo River. This deliberate derailment of progressive forces in postcolonial Africa is worse in terms of opportunity cost than the centuries-long economic depredation of the continent.

    But common sense ought to suggest that even a cash cow should be kept in a fairly decent condition for it to able to continue to supply milk. And an overseas market must not be left in a condition where it is overwhelmed by weeds and poisonous creep. The open festering sore of Nigeria has reached a point where its suppurating pus is about to infect the entire environment.

    The covid-19 tragedy ought to be a learning curve and a teachable moment for the west and our metropolitan overlords. The new wave of globalization consequent upon the radical restructuring of the modus operandi of global capitalism has demonstrated emphatically that what infects even the most remote corner of the world is bound to find its way to its most advanced part. The plight of Africa can no longer be ignored as it will be fatal to do so.

    Enlightened self-interest is the most rational motivation for a new western doctrine in Africa. It must be a comprehensive package which includes massive aid, a modified form of debt forgiveness, the prompt repatriation of stolen funds originating from the continent, the promotion of transparency and good governance and above all the identification and solidarity with our talented eleven who will work to restructure and reconfigure the obviously misaligned and malign nation-state paradigm that has been imposed on many African countries particularly in Nigeria by western capitalism in its malignant phase.

    This is why the west cannot afford to turn a blind eye on events unfolding in Nigeria. If Nigeria were to go under as the current auguries suggest, it will be a sorry and apocalyptic mess which will afflict the entire continent and the globe. After almost six hundred years of malignant capitalism which has decimated and dehumanized an entire continent, it is time for the west to turn a new leaf in Africa.

  • Mama Igosun resumes the offensive

    Mama Igosun resumes the offensive

    A day after Jide Sanwo-Olu, the urbane, even-tempered and level-headed governor of Lagos State, announced a total ban on Okada motorcycle drivers, yours sincerely woke up to a fearsome din of cheers and applause coming from the street below.

    Bleary-eyed, Snooper frantically pulled the curtains. The whole scene was hazy and blurry at first. In the distance and amidst the total confusion, one could only make out the half-crazed dustbin woman of Sierra-Leonean ancestry screaming on top of her voice in wild excitement.

    “Oga, oga!!! You still dey sleep? Something done dey happening oo. Mama done do am again. He come finis dem Okada boy who come run like Saro wayo man”, she screamed on top of her voice.

    At that point the outlandish spectacle became discernible. It was the irrepressible and indefatigable Mama Igosun. Dressed in her husband’s ancient PWD uniform which had become her default mode for hell-raising, she had dismounted from a motor cycle and was dragging the poor machine towards the house heaving and panting as the crowd cheered and hailed.

    At this point, the mad dustbin woman of Saro extraction burst into an old, naughty Sierra-Leonean ditty.

    Woman dey pantap

     Man dey bottom

      Come see something wey happen ooo

    Mama had been in a quiet surly mood of late ever since her latest request to return to her Igosun homestead was firmly rejected. She had become mildly disruptive in the house often urging Gbabi-Magbabe, the driver and former NNDP thug, to finish off Okon by slamming him with an amulet from his deadly repertoire of charms. One blow and Okon would fold in convulsive spasms like a stung millipede.

    The previous day after a fearsome altercation with Okon over Sukuniyan, an ancient delicacy made from  unhatched eggs, the ancient amazon barged into snooper’s room.

    “ Wo, Akanbi, I say I wan go home. I wan reach Igosun. I don tire for this yeye Lagos people. Na so so grammar, no action. All dem Yoruba leader dem don chop dodo(plantain) and dem no fit talk ododo (truth) again,” the old woman screamed in choleric rage.

    “Mama, you cannot go to Igosun. There is nobody there for you”, snooper replied.

    “Akanbi, na becos I dey respect you. I sabi my way well well. Na Akanran road I for take. So if you say make I no go home, go bring my shrine make I dey worship Orisha Oko”, the fiery contrarian sulked.

    “Mama you can’t do that here. I am a born again Christian”, snooper objected.

    “And who born you again? I sabi when dem born you for Seven Day Hospital and my sister come dey cry like dem Agege fowl”, the feisty warrior screamed, resuming ancient sororal feuds. At this point, snooper walked out on her in mock anger.

    But this morning as one beheld the old woman beaming over the motorcycle with great pride and satisfaction it was obvious that a public relation fiasco was unfolding.

    “Mama what is all this about?” snooper asked pointing at the motorcycle.

    “Ha Akanbi, I seize am from dem yeye Godogodo boy. As I dey lawyer am why him still dey ride dem okada, he wan stab me. Him don forget say person no dey stab dead wood. Naim I come whack him head with them wheel spanner and as he come dey run, him come fall and I come carry him okada come home”, the old woman noted breathlessly.

    “No mama you can’t do that. It is against the law”, snooper shouted.

    “Which law again after dem don ban them? You see na law, law, law go kill Yoruba people. I say I wan go home, abi na by force? Kilode gan gan?”, the old woman screamed and stormed out on snooper.

  • Rigor Mortis and the Emefiele Disease

    Rigor Mortis and the Emefiele Disease

    In medical parlance, rigor mortis is a post mortem condition of rigidity and extreme inflexibility brought out by the rapid alteration of the body’s chemical composition. The corpse stiffens and hardens for a few hours followed by decomposition and decay, depending on the ambience and local temperature.

    But in its generous and imaginative application, rigour mortis means the death of rigour, of inflexibility, stiff neutrality and the impersonal logic which undergird not just human institutions but all forms of serious writing, arguments, legal disputations and conceptual formulations.  In the particular case at hand, the deliberate destruction of a country through the fatal undermining of the internal rigour of its vital institutions is what we now propose as the Godwin Emefiele Disease.

    Given its slew of medical complications and its array of life-disabling ailments, Nigeria is a walking medical wonder. But the current one takes the cake for suicidal daring and institutional self-immolation. The offensive casualness and offhanded levity with which Emefiele has mounted a siege on the nation’s institutional integrity suggest that it will be another miracle if something does not give very soon.

    No nation has been known to survive the kind of institutional implosion looming in Nigeria. As we are about to discover, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic faces dire prospects in the coming months as governance recedes into the remote background and electoral skulduggery takes the front burner. For a nation whose ruling mafia are skilled in rigged consensus and the manipulation of fault lines to procure electoral heists, this one is proving a bridge too far.

    Godwin Emefiele is not without his patrons. But this is far from being an ethnic project. The Emefiele Disease is a symptom of a more fundamental national malaise. Both in the run up to independence and after actual independence, the project of political, cultural and economic modernity has always been vulnerable to sudden ambush by forces of retrograde feudalism and sundry mercenary  charlatans. The result is the tragedy of a country reeling from the trauma of aborted modernity.

    Among Emefiele’s storied predecessors is a man called Francis Arthur Nzeribe, the author and authority himself. Almost thirty years ago in the heat of the crisis that followed the annulment of the freest and fairest presidential election in the annals of Nigeria, MKO Abiola, the winner of the election, admonished Authur Nzeribe that it is not meet for people to contaminate the communal drinking pool with their urinal waste. It was a profoundly ethical injunction.

    By that time, Nzeribe and his accomplices had so devastated the institutional integrity of the nation’s judiciary and the corporate authority of the ruling military junta by their shenanigans that it was no longer possible for the nation to survive without a major rupture. Just as Nzeribe and his prompters and puppeteers pushed the military to the elastic limits of its political and historic possibilities, a shadowy cabal is pushing the Buhari administration to the limits of feudal practicalities within the modern nation-state paradigm.

    It promises to be a grand historical spectacle. When Babangida was eventually eased out of power by his disaffected colleagues, Nzeribe cynically crowed that the commander had lost command. It was time to move on to another game.

    Abiola did not survive the intrigues, the treacheries and the machinations. But he died a hero’s death, a martyr for the democratic emancipation of Nigeria, an icon worthy of emulation and state adulation. By contrast when Nzeribe died this past week in very unflattering circumstances, he was largely unmourn and unsung; an object of scorn and revilement in many quarters with his reputation as a stone-hearted and unprincipled scoundrel sealed.

    Godwin’s apostasy has been long in coming. But the twists and turns are so bizarre that yours sincerely refused for a long time to believe or even entertain the thought that any intelligent person could be so foolish and brazen.

    One must confess a sneaking admiration for the unorthodox manner Godwin chose to defend the naira until the wages of economic malfeasance proved a bridge too far. There is also the small personal matter—unknown to the CBN governor— of Emefiele having roomed with the younger brother of a late friend during their Youth Corps Service year.

    But the Nigerian condition has a way of turning potential heroes into stark and berserk antiheroes. The alarm signal first sounded when Emefiele was caught kneeling beside a feudal potentate somewhere in Aso Rock furiously taking notes. He was definitely not undertaking a course in fitful and haphazard publishing for which the late omnivorous wheeler-dealer was more famous.

    This was nothing but a fundamental assault on the institutional integrity of the nation’s apex banking which is unthinkable in a modern civilized nation. It is only possible in a nation stranded by choice in the grim liminal zone of aborted modernity. Alan Greenspan, the former chair of the Federal Reserve in the United States from 1987 to 2006, would be weeping in his grave.

    Of late, Emefiele seems bent on compounding crass folly with the incredible impunity only possible in a completely deracinated and de-institutionalized nation. Before his latest political misadventure, Emefiele has been caught with his pants down in several flagrant breaches which border on a coordinated assault on the CBN Act as well as the Code of Conduct for senior public officers contained in the 5th Schedule to the Nigerian Constitution.

    In civilized climes, one of these infractions should be enough to put Emefiele away for a long time without any possibility of parole or state pardon. But such is the magnitude of the ethical collapse that has overtaken the country that convicted criminals are granted state pardon without any consideration for the already waning morale of anti-crime agencies or the moral sensitivities of the nation.

    One of the consequences of feudal rule is arrogant insensitivity and inability to navigate the ethical compass of modern nationhood. Yet even in nations trapped in the rudimentary modes of economic production one can sense societies destined for a great future of rationality and modernity through their fidelity to the rule of law and the impersonal rigour of the penal code.

    In medieval England, the harshly retributive and pre-emptive nature of the justice system made people to think twice before committing a legal infraction.  Men are hanged not because horses are stolen but so that horses will not be stolen. A British wag put the proactive nature of things with cruel relish: From time to time an admiral is quartered just to encourage others.

    With the way things are, Nigeria is neither on the way to legal rationality nor political modernity. The Emefiele Disease has eaten so deep into the fabric that there is no possibility of redemption. Now that the CBN Governor has gone to court to enforce his fundamental human right to disrupt the political process, the judicial charade and travesty that have characterized the past seven years are likely to intensify with further damage to whatever remains of the system.

    Whatever the outcome of the legal razzmatazz, it unlikely to change the outcome of the court of public opinion which has already turned in a damning verdict on Godwin Emefiele and his shadowy enablers. It is not a smart way for a hitherto promising young man to enter the history books. But for one blinded by greed and inordinate ambition, it is just as well. Emefiele has a great future behind him.

    The collateral damage of all this to an already stumbling and faltering nation is prohibitive. It has cast a huge pall of doubt and disillusion on the forthcoming elections and the ability of the current administration to organize for its own succession. Before our very eyes, Nigeria has transited to an anarchic jungle of electoral chaos and administrative disorder.

    The apocalyptic mess now confronting the nation are beyond the meagre talents and capacity of the current administration. Several times in the past, this column has deemed it fit to advise the Buhari government that it is impossible to step into the same river twice. The attempt to impose an obtuse, one-sided hegemonic solution on the nation has spectacularly backfired with the government itself completely blindsided.

    The resulting flagrant mismanagement of the ethnic diversity of the nation has worsened the National Question and deepened the national fault lines in a way that was not deemed possible even in the run up to the civil war. Once again, Nigeria is host and hostage to harsh centrifugal forces threatening to tear up the Lugardian scroll.

    With the east of the nation playing host to militant forces embroiled in anti-state exertions, with the Niger Delta on a restive leash, with the north virtually sundered by banditry and religious terrorism and with the dominant progressive forces in the old west awakening to the possibility of having been short changed, it ought to be clear that no election in the current circumstances can achieve the kind of legitimacy and authority necessary to stabilise the nation.

    It is a measure of the enormity of the crisis that we have sleepwalked into that it has provoked some strange interventions in the past fortnight from two normally well-meaning and patriotic individuals. Both are garlanded and impressively credentialed lawyers who have achieved the highest distinctions in their field. While the one called for an interim national government, the other canvassed for a tenure elongation for the current administration to enable it deal with the hydra-headed insecurity that has plagued the land.

    It is significant that the federal authorities immediately pooh-poohed the advisories as being strange to the constitution. That would have been akin to playing first violin at one’s own funeral. Meanwhile despite the belated and rather whimsical directive that all politically exposed federal officials should resign their appointment forthwith, Emiefiele was still playing the ostrich as at the time of writing this pompously spewing nonsense along the corridor of power with somebody at the very top watching him as he takes down with him the honour and integrity of the nation’s fiscal sanatorium.

    This is not the way to run a multi-ethnic nation aspiring to political modernity and bureaucratic rationality.  The Council of State should find a way of telling General Buhari that this lax and lackadaisical approach to critical constitutional matters and the institutional mooring of the nation will spell doom for everybody. But that is if they do not want to spend the rest of their life in exile.

    Despite the gale of forced resignations, there is a constitutional crisis pertaining to the Electoral Act already loading. But there is opportunity in every crisis. No walk back should be entertained from those who have freely resigned their appointment. The president should use the opportunity of forced departures to inaugurate a fully- fledged Transition Cabinet with a coordinating minister whose sole responsibility is to organize free and free elections.

    This peace time equivalent of a war time cabinet will guarantee a decent exit road map for a tired and obviously dispirited general from Daura. For its composition and in order to inject fresh blood and vigour into the system, General Buhari should look beyond the current party system and the constricting confines of traditional power structure. This is the time of bipartisan efforts to rescue the nation from the morass of incompetence and state failure.

    Desperate times require desperate measures. This political advisory straddles the controversial borders between an Interim Government and tenure elongation while staying within the bounds of constitutionality.  But should this proof unachievable, it may be time to start considering a national referendum to determine the fate of the nation.

  • And Baba Lekki explodes…..

    And Baba Lekki explodes…..

    Accosted by a luckless journalist after storming out on the communiqué drafting committee of a new group calling itself Referendum Now, Baba Lekki was full of bile and choleric rage.

    “ Baba, how do you see the pardon of convicted political office holders?” the journalist demanded.

    “Pardon me!!” the old codger snarled as he shambled away.

    “How do you see the state of the country?” the journalist demanded.

    “The country is in quite a state”, the old man growled.

    “But Professor Itse Sagay said there is nothing wrong with the pardon”, the old hack noted.

    “You see, Itse has run into a hitch again”, the old man responded with a cynical giggle.

    “Baba, General Isola Williams said the APC is an alliance of politicians of questionable character”.

    “Isola is wrong on that one. APC is a questionable alliance of unquestionable cuckolds and cuckoos”, the aging contrarian grunted.

    “So baba what is the solution to all this nonsense?” the exasperated journalist screamed.

    “The solution is dissolution!” Baba Lekki thundered and scampered away.

     

  • Political thrilla in Manila

    Political thrilla in Manila

    It was our former teacher, Desmond Hamlet, who once acerbically asserted that after all revolutions do revolve. The ways of history and human beings are very strange indeed. The great Spanish philosopher, Miguel de Unamuno, famously noted that under tyranny men seek liberty, but under liberty men also seek tyranny.

    Believe it or not, the Marcos family is back in business and power in Manila. It may sound like a piece of magic realism or some outlandish drama from The Theatre of the Absurd. But that is the truth. About three and a half decades after a glorious revolution which saw the church and the army marching side by side with the people against the Marcos family, the son of the old tyrant has just been elected president of the Philippines in a landslide election.

    Thirty six years ago while the Manila streets boiled over in a tsunami of rage and revolt against the Marcos family, this would have been an unthinkable proposition, a tale told by a political idiot. But this past week, the unthinkable happened as Ferdinand Marcos jnr aka Bong Bong, romped into victory with the daughter of Rodrigo Duterte, the half-crazed outgoing president, as running mate.

    It was the triumph of a propaganda blitz full of half-truths and outright lies. The Marcos family threw in a lot of the wealth they have creamed from the Filipino people. They were helped along the way by the fact that national memory has been eased by the passage of time and the fact that the demographic has changed in favour of the young who wanted a fresh beginning.

    The president-elect has been making all the sensible noise. He has asked to be judged on his own term and not on the basis of some remote ancestor. In a sense, it can be argued that the revolution has served its purpose. The authoritarian structure which enabled the old tyranny has been significantly eroded.

    Presidential tenure is limited to a single six- year term under the 1987 Constitution. Both the wife and son of the assassinated political icon, Benigno Aquino, have been elected president of the Philippines in the post-Marcos era. This would also have been unthinkable four decades earlier when their patriarch was being hunted and hounded by the thugs of Marcos. History is full of profound ironies indeed.

  • Reading and misreading General Muhammadu Buhari

    Reading and misreading General Muhammadu Buhari

    Human beings are like open books which can be skilfully read and wilfully misread. In the matter of General Buhari, Nigerians, including yours sincerely, have been reading and misreading General Buhari in the past thirty nine years since he fully burst into national consciousness as the leader of a self-advertising reforming military junta.

    In postcolonial politics, the mood and milieu are often as dark and mysterious as the men and women directing affairs. Nothing is given away directly and intentionally. Everything is shrouded in dark mystery and arcane posturing. What you think you see is not the real thing, and the real thing  is not what  you think you know. Human beings are like books in this regard. You cannot judge the real contents of a book by its blurbs. There is as yet no critical art or literary skills available to judge a book’s real construction on the cover, or the face if you like.

    The ancient practitioners of good old Literary Criticism came up with a dual theory which they think can explain why books, like human beings, will always remain a mystery even to the author himself and why it is possible for a person to misunderstand and misjudge himself.

    In the notion of Intentional Fallacy, the theory faults those who believe they can come up with the real intention of the author, while Affective Fallacy scorns those who allow their own unwholesome emotions to come between them and the critical evaluation of a book.

    As the Buhari administration begins its last lap of honour( or dishonour according to hostile interlocutors) Nigerians are busy reading and misreading the general from Daura. It has been a rowdy and emotional spectacle. There are many who believe that the man’s real intentions have never been hidden from public purview.

    Those who are misled and those who misjudge him are only those who choose to be misled and those who habitually misjudge. Yet there are also those who think that the general may be harbouring a few more aces in his sleeves. All these are building up to what promises to be a most momentous evaluation of an administration in post-military Nigeria. Nigerians are hitching to present a damning and unflattering report card as soon as the administration breasts the tape.

    For an administration which carried a lot of hope and expectations for millions of Nigerians, an administration redolent of reforms and a fresh beginning, it is turning out a damp squib. Where did we get things wrong once again in this country? Blessed are the cynics and perennial nay sayers who expected nothing and who invested little emotional dividends in General Buhari’s capacity to restart the spluttering engine. But there are also millions out there who cannot afford to imagine that Nigeria is a failed business enterprise awaiting receivers.

    This is why it is important to go back to the context of General Buhari’s emergence as Nigeria’s second civilian leader who had served an earlier tour of duty as a military dictator. We do this while we ask Nigerians themselves to flesh out the details with a view to determining while things, particularly the choice of days to lead us, often go catastrophically awry. It is said that when a child stumbles in a race, it looks towards the finishing line. But when an elder falters, he looks back at the starting block.

    By the beginning of year 2007, the Buhari momentum was gathering incredible force and momentum. It was an irresistible gale at the gates of an immovable object. It was becoming quite obvious that between the man and his Taliban-like piety and Nigeria’s traditional power structure, something will have to give sooner than later. Buhari was an implacable messiah and the northern masses were in a restive mood. The man from Daura was riding the crest of an anti-democratic populism which was bound to complicate Nigeria’s democratic rebirth.

    But despite the obvious signals and the handwriting on the wall, the Nigerian powerbrokers still managed to put General Buhari through the electoral grinders twice more, in 2007 and 2011. Perhaps they needed to further deodorize and defang the Daura-born general to make him fit for purpose and less of a threat to their idea of national cohesion and stability. They could not afford to have a radical Islamic zealot in power who would order their prompt execution.

    They almost lost the plot in 2011 when General Buhari’s fanatical mullahs overran the electoral booths and the north in protest against electoral shenanigans. With the north in flames, it was a close run affair. The Buhari hordes knew how to vote but not how to protect their votes. They needed an injection of political sophistication and the razzmatazz associated with electoral modernity. The power masters from the west of the nation have proved themselves to be the real masters in that department.

    So by 2011, Buhari began to cast a long gaze in the direction of the old West. The Buhari phenomenon was by then acquiring a nation-wide momentum which could no longer be ignored or strategically neutralized. Confronted by the sheer inevitability of a Buhari return to power, Nigeria’s power brokers began to make concessionary and conciliatory noise about the stiff, ramrod straight former infantry general.

    In a double-edged tone laced with mortal ambiguities, General Obasanjo noted that while Buhari was quite good on security, the same thing could not be said about his capacity to handle the economy or diplomacy. In the case of the northern sector of the Mafiosi, they prepared to domesticate and de-radicalize their hitherto off-message son.

    It should be noted that in 2007, the Afenifere power substratum adopted General Buhari as the presidential candidate of their party, the DPA, in the absence of viable electoral prospects for the fledgling and badly coordinated electoral machine. But by 2011, they had turned violently against him even when he fielded as his running mate a Yoruba who could be regarded as their ally.

    It is within this context that the following essay was written in early 2007. Casting a retrospective glance backward, it is clear that while the essay got a few things right, it was also wide of the mark in many respects. For example while the bleak prognosis about General Buhari’s primordial proclivities appears on spot, the optimism about his prospects for social justice and political equity now ring particularly hollow.

    On one point, the essay appears to be particularly prescient and strategically savvy. In the light of the unfolding drama, one is not sure of whether the dominant progressive tendency from the old west that went into alliance with General Buhari’s ultra-conservative forces actually sat down to cobble an agreement which will not put the region in political jeopardy. In all this, the reader is encouraged to make up his mind as the nation enters uncharted political waters for the umpteenth time.

  • General Buhari and the open sore of a nation

    General Buhari and the open sore of a nation

    Almost twenty five years after leading a coup that terminated democratic governance in Nigeria, General Muhammadu Buhari has found himself at the vanguard of democratic redemption of the same country.  As far as apostolic conversions go, this one is surely of Pauline proportions. What a country!— one might be tempted to ask in exasperation and wonderment. Twenty five years ago, a novelist plotting this kind of magical yarn would have been censored for his irresponsible imagination. But here we are, and as they say, actual reality has become unrealistic in Nigeria.

    If there is a sense, then, in which Buhari’s spectacular ascendancy underscores the man’s steely resilience and the continuing stranglehold of the old military establishment on the nation’s political jugular, there is another sense in which it is a reflection of elite failure and the poverty of politics in post-military Nigeria. With its shambolic parties, their perverse and pilfering politicians, the fluid and flux principles with which they crisscross carpets and switch allegiances ,Nigeria’s current democratic experiment is a very poor copy indeed.

    A quarter of a century after Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s assertion that this generation may never know real democracy, this grim prognosis has all but come to pass. It is therefore a remarkable irony of history that his last apostles should be caught in the current controversy about General Buhari.

    Whether Awolowo’s assertion is a parting curse to a nation that had betrayed him and wasted his outstanding talents or a piece of remarkable clairvoyance, we may never know. What we know is that broken and dismayed by the turn of events, the old man retreated into gloomy solitude only to be translated into eternal glory shortly thereafter.

    But there appears to be a fate worse than death. In 1993, only six years after the old man departed, his followers were forced by military machinations to group behind a reconstructed renegade. Miraculously, the heroic apostate prevailed only to be systematically taken apart by the feudal-military complex.

    Ten years later in 2003, they were forced again to line behind an unreconstructed heretic who had been forced on the country by their old nemesis and who quickly rubbed their nose in the sand. Now in 2007, twenty years after the departure of their beloved leader, Awolowo’s surviving disciples have been forced to line behind an old enemy and avid tormentor: General Muhammadu Buhari.

    When the issue is posed from this historical angle, and given the constellation of contradictory forces, it may be seen that the problem is not General Buhari as such but the dramatic contraction of radical space and possibilities in a neo-military state and the continuing shrinkage of opportunities for  progressive politics and its standard-bearers in the Nigerian polity. Every struggle in the last thirty years in Nigeria has ended in the consolidation of oligarchic rule; every stirring revolt against the status quo has brought in a worse version of the status quo through the back door.

    Is it any wonder then that after the magical debris has cleared from the illusionist fantasia that was the party primaries, the two leading democratic exemplars and stars of our democratic eclipse are two retired generals: The one an aging autocrat and militant apostle of a strange oxymoron that we propose as command democracy; and the other a seemingly reformed military oligarch haunted by the demons of his autocratic past.

    There is an easy solution to this problem, this grand chicanery and perpetual conspiracy against the manumission and democratic emancipation of Nigerians from their modern slave-masters. One can throw up one’s arm in despair and frustration and then go home to await divine intervention ; or one can sit back and wait for the system to collapse from the weight of its own internal contradictions. But political revolutions do not occur overnight and history is a furtive tiger which often steals upon the scene without much fanfare.

    On the other hand, since hope springs eternally in the Nigerian breast, and since no ruling group can be eternally cohesive and coherent, one can explore the fissures and crevices constantly thrown up by the movement of history in the political space until these develop into a capillary network with momentous possibilities. With great optimism of the political will coupled with an abiding pessimism of the critical intellect one can make a reasoned and measured choice within the contradictory amalgam of Nigerian politics and personalities.

    It is this maddening constellation of contradictory forces that has thrown up General Muhammadu Buhari as the beautiful bride of the current political scene. Let it not be denied that the general is widely admired by many; openly courted by significant sectors of the society and fanatically worshipped by the teeming multitude across national divide who see him as the only politician with the integrity and the strength of character to confront the PDP behemoth.

    If this were due to a staggering case of historical amnesia, then we can agree with our Nobel laureate that our leaders have gone mad again. But embedded in the Buhari ascendancy are harsh political realities which we can only ignore at our own peril.

    Yet it is also true that Buhari is haunted by ghosts from his autocratic and anti-democratic past. There is a powerful local lobby with phenomenal global reach which sees Buhari’s attempted return  as an  affront to common sense and natural justice and unless Buhari wants to rule Nigeria as a pariah and neo-Islamic state, he can only ignore this elite sector at his own political peril. In a worst case scenario, this significant sector can scuttle the intricate broad-based alliances Buhari must forge in order to have national acceptance.

    It is these demons from the past that have brought Soyinka and Ebenezer Babatope ,a.k.a Ebino Topsy,  railing at the gates of Buhari  in significant interventions in the past one week. Both men have personal and political reasons to be disturbed by the seeming national amnesia behind Buhari’s return.  While Babatope’s contribution is muted and measured, perhaps a reflection of his awareness of how much social and political capital he has frittered away in recent times, Soyinka’s piece is a grand philippic dripping with venom and vitriol.

    As usual, Soyinka does not intend to take hostages. His epic outburst speaks to the open sore of the nation and the failure of national reconciliation which ought to have been a cardinal pursuit of the Obasanjo regime. Rather than hide the festering suppurating wounds in a diseased purulent bandage  , the Nobel laureate has chosen to pour acid on the open sore. The result is a messy maw of mangled flesh and scalded tendons.

    But while Babatope’s piece is ultimately a backhanded campaign manual for Umar Y’Ardua by a man who is comfortable among political predators despite his heroic antecedents, Soyinka’s intervention is an injured outburst from an illustrious patriot who has fought on the side of justice for close to fifty years. The danger, however, is that the two can be used for the same purpose. It is significant that in his piece, Babatope, in anticipatory approval and without being aware of Soyinka’s approaching intervention, quotes with joyous relish Soyinka’s earlier strictures against Buhari.

    Soyinka’s strictures are harsh and perhaps justly so. As a matter of fact one must expand and  deepen his critique of Buhari  in order to arrive at political equity.  Indeed within six months of its existence, the Buhari administration was widely derided and reviled as the military wing of the ousted NPN. It was widely speculated that the main reason for its existence was to forestall a more revolutionary bloodbath by disaffected junior officers.

    If this was arguably a piece of slanderous speculation, the Buhari government soon lived up to its reactionary billing. The ousted president, Alhaji Shehu Shagari, reportedly aborted his flight to safety upon hearing  the leadership composition of the new government. He was‘kept in plush comfort where he reputedly increased his brood while his deputy, Alex Ekwueme, was thrown into the harsh privation of Kirikiri where he developed a beard of apostolic proportions.

    General Gowon who was returning from exile for the first time miraculously slipped across the border while Emeka Ojukwu was hauled into jail where he spent almost a year in a hail of bilious smoke and self-pity. There was also the dramatic daylight disappearance of Uba Ahmed after he was captured by junior officers who thought it was a new dawn for the nation. After his house was‘burglarized and his passport seized, it was Chief Awolowo again who prophetically cautioned that the omens were still not clear.

    We can go on ad nauseam. The families of those unjustly incarcerated and those sent to their premature deaths will never forget. The point to be made is that the Buhari administration did not just commit horrendous human rights abuses, it was‘also rabidly partisan and militantly contemptuous of the ethnic and regional sensitivities of the nation. Such was the danger it represented that towards the end, two civil war heroes, Generals Benjamin Adekunle and Akinrinade, were openly advocating a confederation for the nation.

    It is therefore a typical Nigerian paradox that a government so harshly reactionary in its driving ethos, a government reeking with ethnophobic malice could also be militantly patriotic on several scores. The Buhari administration made Nigerians proud in several respects: its puritanical prudence, its ascetic frugality, its stout refusal to devalue the naira, its nationalist rebuff of western interlopers, its economic offensive as seen in the counter trade, its stirring and soulful rhetoric against indiscipline, national self-abasement and the forlorn cravenness of our elite ,and, above all, its heroic attempt to recreate the momentum of the golden mid-seventies.

    If it is these memorable virtues that many of our compatriots choose to remember about Buhari rather than the harsh restrictions, the draconian infractions, Wole Soyinka must not blame them. Neither must he view it as a descent into definitive dementia. As Kafka would say, it is not that what you say is false but it is so hostile. The politics of memory, of remembering in a post-colonial nation is a complex, overdetermined affair. Too much memory, particularly negative memory, often leads to an awareness overloading which compels the mind to downsize negativities as a strategy of containment against unremitting hostility and persistent betrayal particularly in a post-colonial polity permanently rigged against rationality.

    Soyinka should take pity on his beleaguered compatriots. The light-headedness often associated with Nigerians these days, the strange happiness and loss of memory is a form of auto-therapy; an antidote against real madness in a nation of self-surpassing calamities. Having been subject to serial betrayal by their leaders, they have opened a new chapter in the annals of laughing and forgetting, and in the unnerving grin of the serially violated. The danger in a reflex rejection of Buhari is that it could split the progressive collective. There is an ideological, regional and generational dimension to this.

    There are progressive colleagues from the south who have never seen anything amiss in whatever Buhari did. There are radical compatriots from the north who believe he is a victim of a South-west intellectual conspiracy.

    There are some of Soyinka’s younger colleagues and admirers who will be forced to align with Buhari going by the logic of current party affiliations. And there are those much younger progressive elements who cannot give a damn about what Buhari did to some old men a long time ago. What should now be done is to sit Buhari down and extract from him every ounce of commitment to the progressive ideal.

    As for General Muhammadu Buhari ,  perhaps history beckons. Cashing in opportunistically on anti-Obasanjo sentiments and the nation-wide revulsion with the ruling party is not the same thing as coming up with a comprehensive blueprint which will mark him out as a truly visionary leader.

    If he intends to serve as a true national leader, and having disavowed the Oputa panel, this is the right moment to climb down from the high horse of bland refutals  and level with the injured of the land. That is the only way he can help to heal the open sore of an unfortunate nation.

    • First published in January, 2007.

  • Why are we so blest?

    Why are we so blest?

    The day was far gone and dusk was fast approaching. There was no sign of the august reverend personage. He had left a message that he was already on his way. There was no reason to doubt that, except that people propose and Lagos traffic snafus dispose. At the end of the tormenting tortoise of traffic, one may discover that there was no tangible cause to it after all. It was just a case of WAWA, the acronym for colonial frustration. West Africa Wins Again.

    May be a towing vehicle needs towing itself, having broken down in the middle of the road. Or it may be that a refuse collection vehicle had spilled its entire content on the road making further passage impossible.

    These days in Lagos, it doesn’t take long for frantic officials to arrive on the scene but by then, the natural indiscipline of the average road user would have kicked in, making decongestion an uphill task. It surely takes a lot of testicular fortitude to survive The Road in a contemporary Nigerian city.

    Yours sincerely had lapsed into a long reverie probably triggered by the news of a mortuary attendant who had taken to mutilating the remains of the deceased as a prelude to harvesting their main organs for sale in the open market. Is there no end to the national shame?

    Is there no end to our ordeal? Whenever one thought that we had scraped the bottom of the barrel, something new keeps cropping up. One had lost count of people caught with freshly harvested human organs as if they originally belonged to rabbits or some lower species. Not even the dead are safe anymore.

    It reminds one of Walter Benjamin’s cryptic aphorism that if the enemy should win, not even the dead are safe. The level of de-humanization and de-civilization that has gone on in this stricken society beggars belief.  The magnitude of barbarism astounds.

    Every day, the rate of unspeakable crimes against humanity and our essence as the most civilized species mounts. Those who put this bazaar of bestialities together, this mosaic of horrendous atrocities, surely have a case to answer before the creator. Not even in the hottest contemporary war zones has one witnessed this level of human depravity.

    Last week, over a hundred people somewhere in Ohaji got themselves burnt to ashes while refining and prospecting for crude oil. Anguished Nigerian humanity could only sigh and move on as if it was all in a day’s chore. They will not be the first or the last. That one does not require Tucano jets to halt, only human will and the capacity to build functioning refineries to put those engaged in the illicit business out of work.  But human will has been harvested too.

    About the same time, daring marauders somewhere on Nigerian soil ,and probably not far from the bastion of military arsenal, published a picture of captured nationals for our national salivation almost a month after they were abducted from a train. Mum is the word from officialdom. And they say the state has not been overwhelmed by adversity.

    Not too long ago, an American clergy on a humanitarian mission to commission boreholes in a community somewhere in the country was so appalled by the cruel cynicism of the local rulers who were demanding bribe before they allowed him to dig for water simply concluded that God was gathering the worst set of people in Nigeria for an interesting experiment in human retrogression.

    It is a vision of hell, Gehenna, the Apocalypse and Dante’s inferno all rolled into one. The people have recoiled into their shells occasionally to come out hunting for human victuals. The rulers have become so inured to human suffering and so desensitized to national calamities that they are only capable of ritualized gestures of hypocritical regrets while waiting for the next tragedy.

    When one is not confronted by appalling savagery on the streets, one is haunted by images of wanton domestic violence and brutalization; when one is not benumbed by the casual callousness of kidnappers who maim and murder their victims at will, one is affronted by the unpardonable pardon of convicted state criminals.

    Even before one had sorrowfully turned his gaze away from viral videos of under-aged kids torridly copulating , one is gifted with the unseemly sight of traditional rulers personally lugging their loot away from government quarters. Nigeria could as well be a trauma ward in an emergency hospital where the specialists have all fled.

    There is such a collapse of mores and the humane ethos which undergirds all civilized societies that one cannot but concur with those who raise the alarm that Nigeria has seceded from humanity. Put in another way, Nigeria is stranded by choice in a liminal limbo of ethical lunacy. It will take a gifted political scientist of deracinated societies and a sociologist of historic dysfunction to capture what is going on. Is this the end of the Great Black Hope?

    It will be foolish and futile at this point to hold on to the belief that national salvation lies in the restructuring of Nigeria’s architectural category. That game appears to have slipped past the bungling political elite. Nothing short of the political equivalent of stem re-engineering will now do.

    Restructuring depends on substantial elite consensus. Once the hegemonic forces that have captured the Nigerian state spurned the idea of peaceful restructuring, the logic of a unitary authoritarian state must play out, elections or no elections. As it unfolds every day, it is the logic of grotesque political absurdity.

    As this column never tires of pointing out, elections do not resolve fundamental aspects of the National Question. In reality, they tend to exacerbate them. With the east in permanent political upheaval, with a substantial section of the north roiling in social, spiritual and economic turmoil and with the west overtaken by an ominous quietude, something far more momentous than the customary antics of the Nigerian selectorate may be in the offing.

    One does not need to be a star gazer to come to the conclusion that the continuing destabilization of the dominant progressive forces of the South West that have collaborated with them to capture power at the centre through the instigated profusion and proliferation of presidential hopefuls will eventuate in the ascendancy of uglier forces of separation and disintegration. Strategically weakened, badly destabilized and with their back to the wall, it will amount to sheer folly to expect them to go under meekly.

    This is why the coming weeks will be very interesting for both the polity and the ruling party and its fractious components. In the elaborate game of political chess, one fundamental lesson of Politics 101 has already been taught and taken in by those on the refreshers’ course: it is going to be a heavy price to pay.

    You cannot go into alliance at the centre dominated by unreconstructed ethnic supremacists with your flanks opened and dangerously exposed. We have been through this route before and it has ended in the mutual ruination of all the contending forces. Now, the skies are darkening with intent and the vultures are circling once again.

    It is an epic of traumatic dislocation with the forces of retrogression trumping the forces of modernity all the way as they seek to return Nigeria to their antediluvian vision of an anarchic fiefdom with the regnant pillars of tradition acting as self-immolating accomplices. Look for no other compelling evidence than the grotesque behaviour of some of our traditional rulers.

    But a battle won is not the same as the war won. It is precisely at the point when they think they have pulled off this anti-modernist heist, when they think they have won, that the forces of modernity, of involuntary nationhood and the enforced nation-state paradigm will reassert themselves with uncoordinated savagery as they have done in the past.

    Contrary to the dark brooding of the frustrated but well-meaning American clergy, Nigeria, despite its current hideous mutilations, is an on-going divine experimentation, a tribute to the subversive genius of the colonial imaginary which should survive its current mutilations to emerge in a new form. But before this happens, there is going to be one hell of caterwauling in this land.

    It was at this point that the august personage sauntered in as if to break the spell of mournful brooding about the fate of Nigeria. There was something about his upright and imperious carriage which reminded one of his proud and aristocratic Ondo forebears. He was neither craven nor crestfallen. He represented the true conservative essence of the old prelacy before it succumbed to later-day spiritual merchants and sundry mercenaries.

    A devoted reader of this column and quiet admirer of the columnist, the reverend came bearing no gifts of outlandish prophecies. Such lot could not have lasted a minute with yours sincerely before being thrown out. Pious, extremely well-educated in Nigeria’s founding university and pleasantly mannered, there was something infectious about his humility and good breeding.

    After customary pleasantries, he wasted no time in directing attention to the business of the day. He had brought out a bulky file which contained previous articles culled from this column among others. After this, he handed over a note which itemised the agenda for the day. After that, the fireworks commenced and yours sincerely soon found himself crouching under the intensity of a Socratic inquisition.

    “Do you know the long bridge after Ojodu Berger?” he opened casually.

    “ Yes I do. Isn’t that the Kara Bridge?” I responded.

    “You see!!” he exclaimed. “This is how it starts. We yield space too much and too often. There is nothing like Kara Bridge. The Kara Market is right under the bridge. That bridge is over the Ogun River. In about forty years if care is not taken, that bridge would have become Kara Bridge and it will be a long bridge too near and too short”.

    Yours sincerely was pleasantly taken aback by the revelation. But the reverend was adamant. He had urged one to use his influence with the authorities to do the needful and give the bridge its proper name and commensurate assignation.

    Having secured this important psychological beachhead, the venerable was in no mood to let up the offensive. He asked whether one was not aware of what can only be described as the creeping Zangonization of Ogere. Ogere is an idyllic agrarian town which is currently experiencing a relentless influx which will change the demographic of the rural community.

    The mind immediately went to Zango Kataf, Sango Otta and other Zangos in the waiting and alarm bells started ringing. But here is the snag. In a multi-ethnic nation of violent mutual antipathies induced by politics of the belly, if your own people are sedentary and rooted by nature and culture, no force or power on earth can stop transhumance movement as long as it is not directed by enforced human transplantation as state policy.

    After this, matters took a calmer and more rewarding turn with productive exchanges on the need to address the food crisis threatening the country through the immediate resuscitation of the old farm settlement schemes and the empowerment of able-bodied people roaming the streets in bitter frustration.

    As a direct corollary, there is the urgent imperative of turning Nigeria and Africa into a global factory based on the Chinese model of cottage industrialization and the desirability of draining flood through the deployment of water tankers. The reverend gentleman also spoke to the need to demarcate the new Badagry Expressway with functioning and properly designated stops as it is the best practice in civilized climes.

    It was time to leave. The man of God did not forget to rue the current bitter fragmentation of the dominant progressive forces of the South West and the deleterious effect this could have on the old region and the polity going forward to 2023. It is turning out into a veritable Pandora Box. The reverend gentleman propounds the Latin Doctrine of Uti Possidetis Juris which favours and gives primacy to actual possession no matter how it was achieved.

    However that may pan out eventually, blessed indeed are those who give serious thoughts to the dire crisis of political, economic and spiritual underdevelopment that has roiled the country since independence. Just at the time one is about to be overwhelmed by the sheer futility of it all, a ray of light appears from nowhere to boost hope and faith on the horrifying colonial quandary that is Nigeria. It has been a great afternoon with the reverend.

  • All hail the new Ogunsua of Modakeke

    All hail the new Ogunsua of Modakeke

    The Gbedu drums of royalty are still panning out their panegyrics weeks after the proclamation. The historic town of Modakeke is still agog with festivity and merriment. The feelings of renewal and rejuvenation are palpable in the traditional quarters of ancient warriors and lapsed combatants of this feisty town.

    All hail the new Ogunsua of Modakeke, Oba Olubiyi Toriola. Forty five years after Sunday Adegeye aka Sunny Ade, the inimitable genius of Juju music, waxed an unforgettable classic in honour of one the most illustrious sons of the soil, the late Chief Olaniyan Alawode aka 007, another illustrious son has mounted the throne of his storied ancestors.

    For a land of the physically brave and no-nonsense stalwarts, this is a worthy and befitting choice. Only the strong can call out the strong. The new Oba is not a spring chicken in the arts of self-defence both verbal and otherwise. Suave, urbane and deceptively mild-mannered, the Ogunsua is an elephant skull which is not an easy luggage for children and infants alike. (Atari Ajanaku ki seru omode)

    Looking at a king’s mouth, no one would ever belief that he once suckled at his mother’s breasts. Forty years ago, yours sincerely and new Kabiyesi were both staffers at the then University of Ife. Nobody knew we were at the tail end of Nigeria’s glorious intellectual renaissance. The evenings were taken up at the famous University Staff Club by leisurely discussions and rapier-like exchanges from intellectual gladiators from all ideological and political persuasions.

    At that point in time, the new Ogunsua had begun climbing the greasy pole of royal ascension as the Ikolaba of Modakeke. Whenever Chief Toriola showed up at the Staff Club, a cheeky professor of Chemical Pathology celebrated for brilliance and irreverence would commence openly baiting the new King. “Ha, here comes Toriola,  Ikolaba of Modakeke”, he would snigger in cynical mockery to which the new Ogunsua would retort with a devastating sucker punch: “Ha well, it is a title superior to other people’s kings!” (T’oju Oba ilu elomin)

    Forty years after, the old Ikolaba has finished climbing the royal ladder and has found himself top of the pole. No matter what, there will always be something to be said for patience and perseverance. When snooper put a call through to congratulate him, the new Oba was full of royal verve and pizzazz as they say. Here is wishing Kabiyesi a happy and successful tenure.

  • An afternoon with Iku Baba Yeye

    An afternoon with Iku Baba Yeye

    To the ornate and historic Aafin in Oyo for an equally historic encounter with the reigning monarch, His Imperial Majesty, Oba Lamidi  Olayiwola Adeyemi 111, Iku Baba Yeye this cool Saturday afternoon preceding Palm Sunday. Whenever there is a power crisis in the land, you do not go to the current locus of power but to its old source and origins.

    This afternoon, the much-storied Oyo metropolis wore a serene and calm look, befitting the sanctuary of a powerful but circumspect ruler.  The Oyo palace is structured like an unfolding museum with the most ancient buildings fronting and yielding place to more modern constructions that housed historic human relics.

    On getting to the main building, you are welcomed by a polite and friendly prince who is introduced as the last son of the late Alaafin Adeniran, the father of the current king. Inside an adjacent building colonial era automobiles belonging to many Alaafins of remote antiquity lay in various states of posthumous dereliction.

    Only somebody with a vast sense of history could have pulled off this fascinating panoply of the ancient and the modern. By popular consensus, the reigning Oyo sovereign is a master-historian; a gifted scholar-monarch deeply versed in the history of his people and a major league political polemicist who cannot be toyed with even by Ivory Tower hidebound chronologists. His power of recall and photographic memory are a tad short of the miraculous.

    The Alaafin recalls people, events and places with the ease and facility of an ancient griot. Nothing escapes his razor-sharp intellect and astonishing power of observation. Fifty years into a momentous reign which benchmarks some of the most turbulent events in Nigeria’s military and post-military history,  Iku Baba Yeye is still going very strong.

    The current palace is not the abode of those ancient Alaafins of mysterious valour and even more mysterious allure. That one lay in ruins more than a hundred kilometres to the north west of the current site. This current Oyo owes its existence to the visionary zeal and ruthless vigour of its founding monarch, the former Prince Atiba, a direct ancestor of the ruling monarch.

    A wealthy and well-connected son of Alaafin Abiodun Adegolu, one of the most consequential Alaafin to rule the ancient empire, Atiba was already very well known in the area for his business exploits. Richard Lander, a British adventurer travelling through the territory at the time of Abiodun, spoke of well-trained superbly fit archers taking their turn in a shooting practice near the heart of the well-defended town.

    This was Oyo Empire at its zenith. Decline and desuetude set in not long afterwards. The centre could no longer hold. The routing of the forces of the empire by invading Fulani cavalry is regarded by historians as one of the greatest calamities to have befallen the Yoruba people since the beginning of recorded history.  Two hundred years later, its echoes continue to reverberate across the Yoruba landscape and to shape the people’s tumultuous postcolonial politics.

    It was said that the then Prince Atiba was one of the earliest to realize that as a result of internal contradictions the great empire had come to the end of its tether. Even before the military debacle, he had begun shrewdly and astutely gathering the remnant reins of power around himself, rallying the surviving princes and Oyo notables to his banner of a new beginning.

    It is said that all political entities have their sell-by date. No power on earth can stop the march of history or the supplanting of an old order. A new Oyo emerged from the ruins of the old Oyo with Atiba as the undisputed master and new law giver. It was an astonishing feat of self-reinvention for which the Yoruba race ought to be grateful. The empire is dead, long live the empire.

    But Johnson, the master chronicler of Yoruba history and his successor-brother aka Ajani Ogun who are often accused of Oyo-centrism and sub-ethnic hegemonic exceptionalism, were not so kind in their epic history of the Yoruba people. They made a short shrift of Atiba obliquely calling him out for deliberately collapsing his flank in order to facilitate the military rout of Oyo army by Fulani horsemen.

    Whatever may be the case, it is clear that the new Oyo owes its existence to the visionary resourcefulness of this strategically savvy and diplomatically astute scion of the ancient empire. A power-master without commensurate military knuckle, Atiba was to endure decades of military contumely and ritual humiliation from a succession of dominant warlords from the new Ibadan military hegemons until colonial intervention put paid to their hegemonic pretension.

    This cool and demure afternoon, the Alaafin sat casually clad but radiating the unmistakable aura of imperial power and authority.  There is a mystifying veil about this royal personage which speaks volumes about royal breeding and its alluring mystique.

    Like all secular deities of consequence, the Alaafin is mystery personified: all-knowing and all-seeing but enveloped in a wall of strategic silence and royal reticence. As age and power refined an early tubbiness, his royal highness increasingly reminds one of a playful elderly hawk with its talon hidden from sight.

    One has been on his royal highness case for quite some time. As an apprentice journalist one was present around March 1971 when the Nigerian Tribune, an implacable ancient foe, wrote an editorial condemning his choice as the new Alaafin.  The editorial, titled, We Shall Be Back to Square One hinted of a return match which must restore parity.

    All hell was let loose around midnight. Brigadier Adeyinka Adebayo was having none of that nonsense. The people at the helm of affairs of the newspaper had forgotten that in every newspaper house, there are state moles who usually deliver daily contents to the authorities ahead of schedule. It was a fatal error of judgement. Alhaji Aminu’s building which housed The Tribune at Adeoyo was surrounded by gun-toting and fierce-looking soldiers who put the newspaper to siege and sacked the entire place.

    In the ensuing melee and disorderly retreat, yours sincerely found himself in company of others running helter-skelter in the direction of the adjoining Sapati (Shepherd) Hill. Very well ahead and already hugging the precincts of the Minor Seminary at Oke Are was an intrepid and enterprising reporter who later distinguished himself as an Infantry Colonel of the Nigerian Army.

    Gabriel Ajayi, one of the greatest generals the Nigerian Army never had, was to have his illustrious career terminated on trumped up charges of plotting against General Abacha. He never recovered from the trauma of protracted detention and unjust incarceration. The night he died, he had cried to his maker like Ken Saro-Wiwa to release him from the hell that was Nigeria. After a successful operation, a blood clot had detached itself and lodged firmly in his lungs.

    His royal highness, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi himself barely escaped General Abacha’s murderous dragnet. The exiled Nigerian community rallied. Snooper recruited his uncle in law, an accountant who was Abiola’s classmate and landlord in Glasgow, to the cause and he went to work using his vast network of connection with the British establishment. With Nosa Igiebor in exile in London, the intrepid Tell magazine also did a cover to alert Nigerians about the impending anti-royal heist.

    When yours sincerely reminded his royal majesty about the incident, he nodded grimly and gravely, like somebody trying to forget a nightmare. Now twenty six years after, Nigeria is approaching another epic emergency which may dwarf all the earlier emergencies. How a country manages to sleepwalk to tragedy with such amazing punctuality beggars all beliefs. Something must be said about a nation being structurally rigged against rationality and modernity.

    The Alaafin is very clear and far-sighted about the origins of the political crisis gradually enveloping the nation. But he is more worried about the prospects of leading Yoruba political gladiators tearing at each other unto death as the elaborate game of political chess progresses. The Yoruba proverb asserts that when two children are trying to fell a tree in a forest, it is the elders who know how and where the falling log will land.

    It is of grave concern to him that the traditional conflict resolving mechanism among Yoruba pre-colonial political elite did not appear to have survived the colonial incursion. It has led to a situation of looming anarchy and chaos. This is why care must be taken to handle the burgeoning crisis of succession if the country were not to dissolve in an apocalyptic meltdown.

    Oba Lamidi Adeyemi hints of a clearly well thought out and brilliant panacea for the warring children of Oduduwa. But this is not for public consumption. As a precondition all the political combatants must demonstrate a spirit of give and take before coming to the negotiating table.

    Fifty one years after Alaafin’s coronation as the paramount traditional ruler of his people, the Nigerian nation and the colonial successor-state appear to be permanently embroiled in a crisis of nationhood.

    This unending and unceasing run of conflicts is enough to wear down even the stoutest and most determined of rulers. It is an implicit vote of no confidence. But Oba Adeyemi is unfazed and undeterred by the turbulent exigencies of nation-building. He has continued to contribute his considerable intellectual quota to resolving the crisis of federalism that has haunted the nation since independence.

    When the conversation turned to the issue of the nexus between Yoruba traditional pharmacology and power politics, the Alaafin is particularly illuminating. In Yoruba traditional politics any ruler who was deemed to have exhausted his goodwill and the limits of his historical and political possibility was asked by the representatives of his people to do the needful. To facilitate the process of self-elimination, the monarch is called aside and presented with a calabash containing a powerful poisonous substance.

    Right from youth, yours sincerely has been very curious to know the nature of this powerful substance. The  Alaafin, supremely versed and well-acquainted with the recondite politics of his people, believes it is a local species of the opium flower. When he was asked to expatiate on this, Iku Baba Yeye responded with a devastating smile of complicity. This columnist chose not to press his luck.

    Oba Adeyemi also eulogised the power and efficacy of Yoruba traditional healing. In those days upon a snake bite, the offending snake is summoned by the local medicine man and ordered to suck out its own poison thereby fatally infecting itself in the process. The head was summarily lobbed off and thrown into a pouch after which the medicine man would vanish without trace.

    It was getting dark in Oyo and it was time to leave this wise and learned monarch, a pride to his people, his nation and the entire Black Race. If only our contemporary politicians could imbibe half of his wisdom and learning and just a fraction of his concern for his people and good breeding! As usual, Oba Adeyemi asked his aides to bring copies of latest intellectual endeavours. He had thrust a personally embossed copy to yours sincerely. It has been a great evening in Oyo.