Category: Tatalo Alamu

  • Shifting cultivation among the Nigerian political class

    Shifting cultivation among the Nigerian political class

    Oh boy, oh boy, Nigerian politicians are something else. Whilst we are still on the subject of the death and disintegration, has anybody noticed the epic migration going on among the Nigerian political class since the PDP gave up the ghost? We do not know whether this is an attempt to evade death duties or the fear of imminent hunger which has induced the disease known in Northern Nigeria as Sokugo or wandering psychosis among Nigeria’s dissolute and irresponsible political class.

       What we know is that since the death of the PDP was announced, there has been a Gadarene rush to jump ship or to flee the sinking hulk of the biggest party in Africa. Hordes of internally displaced political prostitutes, homeless ideological destitute, rank-shifted renegades, politically homeless vagrants and other hobos and yobos of reactionary politics have taken to the road to Bourdillon as if it is a new highway to Babylon. In Yoruba folk parlance, it is known as eni ori ba yo odile. (If you survive, we shall meet at home)

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      Among these wastrel wayfarers is a notorious political scoundrel from the old Adamawa province who has betrayed just about anybody in contemporary Nigerian politics including the illustrious MKO even while mouthing meaningless Marxist mumbo-jumbo about pending and impending class conflagration. Another is a fugitive from American justice who seemed to be permanently encamped at the gate of the Lion of Bourdillon. Thrice he had attempted to gain forcible entry and thrice the fat fool has been driven away.

        Snooper has a political theory for these unprincipled gyrations and shameless gallivanting. It is taken from soil science. When native farmers exhaust the nutrients of a particular plot of land due to incessant and relentless cultivation, they simply abandon it and move on to the next plot of land until the entire farming space is crying for mercy. We are looking for a worthy son of the soil to marry soil science with political science in a compelling treatise on the habits and habitats of the Nigerian post-colonial political class.  So long then for shifting cultivation among contemporary Nigerian politicos.

      • First published in April, 2015

  • Beyond one-party state

    Beyond one-party state

    The Hakeem Baba-Ahmed Condition

    Damn your principles, stick to your party — Benjamin Disraeli

    With the recent tsunami-like defections to the ruling party, we are virtually in a one-party state, or are we not? But how is that a problem? There are one party states and there are one party states. There are one-party states such as China, Russia, Vietnam, Singapore and Cuba that utilize the national consensus to force a furious developmental pace on their respective societies. On the other hand, there are one-party states such as those that litter post-colonial Africa which are nothing but cartel-like coalitions that fuel corruption and permanent stagnation. It is not one-party states that are the problem. It is the state of the hegemonic parties themselves.

      In just a little over twelve years of its storied existence, the APC has moved from underdog to top dog, acquiring such heft and hulk in the process that it now sweeps everything before it with annihilating panache. This is such that close relations of its former rival, the PDP, which has been brain-dead and on life support machine for some time now, are openly wondering whether the machine should not be switched off. The APC and its asphyxiating honchos ought to be commended for poleaxing a terrible party like the PDP into a terminal stupor.

    The great irony is that in close combat with its deadly rival, some of the insalubrious and unsavory qualities of the dying and unlamented behemoth appear to have rubbed off on the APC itself. Brilliantly described by Alex Ekwueme, one of its founding fathers, as “a rally rather than a party”, PDP, began life as a well-connected enforcer of state will, or what the Nobel laureate famously dismissed as “a nest of killers”.  Now, it is ending it as an abandoned state orphan. After its death, the party should be cremated and its ashes sprayed across the four corners of the country if only to appease the spirit of those it has done to death in the name of “come and eat cosmology”.

       There are those who will imagine that the pathological condition named above is more applicable to the mercurial and tempestuous Nasir el Rufai, the former governor of Kaduna state who has traversed all the major parties in the post-military political dispensation, rather than Hakeem Baba- Ahmed who can be seen as a harmless opportunistic technocrat with an eye on the main chance. But if you study closely Baba Ahmed’s migrations and transmigrations like a political nomad since the beginning of the post-military era, to his current “apolitical” self-canonization as a northern leader of thought, you find something far more sinister and dangerous to the health of the polity than el Rufia’s candidly vindictive political gaming. Posing as a refined statesman above the fray, a placid defender of all that is sane and noble, Baba Ahmed is yet to confess his crime and complicity against the nation as a notable functionary of INEC under Maurice Iwu’s leadership.  The monumental heist committed against the nation and democracy will continue to resonate in the annals of political infamy. If this were to be a country with a culture of shame and restitution, anybody connected with such political atrocities ought to have gone home, never to be heard from again. After a lull, our man showed up as Chief of Staff to Bukola Saraki after the Ilorin-born medico and scion of the ancient Saraki dynasty seized the mantle of senate leadership in a daring broad daylight political putsch. After the stint with Saraki expired, Baba Ahmed loitered around a bit, waiting for the next assignment or self-assignation. Folk wisdom holds that a person should be wise and circumspect about what he eats, particularly when he is hungry. Despite the fact that his blood brother was a running mate to Peter Obi in the 2023 presidential election, Ahmed did not have any qualms or suffer a loss of equanimity in accepting to be a Senior Presidential Adviser in the victorious coalition led by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He was posted to the office of the Vice President. He was neither a campaigner for nor a contributor to the APC. In any case, if he shared political bonding and ideological brotherhood with Bukola Saraki’s obviously conservative and rightwing affiliation what could he have been doing in Bola Tinubu’s government?

    But the bubble soon burst. It did not take long before Hakeem found himself outside the loop of power again. It was coming to crunch mid-term and there are smart new deals to cut and newer political IOUs to secure. There are some people who prefer the indignities of political humiliation on the corridor of power to the contumely of political irrelevance outside the loop of power. Unable to endure the prospects of being a political wayfarer all over again, our man soon relocated to familiar power haunts in traditional circuits craftily re-ennobling himself as a regional elder and master of manafiki politics.

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    The last time we heard from him, he was at the bully pulpit hectoring the fabled northern masses about how they will be directed to vote when the hour comes. These are the same poor masses he failed to remember when he was hunting for victuals and foraging for food. Even a political fool ought to see through this shameless chicanery. Ahmed is referencing the same mythical north that is up in flames as a result of the mismanagement of ethnic and cultural diversities by him and his cohorts who see themselves as a superior caste beyond reprimand and reproach. He is referring to the same north that is ravaged by corruption and mismanagement as a result of the greed and avarice of a feudal and parasitic elite group. Like Rip Van Winkle, he will soon wake up from his catatonic slumber to discover that his north has become a mirage and that time has moved.

      One-party states are always a distinct possibility in nations with weak political structures and with strong individuals serving as the binding glue that holds everything together in an otherwise chaotic amalgam of diverse and contradictory interests. This is why there is always the possibility of things dissolving into a one-party structure with autocratic despotism looming. One party states are usually a reflection of the state and status of politics where a predatory elite rules the roost upending the system and all the ancient values known to it with politicians choosing the liberty that goes with licensed licentiousness over the freedom that comes from noble exertions. This is why some of the people associated with recent defections are some of the vilest and most execrable characters ever thrown up by the post-military melee of Nigerian politics. One of them, a trained medical doctor, had served as a running mate to the presidential candidate of the main opposition party and is under investigation for making away with a colossal amount of state funds.

      But we must not stop with castigating and excoriating these scoundrels alone. While that may be profoundly therapeutic, it does not address the fundamental impasse and is ultimately an exercise in futility.  We must throw further and deeper theoretical light on this gathering of the tribe of politicians under one huge tent. It may well be due to what is known as the cunning of history; a fortuitous design to address some fundamental imbalance and overcome some serious aspects of the national question that have tasked and vexed human ingenuity over a whole generation. The gathering of the pan-Nigerian tribe under one huge umbrella is a symbolic affirmation of the homogenization of the Nigerian political class or what may be described as solidarity in aberration.

    Henceforth, it will no longer make any sense to ascribe ethnicity, religion, region and culture to Nigeria’s problems since we may be witnessing the advent of a pan-Nigerian ruling class for the first time in the history of the nation. Second, since there are rumours and loud insinuations that there is really no difference between the APC ruling party and the PDP former ruling party the merger removes any doubt about the similarity of core ideology between the two dominant factions of the same conservative tendency. Shielding defectors from the probing fangs of the EFCC can only compound the image problem of the government and deepen its crisis of credibility. Strategic brilliance and political dissembling may then lead to moral and political opprobrium.

       Something in all this would have bestirred Obafemi Awolowo in his grave. Unarguably the preeminent Yoruba political patriarch of the epoch, Awo spent his long and illustrious career fighting against the homogenization of the Nigerian ruling class. It was the obstinacy and tenacity with which he waged the battle that made his adversaries to mark him out for political elimination. Awo’s belief was that any attempt at the political homogenization of the polity robs the people of real and genuine choices and alternative policy formulations. In the First Republic, Awo spurned the attempt to coopt him and his party, the Action Group, into a National Government under the feudal rubrics of the ruling NPC. Awo instead dusted his file and became Leader of Opposition. The same scenario was to repeat itself during the Second Republic when Awo opposed with all his cerebral clout the antics and shenanigans of the ruling NPN.

         At that point in time, Augustus Meredith Adisa Akinloye, aka Eegunjenmi, the wily and foxy National Chairman of the NPN, noted with wry cynicism that there were only two political parties in Nigeria: The Military Party of Nigeria and all the other parties lumped together. True enough, when the military struck later, they made no attempt to differentiate among the political class lumping all of them together as offensive vermin. Indeed in his maiden broadcast to the nation, the selfsame Major General Buhari accused all the politicians of corruption and vote-rigging, claiming that they all rigged according to their strength and resources. Awo’s attempt to carve a niche for his own party had come to naught. For the military, it is negative homogenization of the political class all the way as a strategy of containment of any challenge to its rule.

    Ever perspicacious and penetrating in his judgment and outlook, the irony would not have been lost on Awo that this time around, it is Yoruba political luminaries who are at the forefront of the homogenization drive. Was he missing something in his analysis? There was no way Awo could have factored into his usually drastic evaluation the full implication for politics of military rule in all its devastation and debilitations. To facilitate its rule and ease of dominion over an unwieldy country, the military turned the nation into a vast garrison and the politicians into a subaltern class. The grinding conformity was bound to lead to some homogenization but also throw up a unified front of resistance and opposition such as it is normally witnessed in times of struggle against autocracy and despotism. Given the contradictions enumerated above, we can confidently assert that Nigeria is still very far from a one-party state.

  • As SK turns sixty

    As SK turns sixty

    This column congratulates our boy and younger acolyte, Seye Kehinde, on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday. Yours sincerely missed all the celebrations and the epic quaffing but will surely be back to share some of the usual liquid elixir with the celebrant. Serious and scholarly undergraduate with an affable well-bred mien, guerrilla journalist and fabled editor of the famous anti-military magazine known as Tempo and latterly publisher of City People, the topnotch society broadsheet, Seye has come a very long way indeed. Snooper remembers a pleasant-looking youth from the mid-eighties who usually sauntered into the office at the then University of Ife to read the latest copy of Newswatch magazine. Even though he was not directly a student of yours sincerely as he was reading International Relations, it was very easy to add him to an ever growing list of mentees who could swear by yours sincerely. Almost to no exception, they were young, brilliant and socially engaged. Seye was to make a seamless transition to the world of Nigerian journalism after graduation. This was when events conspired to throw him into the crucible of the struggle against military tyranny and despotism which peaked with the annulment of the freest and fairest election in the history of the nation. Seye acquitted himself with uncommon bravery and valour. Nigeria is yet to properly honour the true heroes of the democracy we are all enjoying.

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    We leave with two stories which reveal the depth of Seye’s sense of humour and daring. After a visit to a top notch general during the Abacha inquisition, Seye told the infantry supremo that he was coming to see yours sincerely whereupon the general expressed surprise saying that he thought all along that the name was a pen name because he believed nobody in his right senses would be writing such inflammatory stuff. When Seye confirmed that the name was for real, the general quickly eased him out of his house with the parting shot that the nation was teeming with mad people: “Awon asiwere po nilu yi!” On another occasion, Seye was arrested by a policeman on patrol in the dead of the night around the Oshodi loop as he was coming from the hideout where Tempo was being printed. Unable to pin anything on him, the cop was about to release him when he noticed a huge stack hidden under the carpet. It was the latest, freshly minted edition of the proscribed Tempo. The cop knelt by the keel to loudly thank God for giving him his own breakthrough. Negotiations ensued and they settled for hefty sum. The snag was that Seye had no dime on him. Foolishly, the policeman agreed to follow him on a begging spree around all surrounding neighborhoods until Seye could retire his obligation. They were still on this when dawn broke and some irate residents raised an alarm about a thief and the cop fled. Such was the surreal nature of life under military tyranny that we must pray the nation never revert to another. Happy birthday, Seye.

  • Federalism, federation and the unfederalised consciousness

    Federalism, federation and the unfederalised consciousness

    (Some fundamental issues of restructuring)

    April, the month of Easter and of earthly regeneration following the recession of the harmattan in Tropical Africa and the Arctic entombment of living humanity elsewhere else, is turning out to be a very cruel month indeed. Something very nasty is happening out there. Not since the events preceding the Second World War has the world seen such massive discombobulating. To be sure, a lot of this seismic unease is coming from an America that is threatening to unravel at the seams. At the moment, America resembles a giant reel that is unspooling in a dramatic and chaotic manner, spreading global fear and discomfiture.

    Whenever the world’s leading nation is ill at ease, the rest of the globe must feel the pangs and the pains. The cosmic carnage in Gaza, the apocalyptic meltdown of Sudan with the RUF savages sacking and brutalizing even UN-ordained camps leading to a humanitarian crisis of catastrophic magnitude and the slow-motion disintegration of South Sudan, are all major indications of an America so wracked and consumed by its internal demons that it is incapable of lifting a finger for a world order inaugurated by its own visionary forebears. This is not to talk about the Trumpian tariff war which has sent the world into an economic tailspin.

       In some quarters, it feels as if the world is coming to an end. But in reality, it is the world at the end of a particular historic epoch. No one is sure of what will replace the current global order. Global hegemonies, like a national hegemonic order, are not replaced or reconstituted overnight. While we are still at it and without a superintending master-nation, it is imperative for every nation, if it is not to disappear without trace in the tsunami, to reexamine its constitutive principles and fundamental raison d’etre with a view to visionary self-assertion in the coming collision of national altars. A livid China that many had thought was afraid of confrontation and direct collision with America has just told off the Yankee hegemons that five thousand years of continuous existence and civilization cannot be wished away just like that. The wily and inscrutable masters of oriental gobbledygook know just how many aces they hold up their sleeves and because of their cultural nous which they refused to surrender to Western imperialism, they are not about to give the game away.

      As they say, when you do not have the handle of the sword, you cannot be asking about how your father came to grief. Economically and culturally, if not yet militarily, China appears to have the handle of the sword, and it is going to use it to hurt America where it matters most. For the first time in its history, its soaring and ever expanding middle class is about to surpass the American middle class which is far from being organic and cohesive. The Chinese middle class will be lining up solidly and massively behind a national institution and the idiosyncratic ideology that has delivered them from the clutches of poverty and biblical immiseration whereas the Trumpian ascendancy in America is a reflection of just how fractured and divided down the line the country has become.

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      As a wounded America, economically and politically split to its foundation, trapped in the threnody of the Trumpian obsession of making America great again, turns on other nations to offload its angst and frustration, it is the politically brittle and economically fragile nations of sub-Saharan that will bear most of the brunt. Nigeria has already announced that the tariff war and collapsing oil prices are likely to affect its budget plans and projection. This is like carrying a box of matches to a person soaked in gasoline. Unresolved political tensions have already cost volatile and combustible African nations such as Sudan, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso considerable economic traction.

     The American fiasco is a killer punch administered on an already disoriented opponent. First seek yee the political kingdom and every other thing will follow. We have warned on several occasions in this column that unless the seething multi-ethnic colonial conundrums of Tropical Africa get their political structure and internal configuration right, all economic reforms will come to naught. These things require unusual political will and the courage to dare and it cannot be done by piecemeal cherry picking but by holistic reconfiguration.

      Surely and as the Arabian proverb has it, to flee your fate is to rush to find it. Nigeria represents a classic case of economic aspirations without political inspiration which is akin to dreaming in a vacuum or void. Despite the advent of federally inspired bureaucratic reforms, despite the outstanding performance of states such as Lagos, Ekiti, Enugu, Abia, Bornu and Oyo, the politically repressed will always return to haunt us and to impede our path to economic progress and self-sufficiency. This is why in recent weeks significant sections of the nation across the north-south divide have witnessed a resurgence of ethnic violence with several communities foaming in blood after what appeared like a brief remission. The killing plateau of Jos is back in the news with pogrom in Bokkos, Zikke, Kwali District of Bassa and other communities. So are the usual flashpoints of Benue, Adamawa, Zamfara, Bornu, the Abuja perimeter, southern Edo , Oyo, Sokoto, Niger State, Niger Delta and the murderous eastern corridor stretching from Ihube in old Okigwe Division through Isuochi and on to the remote and redoubtable Igbo heartland.

       The sensitive issue should now be broached. Perceptive observers should have noticed a nexus between the dramatic resurgence of ethnic violence particularly in the north and middle belt and the escalation of political hostilities against the current administration given the fact that it is not bending hard and fast enough to the hegemonic will of the master-puppeteers of Nigeria politics. Some have vowed that the helmsman is going to be a one-term president (OTP) as a result of his perceived infractions. And we are not even at the proverbial mid-term benchmark. As a result of the dynamics of its ascendancy, the Tinubu administration has faced considerable bitterness and hostility in some quarters. This has made it to expend considerable creative energies responding to wounding and damaging criticism rather than advancing boldly in the theatre of economic and political reform. In some instances the administration has also played into the hands of its enemies by the wide latitude it has given its interpretation of corruption and some of its controversial preferment.

      But in a supposedly civilized and modern democratic nation, must we resort to mindless slaughter of ourselves to advance a political cause or just to prove the point that we can destabilize the nation at will? With this murderous veto and voting as an ethnic census looming in the background, those who believe that wholesale restructuring with immediate effect is the answer and panacea to our political difficulties may be missing the point. You cannot restructure a nation without elite consensus. The American Federalist papers went through tomes of ruminations at the summit of human intellect just to get it right. To restructure a nation requires a restructuring mindset. Like democracy itself, resetting and reconfiguring a nation requires considerable national discipline and a pan-national buy-in. Let us confront ourselves with the stark truth. Unless it is by colonial or military veto, you cannot proceed to peaceful restructuring in a fractious multi-ethnic nation brimming with people with a countervailing mindset powered by hegemonic hubris. This should not be restricted to any particular region or people. Just as there is political and religious hubris in Nigeria, there is also economic and cultural hubris.

       The history of restructuring in post-independence Nigeria tells a grim story full of apocalyptic portents. So far only once have civilians been able to tinker with the structure of the country. That was in the First Republic and the exercise was shot through with vendetta and political malice. In 1967, Gowon only managed to impose a twelve-state structure on a weary country disoriented by bloodletting and with civil war fast approaching.  In an early February 1976 broadcast to announce a further restructuring of the nation into a nineteen-state arrangement, General Mohammed warned darkly that no jubilation or protest on account of new state creation would be tolerated. It was his last broadcast. Barely a week after he was assassinated in broad day light. The attempts during the Second Republic to restructure the country were so unwieldy and impracticable that they never left the bulky pockets of their progenitors before the military struck.

      Two other significant attempts to scrutinize the structure of the nation by civilian regimes ended in ruinous consequences for the nation and political self-ruination for the main actors. In the case of General Olusegun Obasanjo (1999/2007), it was obvious that he was more interested in self-perpetuation in office rather than a reconfiguring of the country to enable it operate at maximum strength and efficiency. As soon as the innocuous clause of tenure extension which was cleverly hidden away in a mountain of proliferating sub-clauses was summarily expunged by an alert senate, the remaining over two hundred productive suggestions about improving the lot of the country were frantically pushed aside. The Owu-born warlord became so distressed and inconsolable that he was to spend the remaining part of his tenure perpetrating monumental heists against democracy and the nation in maniacal vengeance. As for Goodluck Jonathan, seized by opportunistic miscalculations, he dithered and dilly-dallied about the recommendations of his own inaugurated conference until he was overwhelmed by superior forces.

      The Tinubu administration is in even more precarious circumstances. It is unfortunate that it is at this point when the nation requires a government backed by strong national endorsement that cracks and fissures are appearing everywhere. The ruling party has not been able to improve on its original ratings. Lacking in ideological solidity or political consanguinity, it is held together by a network of patronage and clientelism with its components parts acting with such independence that would have been unthinkable in a cohering and organic party.  Betrayed internally, buffeted on all sides by unrelenting hostilities and preyed upon by economic woes, it is hard to see the Tinubu administration commit to a programme of wholesale restructuring of the nation except as a terminal joker. Yet as the nation bleeds profusely from its massive injuries and as international woes undermine Tinubu’s economic gamesmanship, there are many who have come to the conclusion that Nigeria’s legendary run of luck is about to face a most severe test.

  • The Chairman was here, and it was our finest moment

    The Chairman was here, and it was our finest moment

    The generous and bounteous spirit of Easter is upon us. Just at a point when we are looking for a magic wand to hold the fractious entities together to enable this gifted nation fulfill its ordained destiny as the haven of the Black race, something comes along to remind us of some glorious possibilities from the past. As usual with the delectable ironies of Easter, it was death, a majestic departure heralding the possibilities of national redemption and renewed hopes in what Scott Fitzgerald, the great American writer, calls the “orgiastic future”.

      It was Segun Odegbami, the cultured and cosmopolitan iconic footballer, who drew attention to the developing story. “The chairman is gone!” Segun, aka Big Sheg, Mathematical, Number 7, Omo Ode among other sobriquets, announced in his widely syndicated, fetchingly written column. Just when you were wondering who the chairman could be and if it was another gem from Segun’s endlessly inventive repertoire which has seen him reinvent even himself, it turned out that chairman was none other than the man they called chairman, Christian Chukwu Okoro, the captain of the Green Eagles team that won the 1980 edition of the African Cup of Nations held in Lagos by trouncing Algeria three goals to nil. Chukwu, who was born in January 1951, passed on April 12.

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       Snooper joins other Nigerians in mourning this remarkable footballing hero. There was always something of a natural leader about Christian Chukwu. His unruffled mien and astonishing self-possession portended great authority. He was magisterial rather than authoritarian. With his cult of heroic personal example, he drove men under his command to feats of self-surpassing excellence far beyond the remit of their natural talents. This was the secret of the early post-war Rangers team magically transmuted to the Green Eagles and that groundbreaking team of 1980. Yet he remained a humble and immensely clubbable fellow. In 1979, he led the entire team to Segun Odegbami’s wedding memorably captured in Ebenezer Obey’s classic tribute with the late Mutiu Kekere, the master drummer from Oke Ogun, panning away in the background with bucolic relish. May Chukwu’s soul rest in peace.

  • Intellectual Slavery and the Colonial Subject

    Intellectual Slavery and the Colonial Subject

    A fool and his intellectual capital are soonest parted.  As it was in the beginning, so it it is proving to be at this late and probably closing phase of western domination of the universe. As the Black month unfolds, it is appropriate to dwell on the issue of intellectual slavery and the mental constitution of the colonial subject. The greatest wars take place in the territory of the human mind, and it is the unchallenged domination of this vital front by the western imagination that is responsible for its six-century domination over the rest of the world..

    There is a consensus among anthropologists that slavery has always existed in human society. It is an offshoot of warfare.  Old Britain, for example, was a colony of the Roman Empire. People have always colonised and enslaved each other. But intellectual slavery, that is the mental colonisation or the deliberate and systematic inferiorisation of the other, has achieved its most potent form and formula with western imperialism and its variant of modernity.

     Physical enslavement and actual colonisation can be savage and abusive of human dignity, but intellectual slavery, because it works insidiously at the level of the mind, is even more cruel and exacting. Once a people’s mind is conquered and enslaved, the dominion and domination naturally extend to other domains such as the political, the economic and even the spiritual. The mentally enslaved is thus comprehensively de-humanized, that is stripped of their humanity— which makes the work of the conqueror easier.

     So it is, then, that today, the Black person, unlike the Chinese and Indians, has no viable religion of his own, no economic system, no political institution, no traditional epic genre as Isidore Okpewho spent a life time refuting, no literature as they impishly and impudently told Wole Soyinka as a Knight’s fellow in Cambridge, no culture as they taught Chinua Achebe, and of course no history but a barbaric void as Lord Hugh Trevor-Roper grandly claimed.

    Having been a combatant in the global theatre of mental decolonisation for over four decades, yours sincerely is often amused by the antics of the mentally colonised. But one must not fail to notice when some delicious ironies appear in the horizon to lift the universal gloom about the unhappy fate of the Black person.

    Just as the Black month of February(2013) was unfolding, there on television was a group of retired Nigerian rulers together with the incumbent stoutly defending the government decision to spend billions of naira to commemorate the centenary of the amalgamation of the protectorates of Nigeria. There is a lot to celebrate about the amalgamation, they all chorused as if on cue and without any sense of irony.

    It was a most beguiling and historic snapshot, particularly with the most combatively unenlightened among the lot railing and thundering with the usual combustible gusto.  There may be a lot to celebrate about Nigeria despite everything. But the amalgamation was not a Nigerian event.

    The “Dual Mandate” of Lord Lugard is a famous piece of fiction and a pious fraud since there is no evidence to show that the overrun nationalities ever gave their consent. It is a consecration of empire and imperial might, a testimony to its awesome power of colonial coercion and ability to territorialise and re-territorialise Africa at will.

    If this singular feat of human supremacy should be celebrated at all, it should be by relics of empire glorifying the might and power of their ancestors and not the descendants of those who were herded in like human cattle. The celebration and commemoration of one’s own enslavement is a classic instance of mental colonisation and the most depressing example of Afro-Saxony in recent political history. By the same token, the Japanese ought to commemorate the arrival of Commodore Perry on their shores, and the Chinese the seizure of Hong Kong.

     Yet as we have hinted, a lack of self-awareness and its ironic possibilities is a logical corollary of mental slavery. The Secretary to the Federal Government was widely quoted to have repeated Lord Lugard’s words with warm approval that Nigeria was “the product of a long and mature consideration”. Snooper will like to ask the burly and amiable Anyim Pius Anyim if any of his ancestors was present at the deliberation.

    If the Nigerian officials had wanted to be fair to themselves and to history they ought to have gone a bit farther in time to the Berlin Conference which began in 1884 and effectively saw to the colonial partitioning of old Africa. It was in 1884 that Henry Morton Stanley, the footloose Welsh explorer who managed to fight on both sides of the American Civil War, arrived in Berlin clutching a raft of treaties with traditional African chiefs who had willingly signed away their possession in exchange for meretricious trash.

    Next year, it will be 130 years since 1884, even though the Berlin Conference actually concluded in 1885. Since this tradition of frittering away immense natural resources has continued in Africa, particularly in Nigeria, we must not be afraid of celebrating and lionizing our worthy ancestors. Where it comes to a celebration of self-dispossession, the Nigerian government must accord this date a priority over mere amalgamation.

    But there may be more mundane matters hiding under this grandiose nonsense. The goat eats where it is tethered, says a famous Cameroonian proverb.  Even if one cannot discount an element of deliberate mischief in all this, it is noteworthy that virtually all the newspapers reporting on the centenary extravaganza published a curious picture of Anyim with his mouth apparently salivating with intent. It could not have been at the prospects of the giant Ohaozara yam or rice from his native Ishiagwu.

        What will Equaino, Du Bois, Blyden, Martin Luther King,  Cheikh Anta Diop, Azikiwe, Nkrumah, Macaulay, Senghor, Sapara Williams and all the avatars of the great project of mental decolonisation say about this desecration of history by the ruling elite in Nigeria?  How will Frantz Fanon, the great psychiatrist of cultural deracination and political schizophrenia, describe the ruling class that presides over the current post-colonial anomie of Nigeria?

    It should be noted that while this capitulation to neo-colonial slavery is going on in Nigeria, two great sons of the Third World, one a Nigerian, the other an India and both Nobel laureates in different fields, are engaged in stellar decolonising projects.  Soyinka and Sen are two of a different kind, but both are united in their passion and affection for their respective countries and continent.

      While in a new book, Wole Soyinka is deepening and refining his time-honoured quest and engagement with the recovery and recuperation of a noble and heroic African past as a weapon for confronting the neo-colonial devastation of the continent, Amartya Sen is chairing a committee in India to revive Nalanda, the world’s oldest university, after an 800 year recess.

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     Soyinka surely has his Marxist and neo-Marxist critics who accuse him of romanticizing Africa’s feudal and unedifying past. The debate and the fundamental flaw in this argument are beyond the purview of this column. But suffice it to note that the decolonizing project is more than a matter of life and death for its heroic protagonists. Exile, humiliation, torture and death have been their lot. Francois Mitterrand, the late French president, famously described Thomas Sankara as “a cutting edge that cuts too sharply”. His childhood friend and comrade in arms, the same fellow who was taken in as an orphan by Sankara’s noble parents, was persuaded to do him in. The rest is history and Ibrahim Taore. The question is: why has it proved so costly proving to the rest of the world that all people are equal and that even if Africa is no longer at the cutting edge of civilisation, it was at least the cradle of current civilization as evolved?

    The reason is the size, scope and scale of ambition of western modernity. For the first time in the history of the world, we have a vision of modernisation which can only expand and grow by denying or suppressing everything that came before it and by obliterating all that is parallel and contemporaneous to it.

    Hence the costly struggle to re-establish the Egyptian foundation of western modernity and the momentous inspiration it derived from classical Islam. Once the link and the trail of human achievement are re-established, the myth of the primitive Africa savage is very hard to sustain indeed. And so by the same taken is the project of mental colonisation..

    In 1809, more than half a century before the outbreak of the American civil war, the Abbe Henri-Baptiste Gregoire, sent a manuscript of a new work to Thomas Jefferson, a founding father and the third president of the United States. The book was a celebration and commemoration of essayists, writers and scientists of African extraction who had found their way to the west. It was titled, De La Litterature des Negress.

    As we have had cause to note in this column, despite his principled opposition to slavery, Jefferson’s view of the intellectual capacities of black people was notoriously truculent and characterised by savage dismissals. In an infamous passage from his Notes on the State of Virginia, Jefferson noted thus of the African American: “It appears to me that in memory they are equal to whites: in reason much inferior, as I think one could scarcely be found capable of tracing and comprehending the investigations of Euclid; and that in imagination they are dull, tasteless, and anomalous”.

    This remarkable diatribe was coming on the heels of the literary exploits  of the trio Equaino, Cuguano and Sancho, former slaves of African descent, who seized late eighteenth century literary London by the scruff of the neck and were feted in all the leading saloons of England’s capital for their astounding feats of imagination. Being very well-connected to the metropolitan circuits of the old world, Jefferson could not have been unaware of the literary triumphs of these exemplars. Perhaps it was a case of prejudice compounded by deliberate ignorance. Gregoire’s treatise could have been a well-aimed and profoundly clandestine attempt to help Jefferson modify or moderate his unhelpful worldview.

    But it was an uphill task. The same views resonate in the works of European intellectuals and philosophers such as David Hume, Emmanuel Kant, Friedrich Hegel and even Karl Marx. As far as Marx was concerned, India and the African continent lost nothing in the wanton destruction of their old culture by the European conquerors as it was a culture shot through with idiotic superstitions and morbid myths. 

     Nowhere else in human history had there been such a systematic and concerted attempt to cast a whole race as inferior. It was a pan-Western project of mental colonisation in which conservative, liberal, reactionary and radical intellectuals shared a unified vision of the world based on collective mental conditioning and the assumption of the “natural” superiority of western modernity.

    The consequences of mental colonisation are still very much with us, despite the cessation of physical colonisation,. They can be seen in nation-states that are inferior and poor copies of the original, political institutions that are not up to scratch, political elites that are a miscegenated breed of thieving nuisance, economic systems that are uncritically and uncreatively borrowed without any thought for the local conditions and in borrowed religions that lack race-specific nutrients.

     It will take a new intellectual elite with a new dream of Africa and a new visionary conception of human redemption to free the Black race from the clutches of mental colonisation. Before this mental revolution, all political revolutions are null and void.

    •First published in March, 2013. An earlier version of the essay was published as part of the proceedings of an international conference  held in London in August, 1997 to commemorate forty years of Ghana’s independence.(ed, Ad’obe Obe) 

    Natasha was here

    Reading you yet again one wondered whether it’s the manner or the matter or the inimitably felicitous interweave of content and form that enthrals to the last syllable of the incandescent quill. Such is your invaluable contribution to human enlightenment, and, impliedly, global gnosis that even transition to ancestor realm would be a colossal loss of epochal, if not, apocalyptic proportions. Long may you live, old master. In your earlier intervention on the Natasha saga, you did hint on the less-than- prepossessing and propitious metaphysical conceits of her Eastern onomastic etymology. Very easily, Natasha’s striking elegance and nubile litheness compels a ready comparison with heroines of myth on the one hand and countervailing Amazons of history on the other: we recall female avatars such as Joan of Arc, Cleopatra, Juliet, Queen Amina of Zauzau, Moremi of Ile-Ife and others. However, there is a sense in which all female homo sapiens carry congenitally the germ of  erotical Manichaeism such that, on the one hand, they can be considered benignant, gracious, good; a beauty, and on the other hand, malignant, fiendish, evil; a Gorgon.  As Wole Soyinka tells us in his Myth, Literature and the African World, the kitchen cleaver is at once both a domestic implement and a blood-letter. This Janus-facedness, this Ogunian duality, this Pharmakos element is what Natasha seems to emblematize in Nigeria’s body politic. As she cuts caper, swaggering about the place, her spiritual precursors headed by the incomparable Helen of Troy egg her on….Like them, Natasha is a latter-day femme fatale singeing to cinders the unwary Alpha males like feckless moths in her inflaming flares. What is the use of her physical comeliness? A potential banana peel for men; a healing, therapeutic sight for sore eyes? Is it ultimately a bane or boon  both to self and society? This poisoned chalice requires further interrogation and societal problematization going forward. Whilst it is in order to reprimand the privileged rogues of the NASS for their shameful philandering and the accompanying loutish dereliction of duty, it is important also to note that in realpolitik, class loyalty, like the word, is an egg, once broken, it cannot be patched up. Today, Natasha is making hay or social capital from male-bashing at the highest levels of national power and authority. But, sadly, she is equally singing her own swansong as far as political relevance and leadership recruitment are concerned. Natasha was here.

    Name withheld. The rejoinder is from a former student and current Professor of English at the University of Lagos. 

    And from a retired female professor, former dean and former DVC at OAU

    Baba Agba, I am not impressed by the lady’s antics at all.

  • Crying lot of Negropolis

    Crying lot of Negropolis

    As a writer and columnist held in some regard, you get the request all the time, plaintive pleas and sobbing jeremiads about the forlorn and dire fate of the Black person in a world that now seems even more determined than ever to leave Africa behind, stranded by choice so to say. When you point at some oases of hope and regeneration on the continent, despite everything, they tell you to remove the blinkered optics. Principled pessimism is better and more productive than obscene optimism, they charged. There is a peculiar poignancy about old people crying. It speaks to some deep unease in the polity; some fundamental angst and elegiac regret about how it came to pass. You cannot but feel pity and compassion even if you have eaten the head of a tortoise as part of the ritual of tough-mindedness. Here follows one of those that came during the week from a friend, longstanding academic colleague and retired don from OAU.

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      “In our lifetime, Thomas Sankara was quenched under mysterious circumstances…now we have his Soul coming forcefully in Ibrahim Taore’s body…to rescue black race from the vice- grip of Western world, yet those of you our Messiah are digging deeper into the slavery cesspool.

       Who will save us? Asiwaju Alamu…….. GBA WA ooooo.”

    Ojogbon Adekola Junaid

  • A noose called Natasha

    A noose called Natasha

    A noose is dangling over the head of the Nigeria’s legislature and the Kogi State Government. It is known as the Natasha noose. It gave enough warning before creeping up the thick cranial base of her tormentors. We warned too. And we darkly conjectured, even remotely comparing her to the dreaded Empress Catherine, a lady of German extraction who went ahead to rule Tsarist Russia for thirty three years after doing away with her husband, the hapless Tsar, with the help of her lovers. She accounted for the scalp of many feckless Russian noblemen, but can also be wildly generous to them in parting package. Now that Nathasha is precariously perched like the infamous mosquito on the most delicate part of the male anatomy, it will take more considerable diplomatic skills and political acumen than her interlocutors have shown to prise her away.

     But Natasha’s adversaries appear unrelenting, obviously in haste to dragoon and quarter her for good. Having lost the battle to recall her, they have gone ahead to reopen the case with immediate effect, as if adding a few more questionable signatures will redeem the validity, credibility and legitimacy of the whole exercise. Little have they realized the massive pressure they are piling on the weak links of struggling democracy and the net effect of all this on an INEC already hobbled by institutional vulnerabilities and the erosion of public confidence. Despite its fondness for hiding behind one finger, INEC frailties are on ample display in the battle to recall the stormy petrel, even though it is to its credit that it came off very well.

     When they first brought the sack of aramanda voters’ list, INEC threw it back at them claiming that it was an unsigned document. But twenty four hours later, having been briefed or having debriefed itself, INEC countermanded its earlier instance by affirming that things were in order and the recall was on song. Meanwhile, background groaning and grumbling began emanating from the selfsame INEC about how arduous and expensive a recall process can be. Then suddenly last Tuesday evening, the electoral commission dismissed the whole exercise as flawed and lacking in requisite numbers. There are rumours that the commission has been guided by the irate voice vote at Natasha’s Okene rally and its convulsive possibilities. The Okene damsel has become a piece of bone stuck in the throat of gendered hegemony.

      In the end, perhaps nothing could surpass the analytical bravura and penetrating acumen of Ambassador John Galbraith’s observation of Indian society at the turn of the sixties. The great liberal economist and John Kennedy’s ambassador to India noted with caustic asperity that the more underdeveloped a country is, the more overdeveloped its women are. Galbraith might have been driven to sardonic generalization by the great disparity he noticed between the sprawling squalor and appalling misery among Indians in general around this period and the chic sophistication and alluring glamour of many of its women, particularly those from the highest caste.

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      Judging from the events of last Tuesday in particular and the preceding weeks in general, it is clear that Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is a lot smarter and more politically savvy than all her assailants put together. One may of course object to some of her antics which smack of political desperation and brinksmanship. One may demur at her jankara tactics which do not conduce to the highest form of civility in parliamentary procedure and her lachrymose exertions which amount to sheer emotional blackmail. But there can be no doubt that she has shown extraordinary bravery, courage and fortitude in the face of unrelenting adversity and barely veiled attempts to silence her.  

    This being an authoritarian, harshly hierarchical and patriarchal society, the most progressive and egalitarian intervention can only be one that offers a lifeline and support to the female folk where and when they run afoul of the gender patrol unit of the male dominion. As the dominated stratum of a subordinated sub-class, African women are more likely to end up as victims of a double jeopardy: oppressed at home by men who are themselves oppressed abroad. To be sure, some women have proven to be equally adept, if not even more accomplished, in fiscal malfeasance than their male counterparts. But when examined closely, it will be discovered that these are lone, individual aces whose impact on society is far less devastating than the structured financial heists often associated with male-dominated financial empires and consortiums.

       In any case, pitching for women in a male-ordered world is a practical affirmation of the right of all humanity to economic and political freedom. Ultimately, it is an act of enlightened self-interest. This is a struggle for parity which has preoccupied the human society since the advent of the nation-state paradigm about six centuries ago. Some human societies do it better and faster than others, such as Iceland, Finland and the Scandinavian countries and they are happier, more humane, more productive and more prosperous for it. It is unfortunate that many in Nigeria and Africa pay lip service to the imperative of a modern, egalitarian and more democratic country without understanding how the emancipation of women plays a crucial role in the struggle to roll back the boulders of authoritarianism and traditional tyranny in post-independence and post-military Nigerian politics.

    Given the normative poverty of contemporary Nigerian politics, it is possible that neither Natasha nor many of her adversaries in the senate understand or appreciate the huge symbolic overcast against which the messy struggle to recall her from the senate is unfurling. Epic developments in history often take place under an ideological occlusion with contending protagonists often shielded from the true historic import of what they are struggling for and the possible outcome. Natasha herself cannot be said to be ideologically driven. Rich and pampered from childhood, she is a scion of the new plutocracy with its morbid acquisitiveness and anti-democratic panache. But then only few heroines of history ever emerge from the side of the people to fight for the people.

       Natasha is still very far from being a Nigerian incarnation of Nancy Astor, the American-born British politician and indefatigable campaigner for female rights. She was the first woman to be elected to the House of Commons and this was in the early twentieth century. Endowed with a caustic tongue and nettling wit, she held her own in verbal duels with male folks particularly against Winston Churchill whom she once memorably dismissed as being perpetually drunk. Once while campaigning on a rural farm, a jeering and sneering farmer thought he had the feisty lady’s back against the wall when he asked her if she even knew how many toes a sow (female pig) has. The imperious lady was having none of that nonsense. “ Remove your boots and count, man!” she shot back.

    Natasha does not need to remove her boots. What she has removed are the velvety gloves revealing her capacity to deliver bare knuckle blows to the plexus. She has shown that she needs little help. Judging from the way she has fought her corner like a ferocious kitten, it is obvious that this is going to be one helluva fight.  She has outsmarted and outwitted her fumbling and plodding enemies all the way. She has blindsided and steamrolled the Nigerian senate making the habitués of that hallowed chamber look like a bunch of political neophytes.

     When they were thinking of further hamstringing her locally, she was making a dramatic appearance abroad with her endless supply of tears on the ready. You begin to wonder whether the feisty lady keeps a generous supply of fresh onion bulbs in her swanky upmarket handbag. The reputational damage to the nation’s fledgling democracy is better imagined. And the lady is not done. Last Tuesday, Natasha upped the stakes beyond the imagination and expectation of her complacent adversaries.

      In what must rank as the most fearsome and daring pushback against a sub-national government and its entire security apparatus in post-military Nigeria, the senator representing Kogi Central District defied all odds and stumbling blockades put in place by the state government, including a subsisting ban on all rallies and vehicular processions, to address a rally of her teeming supporters in the politically combustible and volcanic Ebira principal homestead of Okene. Instead of coming by road and battling the heavy duty dragnet inch by inch and ground by ground like an infantry general, she came in a chariot of thunder and dust, descending on the venue from a chopper. The security people must have wisely concluded that they were up against a heavenly mob and the multitude of irate voters about to be violently disenfranchised by the anti-democratic paladin.

    Since these are the same constituents who are said to have demanded her ouster and recall from the senate, you would have expected her to be met by a scant crowd of surly and rude denizens tearing into her with verbal rockets. Instead, the reception was tumultuous with the frenzied crowd chanting her name and singing her praises to high heavens as the senator herself latched on to the palpable mood of high octane hostility to launch some fiery broadsides against her adversaries.  To further cement the solidarity of her people against electoral and legislative aberration, she had invoked her Ebira identity reminding the surging crowd that as an Ebira person, fear is unknown to her and she would never succumb to blackmail or be cowed by anybody born of a woman. It was a deft way of summoning the moody, irascible phalanx from the Ebira hilly range.

      Let us use this column to appeal to all men and women of goodwill in the senate to sheath their sword and bury all ego-fueled obsessions with legislative rules of conduct. This is a battle they cannot win. Even if they do, it will be a Pyrrhic victory which would have cost the senate the last shred of its remaining credibility and legitimacy. This will gravely imperil the fortunes of democracy. From all available evidence, this woman will not go down lightly. She may have a few aces further up her sleeves. The salacious and insalubrious revelations have already cost the august gathering considerable reputational damage.

    This is not consistent with the higher seriousness Nigerians have come to expect from the upper chambers of their legislature as evidenced by the brilliance and sagacity of their forbears in the First and Second Republics and even the brief Third Republic before it was snuffed out. Let the senate drop this tomfoolery of a recall which has already been compromised at source and reach out to the few surviving elder statesmen in the nation to broker a peace deal with Natasha. At this perilous point, either side needs a soft landing.

  • Baba Lekki fumes and fulminates against senate

    Baba Lekki fumes and fulminates against senate

    On Friday morning, just as one tucked into a most delicious meal of Kokoruwa, Sukuniyan and Cocoyam  porridge in post-Ramadan bliss, a major commotion seemed to have erupted outside the house. The mad dustbin woman was shouting on top of her voice. From his room, one could hear Okon breathing heavily and mumbling heavy curses. “I been dey hope say no be dis kata woman who come bring dem Igbirra masquerades, becos I don beg her abi wetin now?” Okon was overheard rumbling with fright and premonition.

        “Etubom Okon, go and find out what is going on now”, yours sincerely ordered the crazy fellow from the safety of the sitting room.

         “Ha, oga, I no fit for dat one. Na true say my papa don quench, but mama still dey for Itigidi. I no want dem Natatashe woman come pieces me like dem fowl for Agege market”, the mad fellow moaned. But the foreboding dissolved as soon as Baba Lekki sauntered in half clad mumbling some fevered incantations. Apparently, he had been involved in some altercation about correct fares with the lorry driver and his hobos who brought him all the way from Ubiaja where he had gone on recce for some dreaded self-determination group in connection with the Uromi tragedy. The old contrarian had been eerily quiet since the advent of the new administration claiming he was on a watching brief. “Ogboni             man no dey fight ogboni man for public”, he would quip when hard-pressed.

       “Ha baba wonranwonran, so na you dey cause all them wahala and man wan pee for trousers thinking say na dem Tatashe abi Natasha woman?” Okon hollered mightily relived.

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        “ Ha, Okon, na dat girl go drive all dem yeye people comot dem senate. Natasha no be ordinary woman. As him name Akpoti be, and as dem Yoruba people dey say, na for home apoti go wait for them to come siddon. The girl dey roll dem with only one finger”, the choleric contrarian crowed with malicious relish.

        “Kai, baba, na dis Igbirra people go finis dem for dis obodo!” Okon wailed, eyeing yours truly with suspicion and unease.

        “Dem be better people. I gree dem own well well. Dem Igbirra people no dey carry last at all at all. But he be like if say for some of them something come dey do krain krain for dem head”. The crazy old man chanted as he furrowed his eyes in utter mischief.

        “ Ha ! Baba, how you come see dem rally for Okene?” Okon asked in half trepidation.

        “Okon, na dat one dem dey call Verdict 25. You know say for Verdict 83 as dem yeye boys de talk nonsense for NTA dem Ondo man come appear and him dey cry and dey piss. Luku, governor he dey run oo. But this Natasha own as dem lawyer go put am, evidence of crowd na crowded evidence and him come surpass bag of Aba signature. Even mad dog de sabi fire”, the old man snorted and vanished into thin air. 

  • Democracy, dysfunction and sustainability

    Democracy, dysfunction and sustainability

    One of the strange paradoxes of modern democracy is the fact that those who are incapable of mastering its tough habits and finer rituals have taken to teaching its practice. As Oscar Wilde once famously observed, “those who are incapable of learning have taken to teaching”. It is straight out of the theatre of African magic when anti-democratic bullies take to the bully pulpit exhorting and exulting about the sweet wonders of democracy. But then it is said that in the last days of civilization as we know it, several strange occurrences will test the patience of humanity and task their sanity.

    These are not the best of times for liberal democracy. In the west, where democracy derived its latest franchise and mandate from after the triumph of capitalism, there has been a determined assault on its fundamental canons and wise assumptions from extreme far right groups and ultranationalist movements bent on torpedoing the whole system. France barely survived a rightwing civilian putsch which only receded when center-right and leftwing elements coalesced in a precarious coalition which has not been seen since the inauguration of the Gaullist Republic in 1958. In Germany which has not found the Socialist East Germany rump it swallowed in 1989 very digestible, a rightwing party has just swept into power. In Britain after a series of inept and corrupt rightwing rulers, the people sent the Conservative government packing and elected Keith Stammer and the Labour Party. The Poland of Viktor Orban does not need any prompting and Italy is about to catch up with them all.

    But it is America, the home of modern democracy, that is leading the charge against liberal democracy since the return of Donald Trump to the White House and the resurgence of a rabidly xenophobic rightwing nationalism that threatens to upend the whole notion of American Exceptionalism based on the romantic idealism of its founding fathers. To be sure, Trump gave enough notice and declaration of intent. But nobody thought this was possible in the land of the Mayfair fathers who forsook and foreswore everything in Europe to found a new nation based on the alienable rights of all humanity to political and economic freedom. Neither did many, as it is turning out, foresee a fundamental shift in the mood of core America particularly among offspring of later immigrants from Europe who had been nursing a smouldering resentment against the East coast establishment with their liberal namby-pamby and global do-goodism which has cost America dearly in their estimation. It is the return match of ancient European feudalism and American neo-feudalism.                                                          

       Perhaps it is our brains that need a fundamental reset. We always put the cart before the horse in Africa . Democracy is a product of rising prosperity and declining poverty, not increasing global scarcity. No democracy can survive mass immiseration and biblical want for long. People do not continue to vote on the promise of food but on the presence of victuals. It is an ideological overreach. Scarcity brings out the worst in any people. But if gold can rust, what will iron do? African neo-colonial nations with their seething multi-ethnic and multi-cultural polarities were not founded as organic nations but as outlets for metropolitan goods and as garrison emporia. Like all occupied territories, force is the organizing principle central to the maintenance of the structures of domination whether in its colonial format or postcolonial incarnation. This is why rigging of elections which is the perpetuation of electoral violence in its pure or adulterated form is often the leitmotif of all postcolonial nations. Unless the unpromising and unpropitious circumstances conspire to throw up an authentic and organic nationalist elite that will drive development and the deepening of the democratic process, everything will be left to chancing and opportunistic gaming. This is why most post-independence African nations, with the exception of a few, are prone to military coups, ethnically and religiously motivated army uprising, despotic annulment of properly conducted elections, the rise of the selectorate over the electorate, civilian power grab and state closures euphemistically referred to as state capture with a delinquent and polarized political elite cheering and egging them on or urging Armageddon to visit the nation as the case may be.

      Let us now take a random audit of this African graveyard of liberal democracy. Apart from one-party autocracies fronting as pseudo-democracies such as Algeria, Tunisia, Equatorial Guinea, Rwanda, Congo Brazzaville, Cameroon, Angola, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Togo, there are at least seven full-blown military regimes on the continent: Egypt, Sudan, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso and Gabon. In Cote D’Ivoire after partitioning and a civil war fought over national identity, succession and his own ethnic origins, Alisane Quattara is enjoying an unconstitutional third term and yet all is quiet and placid on the Cocody front.  This is because the warring elite factions have all been pacified. Nobody now remembers that the former president, Laurent Gbagbo, has quietly returned to the country after serving out his term for crimes against humanity at The Hague and is enjoying the remunerations of a former president.

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      In Zimbabwe, only a palace coup engineered with panache and precision by the old military wing of ZANU could forcibly retire the wizard of Harare, Robert Mugabe, having ruled his nation continuously since independence in 1979. Without this timely military intervention, Zimbabwe was on the verge of anarchy and chaos as Robert Mugabe was bent on installing his wife as his successor. Forty years after “liberating “his nation, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni is still calling the shots in Kampala. So is Paul Kagame, the king of Kigali, who is still ruling the waves thirty two years after genocide and civil war. The Eyadema clan has ruled Togo continuously since 1967 and between them Mobutu and the Kabilas ruled the Democratic Republic of Congo for almost sixty years. In Equatorial Guinea, the Nguema brood has been in power since independence. Forty six years after executing his uncle, Colonel Teodoro Nguema Mbasogo rules the nation with a tight fist. Paul Biya has been at it in Cameroon since 1982.

     It is only in countries such as Botswana, Namibia, Senegal, Ghana, Zambia and Tanzania that far-sighted nationalist elite formations have been able to buck the trend by continuous practice of the habits and rituals of democracy. In almost all these countries, one can see the handiwork and foundation laid by visionary founding fathers. Leopold Sedar Senghor and Julius Nyerere were Christian minorities in predominantly Muslim countries, yet they were able to lay the foundation of good governance and development in their countries. The same thing happened with Sam Nujoma’s Namibia and Seretse Khama’s Botswana. In Ghana following the footpath of Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah, succeeding generations of politicians have managed to paper over the cracks of ethnicity and religion by reverting to the old Nkrumah versus J.B Danquah fault lines of leftwing and rightwing politics.  Between the two tendencies and since the advent of JJ Rawlings, power has managed to oscillate about four times without threatening the foundation of the nation.

     Nigeria represents the best prospects of democracy on the continent as well as the possibility of its most fatal declension. Nigeria has enjoyed twenty six years of unbroken civilian rule and democratic experimentation. Given the turbulent antecedents of the nation, there is a lot to cheer about this development. We must avoid the pitfalls of self-constricting pessimism as well as the promiscuous optimism of democracy as a permanent work in progress. Sometimes the ripening of the banana fruit also coincides with the onset of irreversible rot. The longevity of civilian rule can also coincide with manifest institutional retardation and dysfunction. With its size, humongous population, stupendous human and national resources, its countervailing ethnicities and religions, Nigeria ought to be a showpiece and poster-boy of a dynamic democracy. This contradictory locus of power also makes it impossible for any hegemonic group to maintain their hold on power for long. The obverse of the coin means that once a government is installed, it is subject to continuous assault and withering criticism by hostile interlocutors thus stalling its momentum and impairing its concentrative capacity. Like a bear at bay savaged and bloodied by uncountable hounds the government spends all its time in self-defence and in warding off frantic attacks aimed at overwhelming it, leaving little room for creative governance and deep innovative thinking. This over-politicization of the polity does not conduce to thorough going economic reform or a determined overhaul of the ailing political system.

       Where circumstances conspire to throw up somebody who has not been endorsed by the old selectorate, all hell is let loose from the day of swearing in. New conspiracies, formation of new alliances, memoranda for new mega-parties and other satanic plots too dark for daylight spring up on a daily basis. Such is the atmosphere of fear and climate of insecurity that the government often succumbs to paranoid fantasies. When you are subjected to relentless psychological terrorism by masters of the game something is bound to give eventually. Leading the charge of new “activists” are former presidents, vice-presidents and top government officials who ought to know better than to perpetually destabilize a sitting government with full levers of power and led by a veteran who is not afraid of confrontation. Some of them whose record of anti-democratic exertions while in office ought to put them permanently out of circulation do not appear to be fazed by their criminal infractions against the democratic aspirations of a nation that they owe so much.

    These antidemocratic elements consider all this as part of an elaborate game of bluff and counterbluff in which all is fair. Here is the real danger to the nation.  Even in a game of bluff, there is always a tipping point where and when the gladiators reach a point of no return. This is when and where polarized but nationalist elites build bridges of conciliation, compromise and consensus-seeking over “pillarized” differences. It is only then that we can broach the issue of economic reform and the political reconfiguration of the nation on the epic scale required. The recent summary dismissal of the claims of Humphrey Nwosu to national honour shows just how impossible it is to reach national consensus and political justice in circumstances of “pillarized” prejudices. So far, President Tinubu has survived on brilliant stealth and nimble foot-works. But he will need much more than this as the gloves come off in coming months.