Category: Jide Osuntokun

  • When will the Naira scarcity end?

    When will the Naira scarcity end?

    Since January 31 when we were asked to deposit all our old N200, N500 and N1000 notes in exchange for the newly coloured Naira notes, we have been in trouble parading in front of the banks from early in the morning till the banks close at 4 pm. If this is true currency change as required to be done every decade or so if we are to believe the CBN, why are N50 and N100 not being changed at the same time? It is simply unbelievable what is going on. As early as 5 a.m., people troop to queue up in front of the banks or to take numbers of entry before the bankers resume work in the morning. This is not hearsay. I take early morning walks and I see this every morning and wonder when the suffering humanity in Nigeria will have a reprieve from their government-imposed cruelty. Nobody even in other countries in Africa will believe what Nigerians are going through because of ordinary change of currency! This will have been understandable if there was really a wholesale change of currency.

    What I see in the so-called change is just mere changing of the colours of the N200, N500 and N1000. All the talk about enhanced security features are not there. It seems the job has been hastily done with absolute lack of competence and our government fell for it under the promise of local production without the need of foreign intervention. The president was apparently sold this ruse and the poor man believed what the CBN governor and the managing director of the mint told him. The CBN governor sold the dummy of the change leading to reining in inflation, monitoring the economy, making it difficult for kidnappers to continue demanding ransom in Naira as well as facilitating tracking down hoodlums who do this through putting security digital tracers on the so-called new Naira. They also apparently told the president that they would mop all old Naira so that the corrupt politicians who had stacked up billions of Naira in their personal safes at homes in readiness for elections would not be able to buy electoral votes as they used to do. It seems some politicians were believed to have huge war chests especially those running to become president or governors.

    Incredible as it may appear, members of the president’s own party seemed to have been targeted. The outcry of many APC governors and its presidential candidate appear to have strengthened the hands of the president and his CBN governor to believe that these politicians were involved in some shenanigans. Ironically both the Labour Party and PDP were vociferous in their support for the government policy. We had a situation where some governing party’s governors sued the federal government to the Supreme Court and won the case by which the old Naira notes have finally been declared legal tender until December 31. 

    This sordid case of the currency change raises several issues in my mind. First what is the purpose of government?  Is government put in place to serve the people? Of course it is logically possible for the people not to know what is in their own interest. Should there be a disconnect between the government and the governed as in this case? Why should government’s policy be injurious to the welfare of the people? Is government’s purpose not the amelioration of the people’s problems? Why should a simple case of changing currency be so difficult and problematic as in our case? Are there no lessons to be learnt from similar situations in India, a vastly complex country of 1.5 billion people and some African countries if we don’t want to learn from highly developed countries like the United States and the United Kingdom where currency change is gradual and lasts a whole year? Why could not this change have taken place months before now and what has the country gained by the rushed clandestine operations we have indulged in and qui bono? These are the questions any rational human being will ask. It is one thing for our president to want to clean up our highly monetised  and supposedly corrupt electoral process, and I believe many of us support his efforts  in this direction, but it is another thing to put the entire citizens of this benighted country on tenterhooks leading to heart attacks by many people, particularly the aged  and the elderly who do not have the energy to struggle with the strong youth daily fighting to be on the line, to get in some cases, two or five thousand Naira from ATM or even from banking halls. As some commentator has said, do you because there is a snake in your house set the whole house on fire as has been done in our case? Does the president get correct reports about what is happening? Women are going naked in banking halls to dramatise, without shame, that they are not able to feed their children and to send them to school. Men are attacking poor bankers with machetes. Banks have had to close their banking halls to prevent their workers from being killed because the CBN dishonestly said it has given banks money and that the banks were hoarding it. Perhaps there were cases of hoarding but this was an exception rather than the rule.

    I personally went to my bank several times only to be told with every honesty the workers could muster, that there just was no money. It got to a point where I had to sign a cheque and leave with the bank to call me when the elusive cash arrived from the CBN. Over a period of one month I managed to get N10,000 from my bank where I have current and savings accounts. Things got so bad for my sister-in-law who is closer to 90 than 80 that she gave her credit/debit card to her driver to go to the bank every day from dawn to the afternoon only for him to come back home with N2000 or N5000. Now I find the situation very unusual! Suppose the driver runs away with the card and converts its usage to other purposes or for himself? People had to do unusual things just to survive because of currency change.

    I had a discussion with a retired academic like myself and I wondered whether we were being told the whole story about our economy. I asked him whether the economy was completely in ruins and the situation was being camouflaged as currency change. I hope and pray that that is not true because if it were true, millions of old people would depart prematurely from this world to the other side of the heavenly divide. How can one have substantial amount in the bank and be reduced to penury? Even most businesses are refusing to accept cards and transfers in some cases and cheques are absolutely no go area. One then wonders why banks continue to issue cheques. People are also complaining of their accounts being hacked by criminals who have become adept at intercepting transfer traffic. I hope that whoever wants to impose a cashless economy on Nigeria first ensure that the infrastructure is there before blindly jumping into a new scheme.

    While we are still smarting from the elections and currency palaver, some people are sending out notices of census enumeration. Mr President, please stop this needless booby-traps for the next government. We have a situation of fuel and money scarcity on top of unresolved security situation and somebody is planning head count!  Everyone knows the political complications attendant on conducting census. Right now, it is not the most urgent of our problems. Let us have peaceful political transition in a country where religion and ethnicity have been weaponised to a point where any little spark could lead to a general conflagration. Enough of this driving us to the edge of a precipice. We need to recover from the self-inflicted wound of cash scarcity and the myriad of problems blowing in the air.

  • Nigerian presidency: An impossible task!

    Nigerian presidency: An impossible task!

    Sometimes in March, I wrote an article on the presidency that Asiwaju of Lagos, Bola Ahmed Tinubu was inheriting and I called it an “impossible task”. At that time the enormity of the current problem facing our country was then not clear and it is still not clear as I write and would not be clear for months to come. But we can imagine what is likely to come from cursory look at unfolding situation especially on the economic front centring on the operations of the central bank in the last eight years. It seems the CBN was run with little regards for the Act setting it up. The bank operated two official rates  of exchange while another rate operated in the so-called “black market” or parallel market thus the country had three rates of exchange with a gap of about N300 permitting round tripping by those favoured with the official rate. This led to widespread corruption involving the officials of government and their friends who became billionaires overnight without sweat. Those who had captured the state then kept the CBN governor in place no matter his indulgence in illegalities such as his involvement in presidential party nominations and having companies abroad and other illegal activities such as unilaterally giving foreign exchange allocations to whosoever he favoured. One thing that is not clear is how much those who were charged with supervising his actions including legislative oversight committees knew about all these shenanigans and whether he was the victim of state capture or a willing tool in its execution.

    The BBC news African anchor recently wondered loudly  why anybody would want to be president of Nigeria. I have also wondered why and I am sure many people are of the same view. I once wrote in this column rather sacrilegiously that if our Lord Jesus Christ came from heaven above and was asked to rule Nigeria using the same present structure and constitution, he would not succeed. There are many things wrong with Nigeria apart from the rapacious corruption of its people. One of the greatest problems is the political and constitutional structure. Every other thing is like pouring petrol into a car that has no engine and expecting it to run. Only Nigerians with their penchant for believing in miracles where common sense is required will expect better things in a structurally faulty machine.

    Before the  election was held, I told everyone who wanted my view that the election would be fiercely contested but at the end Tinubu with his widespread support in the  Northwest, Northeast, North-Central and Southwest, leaving only the South-south and Southeast to his competitors would win  and also because of a divided opposition. This has happened as predicted not only by me but all those who have an intimate knowledge of the politics of Nigeria. It is simply amazing that the losing factions of the same party the old PDP, each faction led by known politicians of the old regime, are in the election tribunals each arguing that their faction won. In the meantime the task of governance happily continues.

    Let me advise President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu to first study the situation properly before promising things he may not be able to deliver. I understand his promising the youth, students loans and support for autonomy in their institutions so as to eliminate strikes and industrial actions in tertiary institutions. This country had a regime of students loans under the Yakubu Gowon regime but its administration and operations failed because the loans were not paid back.  What is needed is resuscitation of scholarships given by LGAs, states and the federal government. Promising autonomy for tertiary institutions is the right thing to say but this should be part of a holistic policy on education at pre-primary, primary, secondary and tertiary levels. There is a need to set  up a working committee on education to work out a realistic programme on education for now and the future. Let it be known that there is a fundamental change in many aspects of our national life rather than temporary or episodic pronouncements on what ails our country.

    Since everything the new government has to do must depend on the economy, the first action of the government must be focused on the economy. There is overhang of about N50 trillion debt on the country and expectation of another N11 trillion to balance this year’s budget. Thank God Tinubu is not a novice on economics.

    I am delighted that his pre-election promise was that he would eliminate the subsidy on petrol. He has happily announced the end of subsidies on petroleum which in the last decade or so enriched without measure, a few entrepreneurs and their federal civil servants accomplices. He must not prevaricate on this. But he must assemble a formidable team to educate Nigerians that we cannot continue with the  subsidy  regime that has ruined our economy  irredeemably. There will be serious opposition but he must ride this out by explaining to the people the implication of borrowing money to subsidise consumption. This is a bad policy that will lead to our national ruin. Abolition of subsidy has led to astronomical prices of petrol, though still below what is prevailing in our neighbouring countries  of Benin, Niger, Tchad, Cameroons and other ECOWAS countries to which Nigerian expensively imported petrol has been smuggled to. But there will be gains in other areas. The money being used to subsidise petrol consumption will be free for increase in electricity generation and distribution physical infrastructural development, educational and health enhancement as well as funding a formidable military.

    The government must also follow up on its plan to add value to our primary produce through industrialisation.  Cocoa, cotton, palm products, rubber, cassava, yams, soya beans, peanuts, tea, coffee, shea butter, gum Arabic and different kinds of spices should be produced on industrial scale for local consumption and export. We should also wisely examine how we can benefit from our hardwood timber while at the same time embarking on reforestation to enhance our environment.

    Oil and gas are the big elephants in our room so to say. We do not have time on our side because current researches will perhaps within a decade render unprofitable oil and gas exploration and exploitation. This is because of the global concern on climate change for which emissions of greenhouse gases arising out of the industrial and transportation use of hydrocarbons are largely responsible.  Therefore we need to maximise the benefits from our possession of hydrocarbons while the sun shines. This will require production of crude oil at optimal levels and if possible flouting the limit of OPEC allocation which we have not been able to make for years. This will require education of the people in the oil producing communities and enlisting their support through government development activities in the area as well as ensuring that the international oil majors in Nigeria demonstrate corporate social responsibility for the communities where they operate.

    Unlike in the past when chiefs and local potentates in the Niger Delta benefited from largesse coming from contracts from oil companies, the people particularly local entrepreneurs must be given jobs that they can do without the intermediation of the chiefs. Through this the security forces will be able to ferret information from local people who will have a stake in the oil economy. A stop by all means possible must be made to end illegal oil bunkering and damaging of oil pipelines either through enhanced policing or cultivating and employing the services of the militants in the Niger Delta. The end in this venture would justify the means. We need to quicken the expansion of the currently profitable NLNG so as to benefit from the energy thirst locally and internationally. I deliberately leave my recommendation on oil and gas and other extractive minerals to the end because we should break away from over dependence on export of crude petroleum and all raw materials without adding value to them. We have waited and suffered too long importing what we should be exporting. Asiwaju Tinubu within a year must make his presence felt in our lives through the improvement of the economy. He can only do this through collective effort of all Nigerians.  This government will hopefully benefit from the Dangote refinery which is expected to start producing refined petrol and other by-products by next month, all things being equal.  The moribund government refineries which have perennially been “turned around” should be sold as they are and government must cut its losses finally. This hopefully will put an end to our importing what we should be exporting. Without opening a can of warms there is a need for a clinical audit of the subsidies regime over the last two decades and the participation of the CBN and officials of NNPC in the economic ruin of Nigeria which has led to the more than a thousand percent devaluation of the Naira. If money has to be collected from guilty parties this has to be done in order to resuscitate the economy. Through the policy of industrialisation and adding value to local products, jobs will be created for the masses. 

    A policy of protection of home industries will readily recommend itself to the new government. The textile mills all over the country must be resuscitated. They should also be supplied cotton through aggressive growth of the right kind of cotton seeds perhaps imported from Egypt and the Sudan. Importation of textiles should be banned to our country. Nigerians should be told to wear textile materials produced and sown in Nigeria by our own tailors.  Imagine the millions of jobs that will be created this way. Our people look more dignified wearing our locally sown apparels than wearing suits in the forbidden heat of tropical Africa.

    Our youth should be deployed to build the country through encouraging all graduates of engineering and architecture to form engineering companies to be allocated minor roads and houses to build. Government should prevail on cement companies to give special allocations to government housing schemes all over the country. This should not be a policy of the federal government alone but all the state and local governments must be involved in providing mass accommodation. This is not only socially important, it will also go a long way to solve our unemployment problems.

    Nigeria is an agricultural country and we need to pay more attention to feeding our people and exporting to Africa and the rest of the world. We should be able to grow all the corn that Africa needs. In the United States, 4% of their population feeds the United States and contributes the largest share of food aid to the starving countries of the world. We do not have any natural impediment against successful agricultural production in Nigeria. We can produce all the rice that we need in this country if we adopt the right policies. We can build on the extant rice policy; removing whatever corrupt practices some of its beneficiaries employed and apply the same successful policies to other grains like corn, sorghum and so on. We are the largest producer in the world of cassava and yams and sweet potatoes. We can expand production of these for the home and world markets. One crop in which we have environmental and climate advantage but we have refused to take whether because of ignorance or laziness is the growth of Irish potatoes. When I was ambassador in Germany, interest was shown in our potatoes which incidentally are available in winter when Europe and North America are covered with snow. I was told that if we could guarantee regular supply, European markets would absorb all our production. This is an area on which the Plateau State can be encouraged to focus upon.

    If we are to have sustained and successful agricultural revolution, we must make it pay for those involved in it. There are three ways to do this. We must mechanise production through state support. We must revive the cooperative movement by which agricultural unions would be aided to come together to seek government support and loans from the banks, and finally, we must revive the commodity boards to guarantee fair and stable prices for agricultural produce. To succeed there will be need for local, state and federal mobilisation. All primary and secondary schools outside the urban areas should be enabled to have school farms as we used to have in my youth. The aim of the economic rejuvenation programme must be to rebuild the economy of the country within two years while the question of the constitution and structure of government should be tackled by the third year of the present administration.  I am also assuming that with a revived economy and with jobs for all those willing and able to work will go down the terrorist rampage and brigandage going on in many parts of the country particularly in the northern part. This administration must make it clear to the military that the campaign against terrorism in the country must not be seen as an avenue for the military to corner substantial portion of the economy. The military must justify its budgetary allocation through complete defeat of the terrorists and must ensure the total pacification of the country within the shortest time possible after a decade of fruitless allocation of resources to the campaign against terrorism. This administration must be determined to once and for all build all areas of the country to stop the present unhappy situation where 80% of new graduates from tertiary institutions flock to Lagos or emigrate abroad in search of economic sustenance.

  • Reverend Canon Leslie Donald Mason

    Reverend Canon Leslie Donald Mason

    Unlike nowadays, the secondary school that a child went through is fundamental to the future development and progress of a child. This is because most of the historic secondary schools like Christ’s School Ado Ekiti, have  traditions and credos that shaped and nurtured the students when they come to the schools in their formative years. I know this is true of those of us who are now very old. Those of us who can reflect on our educational past to influence the present and the future should do so for the sake of posterity.

    When in the last quarter of 1955, Canon Leslie Donald Mason, the then principal of Christ School Ado Ekiti gave me a ride in his old Rover green automobile as a prospective student, I was meeting a white man in close contact for the first time and I had problems getting used to his Northern English accent. Of course after a few months in 1956 of entering Christ School Ado Ekiti, I had no problems understanding every word he said to us. This could be in the chapel daily or whenever any teacher was absent and discovering this during his supervisory promenades around the school, he would come in to teach us.

    As young children, we were amazed that he knew everything under the sun. It did not matter whether it was Algebra, Geometry, History literature, English language or Latin which appeared to me as his favourite subject. I remember his use of the Latin book Fabulae facility’s (easy stories). He was always happy to teach us and we were also happy to learn from his wisdom. He also had a way of writing in cursive which was different from other teachers. He was a class by himself. We sometimes debated among ourselves that his Masters of Arts degree MA) was in classics. I don’t know what gave us this impression. Perhaps we heard it from older senior students and to us then classics meant all aspects of knowledge and that was why he could teach any subject under the sun!

    Our daily routine in the school was that we usually assembled in the chapel in the morning for devotion which was conducted by Canon L. D. Mason. He was always immaculately dressed in shorts and nice short sleeves shirt and a tie. When after the students and members of staff would have sat down, he would quietly walk majestically to the pew to conduct the service. The service was usually very short. We sang a hymn and he would then exhort us to be of good and godly behaviour. He would then walk out and the students according to their classes would march up the Agidimo Hill accompanied by a brass band like soldiers going to war. Thus began our daily academic activities. We actually approached our studies as if going to war! We came to school to learn and to learn how to be good Christians on top of what our parents had taught us in our different homes.  We had no time for frivolities characteristic of some schools where young boys and girls wasted their time writing so-called love letters to friends of the opposite sex. Although Canon Mason was single, he did not teach us to shun the company of the opposite sex. We just felt it was not right and that the time for such things would come at the appropriate time. Those of my classmates who wasted their time doing such things did not do well in life.

    On Sundays, we would have full morning and evening services conducted by the same Canon Mason. Sometimes the evening service could be delegated to one of the senior tutors or the senior prefect. It was customary for a sermon to be delivered during the morning service but this was considered unnecessary during the evening services. Any casual visit to Christ School may have had the impression that the school was preparing us for the priesthood because we prayed not less than eight times a day, prayers were central to the life of a student. Some of the principal’s friends and regular visitors were George Vellacourt and Bishop Gordon Vining the secretary of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) and the Anglican bishop of Lagos respectively.

    The principal served in loco parentis throughout the week. If we were seriously sick, we would be taken up the hill to his house for attention. I was asthmatic as a child and was taken to his house many times where I was propped up in bed and given hot tea and food by him or his cook. The principal was very gracious to me in particular bearing in mind that my senior brother, Chief Oduola Osuntokun, his deputy was a politician and a nationalist who felt compelled to sometimes disagree with him perhaps as a symbol of colonialism! If things got serious when students were ill, the poor man would take one to the general hospital in Iddo-Ekiti which was the only hospital in the whole of Ekiti. Sometimes he could arrange for one to be taken to Akure which had a bigger hospital.

    Canon Mason was most particular about two things: our character and academic knowledge.  He paid attention to the reports written every end of the school term by the house masters who commented on our character sometimes unfairly. He also took note of the number of times one went on what was called “school imposition” inflicted on errant students for minor offences. Students on school imposition were made to cut grass on Saturdays for the number of hours specified in the imposition. This was usually at the instance of the school prefects. For serious offences such as stealing, disobedience of school regulations, misbehaving in the chapel or on the way to the chapel could attract what was called “school detention”. This was always announced by the principal during the solemn Friday afternoon service in the chapel. There would be pin drop silence and the principal in a quavering voice with tears in his eyes would announce the students’ names and what offences they had committed. He would usually say he was going to grant such students another chance “not by merit but as an act of grace”. We tried very much to stay out of these kinds of offences that would attract the entire school’s attention.  

    No matter how brilliant one was, Canon Mason would not be impressed if he got the impression that one was badly behaved. He would say this in the reports at the end of each term that were sent to our parents .He also paid great notice to a child’s academic progress from forms one to five. He knew a child’s strength. When we chose what subjects to offer in the University of Cambridge overseas school certificate examinations, he would follow it with keen interest advising where necessary because some parents sometimes wanted their children to follow certain professions even when the children were not talented in those areas.

    Canon Mason also followed one’s progress after leaving school and was always proud to know how many of his students had entered the University of Ibadan. I remember when I visited Christ School in 1961 while at the Ibadan Grammar School Higher School; he wondered why I had not taken the concessional examinations to the University of Ibadan instead of wasting my time in a Higher School.  I now wonder about this because I had one of the best results in my class! Unfortunately in our time, there was no career counselling. Everyone wanted to follow the footsteps of our teachers. This was why in my class, we ended graduating in academic subjects instead of in professions. He took pride in how many of his students came out in grade one and how many distinctions each student got. The results would be pasted on the school notice board for younger students to see and to celebrate and to also emulate. Whenever we visited after the release of these results, Canon Mason welcomed us with open hands and asked us our next plans.

    He was not much of a sportsman and he delegated this role to any of his colleagues who were sportsmen in their youth. But he brought to the school the game of ROUNDERS, some kind of a cross between cricket and American baseball. Apparently this game must have been played in England but as far as I know Christ School was the only school that played and enjoyed the game. Canon Mason sometimes came to watch inter house competition in the game of Rounders. He set up a health centre where he treated students with sores in their feet and also taught older students to perform the same act on any other student who may have cuts and wounds which did not require going to hospitals. He also taught us bricklaying and carpentering and we built some cement reclining seats around the school for relaxation on the lawns. He also encouraged us to get involved in agriculture and we had a school farm where we grew peanuts, yams, corn and vegetables. We rotated farming, carpentry or bricklaying every Wednesday afternoon when we had a break from our rigorous academic pursuits. He ensured we had a full and useful life as students.

    His love for us did not end within the portals of the school but throughout our lives. We loved him back equally and I have never heard anybody say something unbecoming of this great man from the north of England.

    The love for the school he nurtured in us made my 1956-1960 set to donate some class rooms to the school just about a decade and a half after leaving school when we were ourselves struggling to find our feet. This sacrifice was the least we could do to remember the school and its contribution to our lives under the tutelage of Reverend Canon Leslie Donald Mason MA.

  • Tinubu: The Lagos factor in Nigerian politics

    Tinubu: The Lagos factor in Nigerian politics

    Any study of Nigerian politics without special attention paid to the political economy of Lagos within the Nigerian political complex will be missing the key role of Lagos metropolis in the history and politics of Nigeria. Lagos was the entry point of Britain into Nigeria. When a naval squadron bombarded the city in 1851 ostensibly to stop the slave trade, the people of Lagos realised that the wider world was interested in what went on in Lagos. This naval promenade was repeated in 1861 and Lagos was permanently annexed to the British Empire and run sometimes from the Spanish Island of Fernando Po and later from the Gold Coast where the British had had an older settlement.

    By the middle of the 1860s Lagos then had its own administration but still subordinated to the Gold Coast administration. Up till 1875 the British were not really sure of what to make of its West African colonies. The West African Coast was regarded as the white man’s grave because of the malaria fever which killed off the white man within weeks of mosquitoes bite. Even when quinine was used in the 1820s as prophylactic against malaria, its effectiveness was still debated but widely used by settlers on the West African coast especially from the settlements of liberated slaves in Saint Louis, Dakar Freetown and Monrovia. Eventually, white men began to tolerate the inhospitable climate and unhealthy environment of the coast for white people.

    This did not stop black people at least in the immediate hinterland of Lagos from moving in droves to Lagos. Lagos had existed as a small fishing village established by the Awori people circa 1200. Over the years, they had witnessed Egba, Ijebu, Egun people coming to join them. The dramatic movement of some Edo warriors in the mid-15th century to the place did not quite change the demography of Lagos but its government which from then on was patterned after the monarchical institution of Benin which it too had inherited from Ile Ife. This was the settlement the British took over in 1861.

    The population of Lagos increased exponentially from the 1820s onwards from the considerable influx of liberated slaves from Brazil and Sierra Leone. These were Yoruba ex-slaves who knew the area of their birth. This population increased from 1876 onwards because of the century of warfare in Yorubaland which began with the Owu war in 1796 and was terminated by the British conquest of Ilorin in 1896.  The period of war in Yorubaland facilitated the exodus of people into Lagos. It is a surprising coincidence that just as warfare in Yorubaland intensified in 1876, the British a year before had stated through its secretary of state for the colonies, Joseph Chamberlain, the Tory businessman from Birmingham, that Britain was then determined to acquire tropical colonies as undeveloped estate of the realm. This meant a forward policy in West Africa and in the Yorubaland hinterland of Lagos.  By the time the British were effectively in the control of Nigeria, Lagos population had grown from the original Awori settlement to what can be called a cosmopolitan city without losing its Yoruba essence with cultural contributions from the various people who had made the city their home particularly the Anglophone Creole and their counterparts, the Brazilians with their strong attachment to Catholicism while the  indigenous Muslim elements were concentrated in the centre of the city with accretions from  sizeable Nupe elements. Lagos has always been a province of opportunity and freedom for not only Nigerians but also West Africans.

    Lagos was also the city which saw the emergence of virile newspapers with healthy dose of anti-colonial sentiments. With the press grew the sentiment of freedom and demand that Africa should be ruled by Africans and not by imperialists whose civilization was found to be exotic and different from acceptable African culture. The so-called educated elite in Lagos did not abhor everything British; what they were opposed to was the discriminatory practice which elevated the pigmentation of the skin over the character of the person.

    It is remarkable to note how advanced the political sociology of the Lagos elite was when compared with modern views of a racially neutral world. When the early Lagos nationalists like Drs J.K Randle and Obasa and Herbert Macaulay organised the very first political movements in Nigeria, they concentrated on the amelioration of social and political situation of the people of Lagos with the intention that a secure Lagos will be an attractive beacon to the rest of Nigeria. They have largely been proved right because over the years, Lagos has nurtured the political destinies of people like Herbert Macaulay, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, and now Asiwaju Ahmed Tinubu. Other politicians have bestrode the Lagos firmament but on lesser scale than those of these three. It is remarkable that the three of them can trace their ancestry to places outside Lagos. Lagos has been a welcoming city and anybody who is prepared to work hard and struggle can make it in business and politics in Lagos.

    It is true that Lagos belongs to Lagosians. Lagos has never been a no man’s land. It was never a terra incognita. It was always an abode of people. People have always migrated to Lagos and have been absorbed by the people and their culture. People who come to Lagos and want to be Lagosians must embrace the people and their culture. This was what Yoruba-speaking Herbert Macaulay from Sierra Leone and Nnamdi Azikiwe from Onitsha and what several Lagosians from diverse ancestry have done. Those who say Tinubu is not a Lagosian and say Lateef Jakande is not a Lagosian do not know the history of modern Lagos. There are also those who say Atiku Abubakar is a Cameroonian and that the Baba Ahmeds are from Mauritania. Such people forget that we all ancestrally came from somewhere from where we are today.  Besides, migration is a common factor in African history and that is why many of our northern Nigerians became Nigerians. My ancestors came from Ajase Ipo  in present day Kwara and I am very proud of it .This does not mean I am not an Ekiti, a place where my great grandfather Dada “Agbo dumogun bere uja, taku taku a bija pe “ fought for and was ready to die for.

    These preambular statements are designed to establish the point I want to make that is, we are from where  we have fought and were ready to die for. I don’t know anybody who is more Lagosian than Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. Tinubu withstood the federal political hurricane unleashed on Lagos during the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency and used the period of adversity to look inwards and develop Lagos into the fifth largest economy in Africa.  He was prepared to die in the process for his belief .He definitely has paid his dues.

    Now to the kernel of my piece. People have said Asiwaju Tinubu is not physically fit and the man said appropriately that the presidency is not a boxing arena. Buhari despite his health challenge held fort there for eight years. Although Asiwaju does not intend to follow the Buhari trajectory because he has better business and economic ideas far superior to that of Buhari, he has also proved beyond debate that he is an organiser of men and material to achieve designed targets. He has proved this in Lagos and his successors have followed the same trajectory.  While governor of Lagos, he built a formidable civil service and teaching service open to all residents of Lagos marrying in good proportion the interests of “ Omo Eko” and  “Ara Eko”. Tinubu would never ignore the interests of Lagos indigenes and subordinate them to those of residents who have claims in other states apart from Lagos but at the same time, he believes in careers open to talents and would use the talents of outsiders to develop his favourite Lagos. Tinubu’s reach globally is very long and wide.  I remember when he developed his policy of land use, he tapped the knowledge of Canadians and I can testify to this verity because I was then the chairman of Nigerian-Canada chamber of Commerce.

    As long as we continue to embrace the capitalist model of development, Tinubu has the golden touch to deliver. Even if he is not as robust as when he was much younger, he is not lame. For those who know a little bit of history, the most successful president of America in modern times was Fredrick Delano Roosevelt who engineered from his wheelchair the most radical social revolution in American history. Compared with his other competing politicians for the presidency, Tinubu in my estimation is clearly the victor ludorum (VICTRIX LUDORUM) if this were a fair competition to determine the best of the lot.

  • Cashless economy by fire by force

    Cashless economy by fire by force

    As I write this piece, I have N500 on me which is what I have had for a week because at my age I could not participate in the struggle at the ATMs from which Nigerians are getting money sometimes after queuing up for a whole day. Last week, the banks in my area shut their doors against the public for fear of their staff being beaten by irate Nigerians who have been made insane by the government policy of Naira colouring and withdrawal of old notes without adequate supply of the new notes. I was able to enter two banks in my area the week before and I was convinced that the new Naira notes were just not available by the looks on the faces of the bankers and by their aggressive demeanour in some cases. Only the women bankers from my experience showed some feelings of kindness to the public especially to the elderly people who they treated with courtesy. Even GTB which has a tradition of according courtesy to older people could not maintain their traditions because you can’t give what you don’t have.

    This strange phenomenon of having money in the bank but not in your pocket has for me come with some silver lining. First of all, it has forced me to realize that I don’t have to carry about some money with me whether I need them or not. I have become frugal and unusually miserly because I can’t give out money that I don’t have. I am told that even beggars are no longer expecting money from passers-by and because of this they are no longer pestering us with their demands for alms. I have also experienced generosity from a few persons who out of pity have stretched their helping hands to me and I will not forget when things come back to normal.

    Let me give two examples of two people who have been helpful during this time of cash scarcity. A former student of mine called me to find out how I was doing and I honestly told her my experience of going cashless by force and by fire and how I had been going round the banks in my area without collecting the new Naira. She was not happy that somebody like myself should be expected to go and struggle in some cases for N10,000 or N5000 twith young people of my grandchildren’s age. She, without letting me know, told her young husband to find me money by all means. The young fellow got N15,000 old Naira and gave this to the wife who simply sent her older sister to give me the money. I was actually expecting new money but in the situation I found myself, money whether old or new, was money. I got the money with much gratitude and the money went very far in buying stuff for the house.

    Of course, I have credit cards and cheque books but nowadays some shops and filling stations don’t accept cards and the claim of no internet is a common refrain. Secondly nobody takes cheques these days and I don’t know why though banks continue to sell cheque books to us older fellows. It is also not everyone who can transfer money. Some banks advise elderly people not to do so for fear of our accounts being hacked! This is where elderly people have found themselves in the policy of cashless economy by force. Apart from my old student’s generosity, I have found help and solace in my church where one or two people have found out what I was going through and like old time Christianity of communal living and help, have come forward to help me source for money to keep my car and generator running.

    Who says teacher’s reward is in heaven I am a testimony that if you are a good teacher your reward is here and now. The kingdom of God that we pray to come every day has really come in Christian fellowship to one another as I have found during these weeks of cash scarcity.

    The question to ask is what is the aim of this government imposing needless suffering and pain on the governed? It is strange that a government would deliberately do this. It reminds me of what Jean Jacques Rousseau said in one of his philosophical rantings that our rulers can force us to be free even if they kill us! It seems our government without adequate consultation with us the citizens has decided to impose a cashless economy on us for the overall good of the economy and presumably ourselves. We are told this is the way to go and this is the way of the modern world.

    In fact China from where the whole world learnt about paper money is ways ahead of every country in adopting a cashless economy. There are some provinces of China where people have not seen for months and years paper money. People have even moved away from cards and transfers to using their phones and wrist watches to transact business. I have personally seen my children doing this abroad with admiration. But do we have the structures, internet, and computer infrastructure to do this? Anybody who has travelled abroad recently will discover that banks will soon be ancient history because they will no longer be needed. I pray we move smoothly to this Eldorado. But we must make haste slowly.

    Nobody can fault all the reasons given by the CBN for the cashless economy.  They said it will reduce fakery of the Naira. It will make it easier to monitor the economy. It will reduce the temptations of criminals to request for millions of Naira from their victims and it may also bring the inflation down and stabilise the exchange rate of the Naira. All these aims and goals are desirable but we must plan for it and not jump into a moving stream. At the rate at which we are going we will destroy the rural economy if not the urban economy as well because the percentage of those of us nationally with accounts in the banks is not more than 40 percent. This means in effect that our economy is a cash economy and it will remain so for some time to come.  

    This is not the first time we have changed our currency notes. We did this in 1968 or thereabouts during the civil war. We also did this in 1973 when we moved from pounds to Naira and decimalised our currency. We also did this in 1984 when this same Muhammadu Buhari was head of state. We did not go through this hell then because the changes were better planned and secondly the economy in Nigeria since then has more than quadrupled. We cannot use the strategy of 50 or 40 years ago and apply it today and expect it to work smoothly.

    What our government has done is to withdraw close to N3 trillion of the old currency notes while printing N300 billion new notes much of which had been given to the commercial banks while withholding some of the new notes with the expectation that without enough notes, people will be forced to use bank transfers, debit and credit cards and presumably cheques without regards to how prepared Nigerians are for this sea change. Now it seems the people have rejected this imposed and forced change. The government may not have expected this and it does not seem there is a plan B. The advice by the National Council of State that met in emergency meeting last week in Abuja recommending that both old notes and new notes should run concurrently is based on if the old notes have not been destroyed. I hope not. Because if they have been destroyed then what do we do? We have heard from the grapevine that the Mint does not have the paper and perhaps the ink to print additional new notes. Efforts to secure this from la Rue Company in Germany or Switzerland has met a brick wall because there appears to be a backlog of countries importing the same security paper for their own currencies. This means if we need to print new currencies we have to wait for a while.

    The way out to me seems to permit the liberal use of good old cheques as before as well as continued reliance on the use of debit and credit cards and bank transfers while waiting for new currencies to be printed. But in all this, the government must take the lead and talk to the people without hectoring them and put their cards on the table. Planning to prevent politicians from using the Naira during electioneering campaigns and elections proper is a waste of time. Is it possible anywhere in the world to hold elections without oiling the system with money whether cash or otherwise? Imposing a draconian policy on the whole nation because we want to prevent politicians from using money during elections is not the best way to uphold the sacredness of our elections. Are the judiciary, the police and the electoral commission so abjectly weak that only a cashless policy can do the job for them? Saying this policy is designed to curb the power of money in our nations politics is the greatest height of ridicule and foolishness.

  • American Archives fights back: Whither Nigerian Archives

    American Archives fights back: Whither Nigerian Archives

    The news ÿþhas been on for a while that former president, Donald J. Trump who always felt he is above the law went away with several classified documents ordinarily belonging to the American people. All attempts to persuade him to return these documents failed until the Department of Justice (DOJ) felt compelled to get a warrant served on him to release these documents. When he resisted, the FBI was asked to raid his private mansion in Mar-a-Lago in Miami in Florida.

    Some of these documents have been retrieved from him while he is challenging the government’s action in the court. These documents were generated when he was the president of the United States and they were of security importance which requires  that they be locked up in the National Archives for periods ranging in many countries from as long as 30 to 100 years. In some cases, they may not be made available to the public for ever.

    Not everything connected with JF Kennedy’s assassination has been made public. President Trump during his campaign for the American presidency promised he would make this public but he fulfilled his pledge in the breach. In Great Britain, it used to be 100 years after the event but the period has been reduced to 30 years. The French are more conservative and I am not sure you can access public records that are as recent as 50 years and in the in case of the archives at the Quay D’Orsay (Foreign Office), the  documents are locked  up for many years.

    The reason why nations guard their secrets is that many crimes have been committed in the so-called national interest in the past which the present is not proud of. Experiments such as using human beings to test the effect of syphilis on black people in the USA or some terrible diseases or the effects of radiation on humans and such things in the past which if revealed may cause serious national problems. It is better to let the past belong to the past without opening wounds. If what the white race did to non-whites were exposed, world peace could be jeopardised. Just as nations have secrets, companies and merchant houses keep things locked up in their archives never to see the light of the day.

    Now back to the American situation. Just at the time when President Trump was being excoriated it transpired that President Joe Biden had skeletons in his cupboard. He too has secret documents from his time as Senate member of Foreign Relations Committee and documents from his time as vice president. These documents were found in his private office in Washington DC and his home in Delaware. Documents continue to be found in some of his other homes as I write. The difference in his case was he volunteered the information without waiting for an FBI raid. The sticking point was that he found this out in November before the 2022 Congressional elections and waited until now to make the revelation. The Republican Party rightly felt the president was not truthful and that he should be probed. Earlier on, the US Attorney-General had appointed a Special Counsel to probe the former President Trump and in order to appear even-handed, a Special Counsel to probe President Joe Biden was also appointed.

    The new Republican dominated House of Representatives has indicated its readiness to not only probe Biden but some radical right wing members to impeach the sitting president as was done to Trump when he was president. Hardly had the ink dried when it transpired that former Vice President Michael Richard Pence also have secret documents in his home and office in Indianapolis. This has taken the steam out of the Republican Party’s action to put the president in the dock!

    The question has now arisen about the nature of classification of official documents in the USA. Some of these documents are mere briefs prepared for the president and vice president in the ordinary nature of their jobs or background briefs for them when traveling or when having cabinet of national security meetings. Some of the documents may be of serious security in nature. But it seems too many documents are classified which need not be.

    Secondly, some government officials including presidents and vice presidents think documents with them while in office belong to them rather than to the government. But the law mandates every administration to hand over to the national archives all documents in their possession when they leave office. These do not belong to presidents, vice presidents personally and they are not the types of documents that are ordinarily deposited in every presidential libraries of former presidents located in their home states.

    We have not heard the final story on the American situation and we will not have the final story until the Special Counsels’ report. One interesting thing is that former president, Barack Obama, has come out unscathed in all these stories. It is to his credit that no dirt has been found on him throughout his public life despite all efforts by his enemies to pin something on him.

    What is the situation in Nigeria? There is a national archives in Nigeria located on the grounds of the University of Ibadan with branches in Enugu and Kaduna. The one in Ibadan was inspired by the late Kenneth Onwuka Dike, the first Nigerian vice chancellor of University of Ibadan and the doyen of Nigerian historians. There is a law ordering all governments, especially the federal government, to deposit all documents of a certain age in the national archives but in a country poorly administered and governed, this is the least concern of those in government.

    I wrote two books of first republic politicians namely chiefs S.L Akintola, last premier of Western Nigeria and Samuel Okotie-Eboh, federal minister of finance both of whom were killed during the coup d’état of January 15, 1966. I went to the premier’s office in Ibadan in 1972, six years after the man was in office hoping to access his official documents. I was told by the officials that his papers had been burnt because there was shortage of space and yet the National Archives was located a few miles from the secretariat. The officials told me that the papers of Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, his successor had equally been burnt. I was reduced to tears and I had to write my book from remembered history and oral interviews backed by newspapers in the university library. 

    Several years later in 2016, I wanted to write the biography of Chief Okotie-Eboh, I went to the Federal Ministry of Finance and it was the same story of absence of documents. I searched everywhere for any information on the man who ran the economy for 10 years, who founded the CBN, the Stock Exchange, the mint and other financial institutions and  there were no documents on him. Then I went to the internet and found out his 10 budget speeches are available in Stanford University in California.

    The Nigerian Institute of International Affairs did not have any copy of his annual budget speeches. Eventually, only Chief Phillip Asiodu had copies in the entire country. He graciously lent them to me for the assignment. I have been in government before but in a tangential role as adviser to the Minister of Foreign Affairs and I am not sure the ministry had a policy on archives. It is not too late for somebody in our executive arm of government to send a bill to parliament stating the process of archival retrieval both at the state and federal levels including all the embassies of Nigeria where vital documents are found.

    I remember serving in the glorified but ineffective Presidential Advisory Council on International Affairs and our properly articulating every advice and proposals we submitted to the president. I sincerely hope all those memoranda will be kept if not for present usage at least for historians in the future. One of the problems those early academic historians who wanted to reconstruct our past had was the absence of documentary sources. This should not be the problem for those coming after us. This is why I welcome autobiographies and biographies of our leaders because they will constitute veritable sources among other sources of our history in the future.

    We should not be talking about oral tradition for a largely literate society in future. We can learn from what is happening in America and keep our records. It is important to know how decisions are made and who contributed to making these decisions so that we can learn from our failures and successes. If there is any country in the world which needs to keep records it is Nigeria.

  • No fuel: One day in the life of a Nigerian

    No fuel: One day in the life of a Nigerian

    On Saturday, December 28, 2022, Professor Bolanle Awe, my teacher at the University of Ibadan and a senior colleague was 90 years old. I was invited and I felt that owed it to this great lady to join thousands of people to honour her but I was not able to go. I could not travel from the RCCG City to Ibadan not because I was sick or physically incapacitated. I just had no fuel and no money. This was not because I was too poor but because of my government‘s policy to change the colour of some denominations of the Naira, the 200, 500 and the 1000 precisely. I had rushed to the bank on the previous Friday 27th to deposit my old Naira notes thinking I would withdraw some new notes. The notes were not available. I went round the six banks in my neighbourhood and the answer to my requests was “No money” except the old notes which the market women and shop and petrol stations owners were not accepting. This was the situation with many people. I thought perhaps I could go to Ibadan with the little petrol I had in my tank and collect money and buy petrol in Ibadan but my family in Ibadan said there was neither money nor petrol. What the hell is going on? I yelled.

    People in the banks I visited were raging mad. The bankers and customers were angry with one another, the bankers were being accused of hoarding the new notes and the bankers said why would they hoard the new currency notes? The customers responded that the new notes were available for sale at social parties and under the bridges and wondered why they were not available in the banks. The two groups were raging mad and cursing each other while the problem remained unsolved. I watched the shows in the various banks I visited before I went home to think about what has befallen a once promising and great country! But that was then and not now!

    It was at this time that Asiwaju Tinubu reflecting the frustrations of all Nigerians openly wondered what was going on. He said saboteurs wanted to ensure that the change of the Naira failed and furthermore that they were responsible for the lack of fuel in the fuel stations.

    The opposition parties the Labour and the PDP have jumped on Tinubu for complaining. Of course this is politics and every opportunity to undermine your opponents is gladly exploited by one’s opponents. But to go from this exploitation to accuse Tinubu of wanting to buy the elections with his supposedly huge financial war chest is stretching the argument too far. Is Tinubu richer than Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi or Rabiu Kwakwanso? From what is available to the public, all of them are rich people. In any case no one can run for the post of president in any medium income country of the type and size and spread of Nigeria and not spend money for campaigns. Of course a good candidate may not be necessarily rich because I am told that rich people invest in the candidature of persons with the hope of reaping some rewards!

    This is really not the kernel of my article. The question I want to ask the president and his CBN governor is why the ordinary policy of currency change should bring this kind of suffering and rancour to the country.  I actually support this change of currency and I believe in the soundness of the reasons adduced by the governor for the change, namely reducing fakery of the notes, helping to frustrate kidnappers who had stacked in forest hideouts humongous amount of money collected from victims and reducing all kinds of illegalities permitting individuals to hoard billions of Naira and not permitting proper circulation of the currency creating problems about monitoring the economy. These are laudable goals which most reasonable people supported but the way the change has been done has become a problem.

    If the president was being deceived that all is well, he was jolted by the revelation of the governor of Kano that people were just too unhappy with the president. We are in a democratic regime not a military one. It behoves the president to listen to what the people are saying. It was the candid opinion of the governor of Kano who told the president what he did not want to hear and that the people all over the country were angry because of the lack of petrol and because the people could not get the new notes that persuaded him to order an extension of the deadline of the currency exchange to February 10. Tinubu was right and was bold enough to tell the president what all of us were saying about the government’s policy which had pauperised and immobilised us at the same time with no one listening to us. All the political parties that kept mute about our problems should be ashamed of themselves instead of blaming Tinubu for speaking out.

    I am not supporting holding this election at this time. The time is just inauspicious I believe that an election should not hold before there is a structural change in the country with the power of the central government considerably whittled down while some kind of regional government of about six or maximum eight states should be the federating units with large measure of political autonomy accompanied by fiscal federalism. To me what is going on is an exercise in futility and I write as old person concerned with the future of this country and of the people among who I was born. The way things are going does not give room for much optimism. The PDP presidential candidate has openly said his people should not vote for people from other parts of Nigeria. Suppose candidates from the rejected part openly challenged their people to do the same, where does that take us except a dead-end and political chaos and possible bloodshed? If this happens, the white world preoccupied with the problems of the war of Russia on Ukraine would not be interested in our chaotic situation just as they are not interested in the ongoing political and civil strife in Haiti in the same hemisphere with the United States and Canada. They will of course choose sides and arm us for the mutual slaughter that is bound to come. China, Europe and India would join in the struggle for influence on the carcass of dead black people. This may sound alarmist but I see portents that others may not see! This is the scenario that has compelled me to utter the solitary voice of one crying in the wilderness. Our brand of winner-takes-all democracy is not working and is not likely to work. Truth is bitter but it is better said now before it is too late.

  • The year 1959 in Nigeria

    The year 1959 in Nigeria

    I wrote about the January 15, 1966 coup d’état in Nigeria last week and Balogun Akin Osuntokun who I have a lot of respect for his political understanding said the article looked like part of a series. Well this one serves as an introduction to that article on the military putsch of 1966. I am also writing this article to educate young Nigerians about what happened in history!

    I am actually sometimes surprised about the ignorance of many Nigerians about their country. The accounts of events ending in 1959 are of course available in scholarly journals, monographs and books. But Nigerians don’t read and my writing may actually be an exercise in futility because those I want to educate will not read it. Those who read are mostly my academic colleagues and the intelligentsia who are mostly familiar with the events. But since I was an adult or a knowledgeable teenager at the pre-independence period, one owes the society a duty to leave an account, some kind of “remembered history “ which may not meet all the canons of scientific history but could provide material for future historians.

    Year 1959 was a watershed in Nigeria’s political development. The elections that were held that year determined the future trajectory of the Nigerian state. The three contending parties were the NCNC (National Council Of Nigerian Citizens); the party used to be called National Council Of Nigeria and the Cameroons, but was changed when it became obvious the province of southern Cameroons administered as a United Nations trust territory was not going to be part of independent Nigeria. The party was a national mass rally like the “la Rassemblement Nationale” characteristic of French West Africa around the same time. The NCNC saw itself not really as a party but a mass movement in which tribal unions such as the Ibo State Union and trade unions could be corporate members. The party was formed in 1944 largely by students who then invited the veteran of Nigerian politics, Herbert Macaulay, to lead it with the journalist Nnamdi Azikiwe as Secretary General.

    Azikiwe was a self-made man who had seen himself through American universities by dint of hard work and determination. He had returned to West Africa, not to Nigeria initially, but to Accra in the then Gold Coast as a pan Africanist but later moved to Lagos for the obvious reason of being a Nigerian. His politics was modelled after American style of politics with a dose of black American flair. He did not quite like the Westminster model of the British but preferred the American presidential system. He was a man of the people and he enjoyed the company of men and women particularly the latter. He was a very handsome gangling kind of person and indulged in flamboyant language in speech and in writing. He had large following in the urban conurbations of Lagos and Ibadan and all the major towns of Southern Nigeria. He spoke Hausa and Yoruba along with his mother tongue of Igbo. 

    Azikiwe was born in Zungeru in northern Nigeria and grew up and went to school in Lagos. When Herbert Macaulay died in 1948, he became the leader of the NCNC. Unfortunately the party became identified with the Igbo people despite Azikiwe’s efforts to maintain its national outlook.

    The other rival of the NCNC was the Action Group (AG) which came out of the “Egbe Omo Oduduwa” translated association of children of Oduduwa, the eponymous ancestor of the Yoruba people. This association was formed in London in 1947 by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and supported by Lagos grandees like Sir Adeyemo Alakija, Akinola Maja and others. Chief Awolowo at that time was studying Law in England after being a trade unionist, journalist, produce buyer and teacher in the Western Region. He believed that his mission was to lead his people out of ignorance and to prevent their being overrun in their own part of the country. He believed there was no “Nigerians as were French and Germans” and that Nigeria itself was “a geographical expression”. He articulated his views in a book he wrote in 1947 called “Path to Nigerian Freedom” that the only way Nigeria could become an independent country was if it adopted a federal constitution permitting each region large measure of autonomy. Unlike Azikiwe who wanted a unitary system of government with a strong centre, Awolowo opted for a loose confederation like Canada and Australia.

    The third political player in the Nigerian chessboard was Ahmadu Bello- the Sardauna of Sokoto and scion of the Usman Dan Fodio (Uthman bin Fudi) family, the founder of the Sokoto Caliphate, a political and religious “empire” ruled by the Fulani under the guise of Islam but which its critics said it was not a religious but political union dominated by the Fulani ethnic group. Their party the Northern Peoples Congress evolved from the  Yam’iyyar Mutanen Arewa formed in 1949 by Dr R.A.B. Dikko a  Christian Fulani medical doctor, some will say, prodded by the British to defend northern interests. He was later joined by teachers like Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Aminu Kano and Ahmadu Bello. What was a cultural association later became a political party.

    Because of the plural nature of the amorphous northern Nigeria, the party even though erroneously seen to represent Islamic tendencies, actually represented the whole of the north comprising the Muslims, Christians and traditional religionists.

    There were other minor parties and groupings that contested the federal elections in 1959 but the most important ones are as stated above namely, the Action Group, the NCNC and the NPC. They all went into the elections promising El Dorado to Nigerians.

    Awolowo and his Action Group was the most articulate about what it wanted to do for Nigerians. It promised universal primary education for all Nigerians, full employment, agricultural revolution, integrated development and a package of social welfare scheme along the lines of the British Labour Party. It hired public relations firm from England which brought modern political campaign platforms to Nigeria such as aeroplanes and helicopters that made it possible for the party’s leaders to reach everywhere in Nigeria. Their aeroplanes wrote in the skies of Nigeria, Action Group slogans and other kinds of publicity the kind of which Nigerians had never seen before. The Action Group put on the defensive the other political parties which could neither match it in resources and organisational skill.

    The leadership of the NPC did not campaign in other parts of Nigeria and was surprised that the southern-based parties carried the fight to it in its backyard. Ahmadu Bello who had always relied on the emirs to deliver the votes had to come out to campaign during the dusty and wintry season of the harmattan in December 1959. Some commentators said he swore to rein in Awolowo whenever Nigeria became independent under the NPC. The NCNC campaigned vigorously relying on the popularity and public oratory of Azikiwe. But unlike the Action Group the NCNC could not run on its performance in the Eastern Region like the Action Group could do in the West. The Action Group promised to create a Calababar Ogoja Rivers Region to allay the fears of domination of the Igbo in the minority areas of the East just as it promised the same for the Bauchi- Plateau- Borno and the Middle Belt Region. 

    It was however silent on the demand for the Midwest State only promising to create simultaneously with states in the minority areas of Nigeria. Within the Action Group were leaders from Borno like Ibrahim Imam, Ibrahim, Dimis from Bauchi, and Joseph Sarwuan Tarka the Tiv leader. The election was bitterly fought and at the end, the results were almost predictable. The NCNC led the two other parties judging by the plurality of votes, followed by the Action Group and the NPC came last but by number of seats won the NPC came first followed by the NCNC while the Action Group came last. The results unlike nowadays was not disputed perhaps because the elections were organised and conducted by British civil servants in Nigeria. Even though some radical elements in the South felt the British had vested interest in the victory of the NPC but this was not apparent. The NPC won because of the lopsided Nigerian population which favoured the North.

    There were moves by the two Southern parties to form an alliance but Azikiwe was not comfortable with it because of what he felt Awolowo did to prevent him from being the premier of the West following his alleged victory of his party in the selection not really an election in 1951. This issue has been dismissed by researchers who felt the election to the Western House in 1951 was largely nonpartisan and those the NCNC claimed were members of it were independent. However it would have been awkward for Azikiwe to be premier of the West while another person from the East was premier of the East. This would have defeated the plan for regional government in Nigeria. While there was prevarication about political alignment, the British cut the Gordian knot by asking Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa to form a government. The NCNC quickly cozied up to the NPC rightly conjecturing that it would dominate the government. This government was a coalition of the NCNC and the NPC.  Awolowo became the leader of the opposition in the Federal House of Representatives and he must have found himself in a rather unusual situation as opposition leader rather than in government. From that time on, the Action Group became radicalised leading to schism within the radical and conservative wings of the party which did not augur  well for the unity and harmony in Nigeria and the result of which could have been foreseen by any neophyte political strategist or forecaster.

  • Public and private perception of the 1966 coup

    Public and private perception of the 1966 coup

    I was not a child when the first military putsch in January 1966 took place. I was in fact a gentleman in my final year of undergraduate university education at the age of 23 plus and was politically savvy and well exposed domestically and internationally. I had spent the second year of my undergraduate education in the University of London in an exchange programme with that university particularly the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) and the Queen Mary’s College (QMC). I was on the ring side in the conflict that wracked the Action Group (AG), the governing party in the Western Nigeria in 1961, because my oldest brother Chief Joseph Oduola Osuntokun was a high ranking cabinet minister in government since 1955 and at the age of 34 and was minister of finance when I was in the primary school. The crisis that afflicted the Action Group (AG), the internationally acclaimed best organised political party in Nigeria at that time was a tragedy for the Western Region and Nigeria as a whole. This was because the Western Region was a pace setter in many areas such as public finance, education, sports development, public administration, industrialisation, agriculture, urban development and housing. It was able to do this because it inherited huge amount of funds from the marketing board set up to manage the ups and downs in the  world market prices  of cocoa which at that time was the main export of Nigeria as petroleum is  now the money earner for Nigeria.

    The crisis in the Action Group arose as a result of personality clash among the leaders which was sometimes camouflaged as ideological conflict in the direction of the country especially when the crisis broke open. But certainly, the Action Group was not an ideological party initially. It was a mass rally essentially to protect western Nigeria’s interests; some might say to protect largely Yoruba interest.

    The crisis arose as a result of frustration in the leadership after its failure to emerge as the governing party at the centre of the federation in 1959 on the eve of independence after the western Nigerian premier, Chief Obafemi Awolowo had moved to the centre while the leader of the opposition, Chief S.L. Akintola had exchanged positions with his leader by becoming premier of western Nigeria. It was the inability to manage this exchange of positions that brought conflict into the party which the NPC/NCNC federal government exploited to destroy the party. This intervention set in motion, a chain of events which the politicians directly involved could not have foreseen. It led to widespread rigging of the elections in Western Nigeria in 1965 and disequilibrium in the federation following the ethnic baiting and displacement of the NCNC and invariably the Igbo core members of the party from their predominant positions in the federal government. The genie of ethnic politics was released and this upset the radical elements in the Nigerian army particularly its officer corps which was largely dominated by Ibos. The ordinary man on the street was completely fed up with the chaos in the country. There was almost total breakdown of law and order in the Western Region including even the federal capital of Lagos marked  by widespread arson in the urban areas and burning and other incendiary attacks on rival politicians.  There was also ongoing rebellion among the Tivs of the Benue valley protesting against political oppression in the hands of the NPC northern Nigerian government. Soldiers and armed mobile policemen were deployed in the Western Region and the Middle Belt of Nigeria. Things were so bad that cabinet ministers were trained to use guns for self-protection. It was obvious that the politicians had boxed themselves into a corner and they apparently did not know how to extricate themselves from their situation. The deployment of soldiers in the disaffected areas exposed the soft underbelly of the politicians and exposed their dependency on the soldiers for the stability of the country and their very positions on the soldiers.

    When the coup d’état of January 15, 1966 took place, the telephone communications were severed and the politicians were isolated. In the Western Region, even cabinet ministers did not know what had happened and thought the premier was killed by hired thugs of the opposition party. They were in fact planning to swear in Oba C.D. Akran, the minister of finance as the new premier in the absence of Chief Remi Fani Kayode who they believed had been kidnapped. It was not until the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) broadcast the news that the widespread nature of the coup d’état became quite clear to all and sundry. The initial reaction in the Western Region and Lagos was excited welcome of the coup leaders who were celebrated as liberators from what was perceived as corrupt leaders. Many students and their teachers accepted the broadcast of Major Chukwuma  Kaduna Nzeogwu  that the leaders removed were completely irredeemable thieves who were selling the economic future of the country and who also deserved to die. The shock of the violence shook the country to its very foundation and there was no time to settle down and clinically evaluate the situation. Even the much blamed Major General Thomas Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi and his Unification Decree No 34 was widely celebrated at least by the academia and the southern media as a forward move to build a united country.

    Read Also: Era of coups gone for good, says CDS Irabor

    What was clear even at that time was the sincerity of Major Nzeogwu. This was an idealistic young man who did not quite know the history of his country. Nigeria was neither Turkey nor Egypt and Nzeogwu  was not Mustapha Kemal or Gamal Abdel Nasser  and  in the case of Nigeria, a determined military leader could  not alter its destiny.

    By the time in July 1966 when the second coup d’état took place, it was clearly and obviously a retaliation for the lopsided killings of northern and western army officers and the heads of government in the north, west and the federal. By this time, the initial enthusiasm and welcome of the military had waned and fear of the unknown had descended on the nation especially bearing in mind the ferocity and widespread killings of military officers and civilians largely from the East in the north of the country. From this time onwards Nigeria was on the slippery slope towards the civil war which did not settle the fundamental problems of this country. This centres around the political imbalance in the federation which was well articulated by the dictum of Professor John Wheare, that a federation should never be so organized that one section of it should be so big that it would overwhelm all the other sections put together.

    This problem has remained intractable despite attempts such as creation of states during the civil war but even this attempted solution has been vitiated by subsequent haphazard and irrational creation of more states designed to maintain the dominance of one part of the country over the other and inadvertently destroying the federal basis of the Nigerian union.

  • 2022 ended with a whimper rather than with a bang

    2022 ended with a whimper rather than with a bang

    Let us pray for a better country

    It is early in the year and I have been praying for the only country of which I am a citizen. I have had opportunities for becoming a citizen of one country or another apart from Nigeria but I gave the chance up either because I had absolutely no need for it or because I was certain all will be well for me and my children in the country of my birth and where I am somebody by the grace of God. In recent times I have sometimes wondered if I took the right decision on this issue especially when Nigeria legally permits dual citizenship.

    In recent times, it has become really embarrassing for me when I have had to wait for months while my passport has had to remain in the consulates of countries, I am trying to go to either for academic conferences or for family reasons such as visiting a child or grandchild. It seems foreign missions in Nigeria have taken a collective decision to frustrate Nigerians travelling to their countries by holding on to our passports on the grounds that they are investigating us before visas are issued. The reading public will be surprised that even I, a former ambassador is subjected to this humiliating treatment. Can we blame them? This is because our country has become in the words of President Donald J Trump a “shithole” country. Sometimes in 1999 or thereabouts, I wanted to travel to Germany, a country where I had served previously as Ambassador of Nigeria for five years and I was asked to bring all kinds of documents including letter of invitation, hotel booking and my bank accounts. I did and I was issued a two weeks one entry visa. I did not quite examine the visa when I took the train for a day’s trip by Euro train to Paris. The second day after the trip, I went to the airport to go to Germany. I was checked in and I had a £500 return ticket from London to Berlin. When at the last check in point before entering the plane, I was told that my one entry Schengen visa had been used and that I could not go to Germany. I was shocked and it was at that time that I realised that I had been issued a one entry visa by the German embassy in Lagos. I went through the humiliation of my luggage being removed from the plane as if I was a criminal. Of course this caused the delay of the flight to Berlin. I wondered what the people inside the plane would have thought about me another Nigerian involved as usual in one crime or another. Needless to say I lost the money for the flight since the cost of the ticket was not refundable.

    On return to Nigeria, I protested to the German embassy for the shoddy treatment. Anybody who knows me will attest to the fact that I don’t wear my status on my shirt sleeves. I am not the type who will loudly say “Don’t you know who I am?” I however felt so bad that I called Professor Jibril Aminu who was at the time chairman of the foreign relations committee of Senate. He sympathised with me and he said something that kept me thinking. He said “Jide, we should stop going to these foreign countries and stay in our own and this will limit the opportunities these people have to humiliate us”. I agreed with him but I said to myself that but for the fact that one had a child abroad, what will I be going anywhere for. This made me remember that as an assistant professor in Canada in 1970 at the University of Western Ontario, my resident permit was solicited for me by the university and all I had to do was maintain a residence for five years and I would have become a Canadian citizen with a passport that would have allowed me to go anywhere in the world without visas.

    Again in 1971, as a lecturer in the University of the West Indies, I was being asked to apply for a house loan and citizenship but I turned it down to hurry back home to go to the then University of Ibadan Jos Campus. Now at that time Nigeria was a great country and had the prospects of being greater so I was not doing my country a favour by rushing home. I actually wanted to be part of Nigeria’s march to greatness. I have not had any regrets since then because this country has given me opportunity to serve at some considerable height in the politics and administration of the country.

    In my evening years, things have turned sour for me and my country. This is no time to want to travel abroad. The cost of flying is extremely prohibitive. The so-called annual personal travel allowance (PTA) of  $4,000 are no longer available even when you have the Naira equivalent and your passport could be kept indefinitely in the vault of a foreign embassy waiting for issuance of visa. This is the current experience of an average middle class Nigerian. It seems we have lost our respect and no one wants us in their Lilly white country. We have become a victim of our sordid reputation as a country of criminals and the wretched of the earth no matter our educational attainment or previous national or international status. Yet compared with our colleagues abroad, we are in no way inferior to them but our skin pigmentation and the reputation of our country have condemned us to the status of the undesirable and the miserable.

    My people say poverty is not a crime but unorthodox method of getting out of poverty is certainly a crime. Peddling drugs and trafficking in people particularly women, fraudulent and all kinds of sharp practices such identity forgery and credit and insurance theft are crimes in which my people have been known to indulge in for instant wealth and monetary gratification. These are the issues that make countries and people despise us.

    If we want to get our country back, we must adopt the credo of calling what is bad a no-go area in our individual and national lives. The coming elections important as they are will not change the image of Nigeria unless we change our national character and avoid what has made us become a people and country to be avoided.

    A friend of mine asked me if I noticed that when traveling to Nigeria from abroad these days one hardly sees any foreigners in the plane unlike before when the first and business classes would be full of foreigners. It seems we are being avoided as if we are lepers and yet this is the biggest economy in Africa.

    My prayer is that this country will be great and grand again. The struggle for greatness has to be a collective one. We as individuals must not only be the best we can be, we must also more or less challenge our country men and women to do the best for this country. If you see something wrong say something. If one is demanding for bribe and you know about it, call the culprits to order. If contracts are given and not executed, call our people to the streets to demonstrate against the contractors. If someone is impersonating another person to write examinations, call for a citizen arrest of such an evil person. If a doctor or a nurse ill-treats a patient, call such people to order. If a lecturer is late to class or demands sexual gratification, make a report of such lecturers to the authorities. If a student is seducing lecturers for marks, protest to the authorities and if government officials refuse to perform their duties call them to order through public protest or call the attention of the media.

    We must embark on a campaign of moral rearmament to save this country and to get our reputation as a great country back. People in Singapore and Malaysia do not need visas to go to Europe or the Americas because there is no reason in the world why anyone from those two countries would want to leave their warm countries to go and settle in cold forsaken Europe and the Americas. Yet we became independent countries around the same time. They also don’t have to go through the hassle of applying for so-called foreign exchange because their currencies are convertible. There was a time in this country when the Naira was king and was joyfully accepted outside our country and it was almost getting to the status of West African currency because it was traded in countries from Dakar in Senegal to Yaoundé in the Cameroons. Our country can become great again but we have to work hard for it and it is doable.