Category: Jide Osuntokun

  • When Nigeria was worth dying for

    When Nigeria was worth dying for

    By Jide Osuntokun

    An English friend  of mine phoned me a couple of weeks ago asking if it was true the governor of Bauchi State, Bala Muhammad said herders should carry AK-47 guns to defend themselves. I said I am not sure if he said so and that I would find out more about it and call him back. Of course I knew he said so; I was just trying to protect my country’s honour and integrity abroad. But the guy phoned back the following day and I had to own up to the fact that one of our governors actually said so. My friend said he was sorry to see that our situation was getting very serious and asked me if I knew that this type of weapon was for combat operations.

    Of course I knew being an expert in warfare myself. I asked myself why the governor took that position. He himself said Fulani herders were being killed and their cattle rustled. I don’t know how true this allegation is and if it is true it is a serious allegation and it should be investigated by the police. There is a general information that cattle are being rustled in the north by thieves and brigands and Fulani owners of cattle are losing their means of livelihood and many of the herders are consequently taking to armed robbery and kidnapping to make a living. Commentators have also said kidnapping for ransom which yields tens and even hundreds of millions are now more profitable than cow herding. We must first say the herders are not the owners of the cows. They are mostly cow hands hired by the big cow owners so this loss of cattle cannot justify robbery and kidnapping by cow hands unless we are to believe the rich cow owners are also involved in kidnapping and collection of ransoms to make up for stolen cows.

    So how does carrying Kalashnikov battle guns solve the problems? Secondly which security authority licensed the carrying of these lethal weapons which the governor was defending or the herders are law unto themselves and just carried these weapons without license? Some of us licensed to carry hunting rifles have even been asked to give them up because of the general proliferation of small arms which is a serious problem globally. The Nigerian public needs to know if the gun laws have changed and all those who can afford to buy any kind of weapons can now purchase them. This is a policy which we call “grave yard policy” when discussing the unbridled spread of nuclear weapons instead of disarmament. The same logic also applies to a situation where everyone can own battle-grade guns.  Even in America, the gun crazed country, people cannot carry these types of guns our governor is recommending! Imagine if the much abused farmers whose crops are wantonly damaged and eaten by cows took a queue from the governor and embrace this new gun culture.

    The Bauchi governor has been making all kinds of unguarded statements these days such as saying Fulani people have universal nationality and are not bound by borders and that Fulani in any country will find home in Nigeria and that he has relations himself in the Cameroons. Perhaps this governor should be told that division of nations and ethnic groups by national borders is not unique to Fulani alone, so are the Hausa, Yoruba, the  Mandinka  are actually divided among  Guinea -Bissau, Guinea, The Gambia, Mali, Senegal and Liberia. Other divided nations are Arabs, French, Germans, Punjabi, Bengali, Koreans, Dutch and even Chinese. If all these people refuse to obey international frontiers, international order will collapse and world order would have to be reconfigured.

    So why did the governor take this extremist view of wanting our people to see him as Fulani champion? If other ethnic groups adopt his bellicose position, this will harm Fulani rather than help them. Suppose people take seriously the advice of the minister of defence that we should all fight back the kidnappers and brigands tormenting us instead of crying and pleading with security forces to save us. This call on us to defend ourselves will lead to acquisition of the same AK-47 guns by everyone and since the villagers are more than their invaders, what chance would the Fulani herders have against armed peasantry all over the country. It is obvious to reasonable people that the solution to our security problem is not general arming of our people or a section of it.  What we need is general disarmament and increase in security forces in numbers and improved mobility and disposition. This will include establishment of local and state police as we used to have in colonial times and ensuring that offenders are swiftly punished. One of the causes of insecurity is the fact that swift punishment that should serve as deterrence has not been seriously employed in the past. The order given recently by the president to forcefully disarm or to shoot at sight any gun carrying criminals who resist security forces order is a policy in the right direction. One hopes it is not coming too late like shutting the door of the stable while the horse has bolted away!

    I asked myself why the governor of Bauchi took the extreme position as if he was not part of the executive that should be helping Nigeria to find a solution to its security problem not by suggesting a shoot-out solution to an extremely complex problem which if not handled properly could unravel the delicate cement that glues us together.

    I read a brilliant analysis of the governor’s motive by one of the editors of the Vanguard newspapers who said the governor is trying to position himself as Fulani defender because of the serious cases of graft and corruption the EFCC has against him. He built houses worth billions of Naira for himself and another for his young son in the exclusive Maitama areas of Abuja which he allocated to himself and family when he was Minister of the Federal Capital Territory. He also acquired hectares of land near the airport worth billions of Naira and to insure himself against presidential question, he allocated same to President Jonathan supposedly for agriculture. When Buhari came in 2015, Bala Muhammad was temporarily locked up for his malfeasance but later released. Needless to remind my readers he got his ministerial appointment from Jonathan for supporting the removal from power of poor sick Umar Yar’Adua. In any serious country, he should not have been allowed to contest election for the post of governor which he had resources to buy and which he promptly bought in the Nigerian fashion despite the fact that Bauchi State is an APC state as reflected by the party’s overwhelming majority in the House of Assembly.

    We must be very careful about who we elect into political positions in this country. Arming a group of supporters as was done in Borno during the governorship of Ali Modu Sheriff which eventually led to Boko Haram is not the best way to go. Arming Fulani herders may lead to another incendiary movement which we may not be able to control because action and reaction are equal and oppositely directed. Opponents of the Fulani herders will also arm themselves in a war of all against all, some kind of Hobbesian state of nature in which life is short  nasty and brutish .

    We must refuse to be led by time servers and people feathering their own nests while they claim to be fighting for their ethnic groups and if everybody does this in an insane manner, we will have no country to rule and we will all suffer when anarchy breaks out. The governor of Kano State, Abdullahi Ganduje has suggested to all those asking herders to be armed and to follow cows from Bauchi to Lagos to donate their children who are comfortably living in London or New York to come home and join the trek across Nigeria they are so much in love with.

    I need to remind the Bauchi governor that the cow herders do not represent the essence of being Fulani, an essence demonstrated by Shaikh Uthman bin Fodio which is piety, holiness, forbearance, order and peace and in my life I know millions of this kind of Fulani, not the killer monsters being encouraged by Bala Muhammad. This country has been too good to many people in my generation that I sometimes feel guilty for how low we have descended. Somebody asked me about the national slight of President Joe Biden not calling our president while he has called the presidents of Ghana and Kenya; I told the fellow to go and ask governor of Bauchi Bala Muhammed. With this kind of situation, who wants to die for Nigeria. In my youth and adult life while I had opportunity to serve Nigeria I would have gladly died for this country.

     

  • The other Nigeria we have created

    The other Nigeria we have created

    By Samuel Akinnuga

     

     

    I present to my readers the views of a 25 year old young man I am very proud of and a former student of ours in Redeemer’s University, Ede and president of the students union in his graduating year. 

     

    No better time exists, to tell the truth than in a moment where silence in the face of glaring injustice is a politically correct choice. This moment is one of such times. If Martin Luther King, Jr. were alive, he would have considered it appropriate to rephrase his statement about dark moments and bright stars, particularly in the context of the realities in our country. It was he who declared, and quite profoundly so, that “only when it’s darkest can we see the stars.” And this statement bears far-reaching significance. Darkness is symbolic, often a metaphor for a period of distress and despondency. On a bright note, it represents the calm after the storm and so there is the urge to keep hope alive with the expectation that a glimmer would be sighted at the end of the tunnel. Would MLK be as bold to make the same declaration in a time as this when every bit of sanity is drained from anyone who is so emotionally attached to the dismal state of affairs in the country?

    These times are dark, and with all that has happened recently, one is frustrated enough to think that there is a fault in our stars. From all indications, everything that can go wrong has gone wrong. We are gradually becoming inured to accepting an anomaly as the norm. People can just be whisked away; students from their schools, travellers on their way, and nothing will happen. These days, no one is really shocked that a kidnapping happened. It’s sad news but no one is shocked. What comes as a shock is something different. One, the number of victims involved each time, details we are mostly unsure about. Two, the nature of ‘negotiations’ with the kidnappers, bandits, or whatever we choose to call them, details of which are utterly ridiculous from what we are made to believe.

    In between the kidnapping and the ‘releasing’ or the ‘rescuing’, we don’t miss the trail of statements with a huge tact-sensitivity deficit left by those who appear to defend the aberration rather than bolster confidence in the body politic that public safety is being sought as a matter of critical national priority. We have somehow adopted the uncanny habit of justifying madness and stifling patriotic passions. We have become so adept at misdirecting state force, misplacing national priorities, and majoring in minors. We have simply developed the unbridled penchant for missing the mark.

    There is no denying that these are not the best times for our country further worsened by rising anxieties and tensions. You’ll be practically frustrated at almost every noble effort to eke out a decent life while some misguided elements who have continuously unleashed terror on vulnerable Nigerians have continued to enjoy government attention, unabatedly. Nobody needs to tell anybody that the crisis playing out before us is a most unhappy culmination of the years we paid lip service to the ideals of fairness, equity, and social justice; a society where some are more equal than others; a society where a criminal is called by a more dignifying name because, in the words of some people who should know better, that criminal is being ‘marginalised’.

    Are we now supposed to accept this ‘marginalisation’ as a pardonable justification for the killings of innocent people in a country that has laws and leaders? That would be unfortunate. We now defend criminals and hound those who speak truth to power. We negotiate with criminals and come hard on those with genuine grievances, and who go about expressing such grievances peacefully. This writer has lost count of attempts by the powers that be to shut the mouths of those who have dared to be critical of the government. This is sadly often the case with many others with whom it seems those in government have scores to settle.

    With every passing day, we lose the credence to lay claim to being a sane democratic society. What kind of society is ours, where people are suddenly treated as criminals when they speak against the obvious failures to deliver on the most basic expectation of every government? The other day in Lagos, some young Nigerians were practically submitted to suffer indignities for choosing to demonstrate within the constitutionally-guaranteed limits. That show of force was patently misplaced and most unfortunate. If we approached the insecurity crisis and many other failings in the country with the level of determination we deploy to intimidate citizens, we would have recorded outstanding gains.

    A society where the vulnerable are victimised and criminal elements justified is not headed for a good place. Worse still, the posture of the leadership, and particularly the president, in the bigger scheme of things, has been largely untidy.  No one seems to know what we’re doing or how we’re going to get things done. There’s really no sense of direction and we honestly can’t keep making excuses for below-par leadership in a most critical time like this. The consequence is that many Nigerians, obviously helpless, have resorted to ‘carrying their cross.’ The ‘cross’, for most Nigerians, is simply not to have any decent expectation from the political leadership while they are routinely exposed to uncertain degrees of harm by criminals as they go about their daily lives.

    The sense of duty of most has become so blunted by affiliations to political actors, aspirations, and tendencies rather than a commitment to the cause of the country. And by all indications, this trend would not be reversed in any short time to come. The general state of affairs in the country, with the insecurity crisis being an awry watershed, begs for a renewed, honest reflection on the situation of Nigeria. It is becoming increasingly clear that we have two ‘Nigerias’. The first is a Nigeria created of the political class for the political class; a Nigeria where all is well as long as political interests are protected; a Nigeria where the welfare of the masses of Nigerians doesn’t matter as much as the pockets of the political class; and one in which the body language of the person in power is more pervasive than the patriotic deference to the spirit and letter of the constitution.

    And there’s the other Nigeria where the overwhelming majority of Nigerians find themselves. A country where ethnic affiliations are more relevant than credentials of competence; a country in which the lives of most are in the hands of God rather than in social institutions that work; a country where citizens are constantly subjected to economic, ethnic and religious tensions stirred by an unpatriotic bunch to advance a deleterious agenda. The other Nigeria is the one that has made living a nightmare for those with no means, where poverty, illiteracy, and deprivation are the only things many have known all their lives. Not necessarily by these names but by the unmistakable manifestation of these maladies on their lives and livelihoods.  The other Nigeria is the one in which you must know someone to stand a chance of becoming something. It’s been said too many times that who you know is far more important than what you know. That is the other Nigeria. The other Nigeria is sadly the place where the principles of social justice and fairness are alien concepts in reality. And as long as the other Nigeria is the only one majority of Nigerians would continue to know, we should jettison the idea that things will get better. They will not. And this is the sad reality of a Nigeria we have created.

    Ours is a nation in dire need of salvaging. Anyone who is anything has said something about the ugly state of affairs. Any attempt to gloss over the issues or look for quick fixes without a deeper look at the big picture would amount to a waste of time and other resources expended. The nation’s best chance of ‘bright stars’ lies in its investment in the younger population. There’s got to be a marked departure from the usual shabby disposition to youth empowerment and the joke we’ve made of constituency project like we are doing the people a favour. We need to activate a public-spirited commitment to a Nigeria where unity and faith, peace and progress are not merely symbolic good-to-haves.

    May we find the courage to save this country from the brink. And may God bless this republic.

  • Oduola Osuntokun: A centenary (Feb. 20, 1921-Feb. 20, 2021) – 3

    By Jide Osuntokun

     

    The  meteoric rise to the position of Minister of Finance  from Minister of Works soon came to a halt  when Osuntokun was sacrificed  to appease the opposition when there was widespread protest against increase  in the taxes to finance the universal free  primary  education which came into force in January 1955  and which led to an increase in the number of students,  teachers and consequent construction of schools and classrooms all over the Western  Region. He was then moved to the Ministry of Lands and Housing. As a geographer who was familiar with country and town planning, he tried to have an impact in his new ministry and came up with the idea of town planning in Ilupeju, Ikorodu road, Ikeja, the various government reservations in Ibadan and a brand new town in Bodija Housing Estate. His contribution to town planning is his lasting legacy.

    Dr. Omololu Olunloyo, a former governor of Oyo State commented to me while I wanted a plot in Bodija Ibadan that my brother built Bodija without allocating a plot to himself. He did the same thing in Ikeja, Ilupeju and Ikorodu Road without giving himself or any member of his family a plot but only remembering some of his friends who were of course very grateful.

    He  later  headed between 1958 and 1966,  the ministries of health and social welfare, economic development, and education before the civilian regime was toppled by soldiers. The turnover was too rapid that it is difficult to go into detail about his contributions in all the ministries he held. What comes readily to mind was his introduction of the Western Nigerian Lottery which presaged all lotteries in Nigeria.

    Everything was going on well at Oduola Osuntokun’s House. His children by 1960 had increased to five and like most politicians of his time with roving eyes, he had added another wife by marrying Folorunso, the daughter of one of his friends in Ado Ekiti. His drinking elderly buddies in Okemesi found a local girl to add to the harem with the justification that charity begins at home!

    The situation by 1959 was moving rapidly to a political denouement with independence expected in 1960 but before it there was a federal elections scheduled for the end of 1959.  Earlier Chief Akintola had changed places with Chief Awolowo who moved to Lagos with the expectation of becoming prime minister while Akintola moved to Ibadan as premier.

    The AG and the other major parties, the NCNC and the NPC were determined to give winning the pre -independence election their best shot. Chief Awolowo had assembled an efficient electoral machine in which all his ministers were deployed almost for three months in the field in the northern part of the country particularly in the minority areas of the Middle Belt and the Northeast of the country where it was felt the election would be won or lost. Osuntokun led campaign teams to the Plateau and Adamawa provinces. The AG did not do as well as it expected because of alleged British sabotage. This loss was the beginning of the trouble in the AG which came to a head in the crisis that rocked the party to its very foundation from 1961 to 1962.

    As a member of the cabinet, it was normal for Osuntokun to be sympathetic to Chief Akintola, the premier whose oratorical skill was fundamental to the AG’s acceptance in the Oyo Yoruba area which constituted about two-thirds of Yorubaland. While Chief Awolowo was the brain box of the party, Chief Akintola was the practical man who marketed the philosophy of the party to the Yoruba people who had seen him as a champion of their causes since he was the editor of the old Daily Service in Lagos in the 1940s. Akintola was a voluble and warm person while Awolowo was cold and distant for a politician. Most of the Yoruba obas and the monied class in Lagos intervened to ask the two combatants to bury the hatchet  but there were forces driven by ambition particularly by the non-Yoruba leaders  of the AG  like chiefs Anthony Enahoro and S.G Ikoku who later betrayed Awolowo by teaming up with Shagari in 1979. Left to themselves, the Yoruba people would have resolved the differences between Awolowo and Akintola.

    The Obas and the elders and the monied class among the people were in fact leaning to the side of Akintola after he was forced to beg Awolowo against his own better judgment. But the cracks in the party had made it easy for lizards to wriggle through it. There were enemies within and without. The AG had been too formidable an opposition party that the coalition government of the NCNC and NPC was too eager to take any opportunity to end the troublesome presence of the Action Group. A sinking man would hold on to straw and this was what Akintola did to play the northern card against Awolowo and later against the NCNC.

    Osuntokun and his colleagues were sucked into this boiling cauldron. Sometimes going forward were as difficult as going back. During this time, Osuntokun wanted to leave politics entirely and tried to look for a job in the administration of the new University of Ife but the premier would not hear about it. He was dragooned into the case against Awolowo as a prosecution witness or on refusal be charged along with those who were to face trial for treasonable felony. The bitterness this crisis created in western Nigeria especially when Awolowo and some leaders of the Action Group were sent to prison left a bad taste in the mouth. Up till the coup d’état of January 1966, clandestine efforts led by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Sir  Adetokunbo Ademola  and involving Chief Akintola  himself to free Chief Awolowo continued to be made.

    The details of the crisis have been written by many scholars including myself. It will suffice to say there was much animus against one another and vendetta against one another to the extent that by the time of the 1965 election in the West, the contest had become a do-or-die conflict that eventually led to the civil war after the travesty of an election in the Western Region, followed by the one-sided coup d’état and the pogroms against the Ibos in the north and eventually the civil war.

    For Osuntokun, these were not the best of times. He lost his brother, Captain Edward Abiodun an army engineer; his career in politics was in tatters. He did not indulge in financial self-aggrandizement so he did not have money after being in government as a minister for 12 years.  After the coup d’état of 1966, he tried to pick up the pieces of his life by going back to teaching and principalship of a high school and even as Assistant Director in the Federal Ministry of Education. They all came to nothing. He humbled himself teaching geography in a few high schools before finally going home to Okemesi where he taught on part-time basis in a school he had helped establish when he had power as a minister. Ekiti people politically are very unforgiving. When others on different sides of the political crisis in the AG had moved on, people in his home division still kept him at arm’s length. He tried in the 1970s to reconcile with Chief Awolowo, but he was turned down. He had too many enemies because of his role as a supporter of Akintola. His houses in Ibadan and Okemesi were burnt down and he suffered from insomnia and never regained his verve until the end of his life at an early age of 69.

    He however left an imperishable legacy of honesty, courage and integrity in standing for what he believed was right. He was one of those who spearheaded western enlightenment in Ekiti and fought for the old Ondo State of which Ekiti was part for equitable share of development based on its agricultural contribution to the wealth of Western Nigeria derivable from its cocoa production. Most of the roads in Ondo Province including Ekiti were tarred when he was minister. He spoke truth to power to the annoyance and discomfiture of the yes-men in the government when he opposed the plantations of rubber and oil palms in areas he considered unsuitable for them but favoured because the head of government came from there. The Yorubas say when a man has nine fingers, a wise man should avoid asking for counting of fingers in the public. Osuntokun was a man who when everyone said why he would say why not?  The ability to speak truth to power was at the end detrimental to Osuntokun’s political career. There is no public monument in Ekiti named after him except for the Oduola Osuntokun presidential guest house, thanks to Governor Fayose. His legacy however lies in the Osuntokun brand of excellence which has been nurtured by his brothers, children, grandchildren, nephews and nieces at home in Nigeria and in the Nigerian diaspora in the western world.

  • Oduola Osuntokun: A centenary (Feb. 20, 1921-Feb. 20, 2021) – 2

    By Jide Osuntokun

     

    Oduola Osuntokun was very close to his father who adored him. It was considered unmanly for the scion of the Osuntokun dynasty to associate with his mother whom he rarely visited. His father had three other younger wives apart from his mother and he consequently had a retinue of sisters and brothers. He was only close to his immediate younger uterine sister who unfortunately died young. He seemed to have transferred his love to his younger brother Edward Abiodun who left Government College, Ibadan, a year or two before he returned from Fourah Bay College in Freetown Sierra Leone. Oduola was a strict disciplinarian at school and he did not spare the rod. This brought him once into a serious disagreement with his father over Oduola’s flogging of his younger brother, Kayode who was his father’s favourite. The application of corporal punishment liberally on students sometimes led to disagreement between Oduola and his Principal, the Reverend Leslie Donald Mason who did not subscribe to the Saint Andrews Oyo doctrine of physically driving the devil from the hearts of recalcitrant and stubborn young people.

    Unfortunately for Oduola, his father whom he loved dearly, after several months of moving from one hospital to another, succumbed to what was apparently prostatic cancer. This was at a time when he needed his advice and guardianship at the time he was about to entire public life and to face what were seen and unseen enemies in the turbulent arena of Nigerian politics. His father’s death left a void in his life that could not be filled and a baggage of a large family to head. He perhaps because of this, found comfort in the friendship of much older people while not totally distancing himself from his contemporaries with whom he played tennis and soccer which he continued to play as captain of Ekiti soccer team even as a parliamentarian until age caught up with him.

    Oduola Osuntokun was just thirty years old when he plunged into the slippery world of politics almost involuntarily.

    As a result of much agitation for political constitutional changes in Nigeria, the governor- General of Nigeria, Sir John Stuart Macpherson decided to give  a new constitution to Nigeria that would introduce some electoral principle of political representation to the new regional Houses of Assembly in Ibadan, for the Western Region, Kaduna for the North and  Enugu for the East. The two political tendencies or movements in the South were the NCNC (National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons) and the  A.G (Action Group), an off shoot of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa formed as a cultural organization in 1947 embracing all Yoruba people, that is, all those  who believed they descended from  Oduduwa the eponymous ancestor  of all Yoruba people.

    Unlike the A.G the NCNC was more like a rally. It was founded in Lagos in 1944 at the instigation of young students and later metamorphosed into a political party led by Herbert Macaulay the grandson of Bishop Ajayi Crowther. After Macaulay’s death, leadership passed to Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe who considered himself a Lagosian because he had most of his investments in Lagos and spoke Yoruba fluently. The AG on the other hand, was new and was only formed on the eve of the election into the regional Houses of Assembly. The election was actually done by electoral college on divisional basis. The four people chosen to represent Ekiti were Mr. EA. Babalola of Oye Ekiti who topped the list, Oduola Osuntokun came second, Reverend Canon Ajayi of Ado – Ekiti came third and Barrister A. Adeoba, a Lagos lawyer of Iyin extraction came fourth. These people were chosen as the most educated people from Ekiti and they were all graduates. They were strictly speaking not card-carrying members of any of the two political parties. They were elected strictly on their own merit.

    Even though the NCNC was a mass party and had large Yoruba following, its enemies began to campaign that the party under Azikiwe had been taken over by the Ibo State Union which as a bloc belonged to the NCNC which had begun to equate the party with the Ibo Union’s interest. It was in this circumstance that the Ekiti delegation moved into the Action Group. It is not true they were snatched from the NCNC; they were elected as independent leaders of their people on their own merit.

    Chief Obafemi Awolowo was Leader of Government Business in the Western Region until 1952 when like in the other two regions in the North and East, the leaders of business became premiers. Thus began the trial of the practice of cabinet government and responsible government on the pattern of what existed in England. Chief Awolowo chose a small cabinet of eleven people from what is now Delta, including some parts of Bayelsa, Edo, Ondo, Ekiti, Osun, Oyo, Ogun, and Lagos excluding Lagos Island, Ikoyi, Apapa, the Mainland up to Yaba while the rest belonged to the Western Region as colony division. This vast area was governed from Ibadan with one civil service and a small cabinet answerable to the British Lieutenant-Governor. The choice of the first cabinet was made on provincial and divisional basis and on the principle of political balancing. Chief E.A. Babalola who topped the Ekiti list was appointed minister of works; Chief Awokoya from Ijebu Igbo was made minister of education; others in the cabinet included Chief S.O Ighodaro from Benin, Chief Adisa Akinloye from Ibadan, Chief Arthur Prest from Warri, Chief Adigun and Chief Omowonuola Adeyi from Ogbomoso and Fiditi respectively, chiefs Akin Deko and Anthony Enahoro from Idanre and Uromi in Esan  divisions  respectively and finally, Chief F.O Awosika from Ondo who was made minister of finance. It was a tight and small cabinet for such a vast region like the West.

    The accumulated reserves of the cocoa board came in handy for Awolowo’s party to embark on revolutionary changes in the West. There were many educationists in the party and Oduola Osuntokun served on the very important committees on education and finance. The Opposition was led by the formidable Ibadan politician Chief Adegoke Adelabu. Since it was a parliamentary democracy, much time, at least two weeks in a month were spent on debates on all issues in parliament. It was in this situation that Osuntokun’s parliamentary and debating skill soon caught the attention of Chief Awolowo. As a teacher, talking was easy for him and he was not crowd shy and in the confrontation and histrionic effusions of Adelabu, Awolowo needed younger people than him to confront the stormy petrel of Yoruba politics. Anthony Enahoro and Oduola Osuntokun proved very useful. He did not live in Ibadan because he still had students to teach at Christ’s School Ado Ekiti. Politics for him was not a profession unlike nowadays when politics is a full-time job for people.

    As he rose in fame and prominence, people began to put pressure on him to get married. There were many young ladies who saw themselves as potential wives! But he took his time until he found a young lady, the child of an Anglican priest, the late Archdeacon M.A. Osanyin  later Bishop, who was in charge of the Anglican Church in the whole of Ekiti and who hailed from Ijebu-Jesha a couple of miles from Okemesi. It was a good catch for the young lady, Mabel Adetola, who was a pupil teacher and for Osuntokun too who needed a quiet companion to take care of the domestic front. The solemnization of the wedding took place in Ado Ekiti in 1952 obviously to the disappointment of those who had had eyes on the honorable gentleman. Soon, two children, Tinuola and Olakunle came one after another. However, it was not smooth sailing on the domestic front for the couple. The absence of the husband must have put some strain on the marriage and the life of the poor wife who had to cope with two little children and their absentee father who kept late nights attending political meetings.

    Events were moving rapidly on the political front and dividing his time between his teaching job and legislative duties was proving difficult. Things took a dramatic turn when as a result of widespread complaints of neglect of Ekiti and lack of government presence as evidenced by the bad roads in Ekiti, Osuntokun and his colleagues representing Ekiti were then being challenged to exert themselves. Rumors had it that the minister of works, Babalola was not dynamic enough and that he had said the roads were not tarred because Ekiti roads were “naturally tarred” because of the granite nature of the soil. This rumor gained currency in spite of its strong denial by Babalola. Whether true or not, people began to say if Osuntokun were in the cabinet, he would take care of Ekiti’s interest. It is not clear whether this rumour influenced a cabinet reshuffle in 1955 and Osuntokun replaced Babalola as minister of works. This was at a time when there was an impending election into the Western House of Assembly itself. The AG had been worsted in 1954 in the federal elections in the number of seats the NCNC won in the West, so the AG wanted to put its best face forward. The party won the election and in 1956 a new cabinet was formed and   Osuntokun emerged as minister of finance at the age of 34. In England, the example we were following, being Chancellor of the Exchequer (Minister of Finance) puts you in line for the premiership. Of course Osuntokun at 34 was not expecting to be premier at least not in the immediate future.

  • Oduola Osuntokun (Feb. 20, 1921 – Feb. 20, 2021): A centenary – 1

    By Jide Osuntokun

     

    I have had the pleasure to celebrate in prose, the centenaries of Chief Jeremiah Obafemi Awolowo and Samuel Ladoke Akintola at the invitations of their families. I would have liked to do the same for the Rt. Honourable Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe if there was a project I could contribute to. Some years ago, even before John Paden was funded by some northern Nigerian elite to write for Hudahuda Publishing House, the biography of the Rt. Honourable Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, first and last prime minister of Nigeria, I was engaged in research to write the prime minister’s biography with title of “A bottled up man” on account of his rather reticent, self-effacing and quiet personality.  This was how the late Ibrahim Tahir, scholar and politician of the 2nd Republic and the author of the book – The last Imam, described Abubakar who was his teacher in an interview I had with him.

    I later wrote the biography of Sir Kashim Ibrahim, Wazzirin Borno and governor of the entire northern Nigeria in 1984. I was not interested in writing about Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, because I did not want to get embroiled in religious disputation. My readers should note my reference to Dr Azikiwe and Sir Abubakar as Right Honorable gentlemen. That is the correct usage because they were members of the Queen’s Privy Council. I always laugh at the misuse of the term when pompous and ignorant politicians misappropriate the use of the term in reference to themselves including even speakers of state assemblies!

    I had interest in biographies because of the excellent biography of Adolf Hitler with the title of “Adolf Hitler: A study in Tyranny” by Alan Bullock and A.J.P Taylor’s biography of Lord Beaverbrook, the British press lord in 1972. These two intellectuals and Regius professors of modern history at Oxford and Cambridge universities respectively were my heroes. In other words, I have been interested in biographies or biographical essays as intellectual pursuits. But as a ‘philosophical doctor’, is it not inappropriate for me to treat my own relation as it would have been for a medical doctor?

    This is how I feel writing about Chief Oduola Osuntokun.

    I believe it is still necessary to put on record my assessment of the life of Chief Joseph Oduola Osuntokun because he was a major player in the politics of Western Nigeria before and after independence. He was born in Okemesi in colonial Ekiti district on February 20, 1921. It was on a Sunday morning. Even though his parents were Christians, the father had the Christian name of David and the mother Elizabeth, they were not too removed from the traditional belief of prophetic insight by consulting traditional seers who promptly told them that the new baby was the reincarnation of Dada, his father’s grandfather who was a General along the likes of Balogun Fabunmi and Ogedengbe  in the Kiriji war fought against the Ibadan / Oyo forces in the Ekiti Parapo war of 1876 to 1886 which finally ended when the British imposed a pax Britannia on the whole of yorubaland with the defeat of Ilorin in 1893. The meaning attached to this revelation to the young couple was that they should be prepared for a boisterous and eventful time for their new son. This did not come as a surprise because David’s father, Ojo and Agbaje his uncle had followed the martial tradition of the family by fighting for the British against the Germans in their colony of the Cameroons in the First World War.  So they thought the baby Oduola would also end up as a warrior. Before he was born, David in search of glory and fortune had gone to the Gold Coast for some years before returning home with some money to get married.  While in the Gold Coast, he had worked in the Manganese mines in Nsutta and moonshined on weekends as a deacon ministering to mostly Okemesi and Ogbomosho immigrants in the area. He made enough money in the Gold Coast to start trading business employing his younger and older brothers. He was sufficiently comfortable to build a rambling bungalow in Okemesi divided into three flats for his family and his two brothers. As the son of a trader ( Osomalo) the young Oduola followed his parents wherever business took them to in Ekiti towns of Awo, Ikere, Egosi (Ilupeju) Oye and Ilawe. This peripatetic life continued until young Oduola went to Christ School Ado -Ekiti when it was still a Middle school in the 1930s.

    His father had been beaten by the bug of western education by his sojourn in the Gold Coast and was determined to educate all his sons. In those days, educating daughters was not a priority. It was from Christ’s school that the young Oduola gained admission to Saint Andrews College, Oyo during the Second World War years of 1939-45. This college was like the ultimate place those who wanted to be professional teachers went. It was also one of the few places an aspiring young man could go for a decent and relatively cheap education. It was founded, funded and run by the CMS (Anglican Mission). Oduola stood out among the students there. He was young and handsome and very fair in colour taking after his illustrious ancestors who originated from the present day Ajase Ipo in today’s Kwara State. Oduola was the most brilliant student in his class and he was also a great sportsman distinguishing himself as a footballer. He was also very articulate and spoke English as if English was his mother tongue. He was quickly identified to present on weekly basis the account of the battles raging all over the world between the Allied Powers of France, Great Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union and the Axis powers of Germany, Italy and Japan. He was able to gather the news through listening to the BBC and Voice of America radio broadcasts and reading newspapers voraciously. His mastery of the issues so impressed his tutors that they knew he was marked out for great things in the future. It was not clear if he had career expectations himself. But he left Saint Andrews College with flying colours during the war and returned to Christ’s School Ado Ekiti to teach. Christ’s school was by this time a secondary school preparing young people for careers not limited to teaching. There were no African graduates in the place. The few graduates apart from the principal of the school, Reversed Leslie Donald Mason were from Great Britain. The young Oduola was not prepared to play a second fiddle to European teachers in the school and  by private studies,  he prepared  himself for university education through self-help and the generosity of the CMS which got him admitted for a  four-year Bachelors  of Arts course in Economics, Geography and English. He returned to Christ’s School in 1950 armed with a Bachelor’s degree and a Diploma in Public Administration which he studied for as a private student with the University of Durham to which Fourah Bay College In Freetown, Sierra Leone was affiliated.

    It was not just all books and books he buried himself in Freetown; he was also involved in students’ politics and other social activities like ballroom dancing which made him attractive to quite a few female students. His academic performance attracted the attention of his lecturers who advised him to go for higher education in England not knowing he was bonded to return to Nigeria to serve the CMS in any of their institutions. He of course  in 1950, returned to Christ’s School Ado Ekiti where he was immediately designated senior tutor as the only Nigerian graduate on the staff .On his return, he met most of his colleagues he left behind still teaching as “certificated teachers .” Even though this did not put a distance between him and them, it strained the relationship. Soon one after the other, his colleagues who were much older than him either went to Fourah Bay College or to the new University of Ibadan which opened to students in 1948. He was later to enjoy meteoric rise in public life because of the accident of history of being the second graduate in Ekiti and his dynamic drive and amiable personality and his physical handsomeness or what Muhammad Ali the famous American boxer called beauty while describing himself. He inherited his good looks from his father. I remember Ambassador Lawrence  Fabunmi introducing me to one of his colleagues sometimes in 1970 by saying I was the son of one of the most handsome men he had met in reference to David Osuntokun, Oduola’s  father.

    While in Fourah Bay College, he had imbibed some of the radical nationalist views of Wallace Johnson about “Africa for the Africans’’ that were sweeping the black world from America, the Caribbean to West Africa. This nationalist tendency soon affected his relations with the white staff of Christ’s School although not to the extent of affecting his pedagogical duties. He was also influenced by some of the writings of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe popularized by his string of newspapers led by the ‘West African Pilot’ with the motto of “Show the way and the people will follow”. Most young men of his time were decidedly anti-imperialist and could not wait to liquidate the British Empire.

  • Public opinion as barometer of democratic governance

    Public opinion as barometer of democratic governance

    By Jide Osuntokun

     

    Democracy is not just periodic elections, independence of the judiciary, separation of powers, freedom of expression including freedom of the press, free political association  necessary  for the formation of political parties, freedom of belief guaranteeing a secular state, protection against arbitrary executive actions including freedom from  arbitrary arrests and above all respect for public opinion. The idea of public opinion may prove difficult to define because the question may be asked as to what constitutes public opinion and what are the parameters for defining an opinion as public opinion and not the opinion of the articulate elite or the opinion of the unelected intelligentsia as found in the press, amongst the academia and political parties?

    Even though political power in a democratic state proceeds from electoral victory which depends on numbers of votes won, nevertheless, what determines political victory may be the result of public opinion which in most instances is articulated by the intelligentsia which is then consumed by the generality of the people sometimes without the people knowing the origin of whatever opinion they hold which then influences their voting preference in spite of their political party affiliation.

    In advanced democracies governments that go against public opinion are eventually defeated at the polls. The recent defeat in the United States of President Donald J. Trump is an example of a man who went against decent public opinion which he denigrated as “fake news” or liberal opinion or the “deep state”. In spite of whatever he said, it was still possible to mobilize the public against him even in an ideologically divided United States. In an essentially conservative country like Great Britain, a non performing government of whatever hue will fall when public opinion is against it. It is only in in dictatorship of the Left or Right that governments ignore public opinion because they know they are not accountable to the people. This is why in democracies, opinion polls are keenly watched to gauge the popularity of policies or of the governments themselves.

    Opinion polls can sometimes go wrong but it is only a foolish leader in a democracy that would totally ignore opinion polls. In culturally plural countries, public opinion may be difficult to gauge whereas in culturally homogeneous countries public opinion is not vitiated by religion or ethnicity or even ideology. This does not mean public opinion is monolithic. There will always be aberrant opinion that would challenge what seems to be the general tendency in a country.

    In a country like Nigeria with its plurality of nations and ethnicities and religions, what seems to be public opinion may lie in the ear of the hearer. What seems to be public opinion in the south may not be subscribed to by compatriots in the north of the country. In other words, the force of public opinion is eroded by the power of ethnicity and religion. In the recent past of our country, public opinion was very strong in favour of the removal of the service chiefs of the military for their apparent non-performance. Non-performance was of course measured by the military’s inability to defeat the Boko Haram insurgents and to curb the wide spread terrorism that is enveloping the country as seen in the rampaging campaign of the Bororo Fulani herders against farmers all over Nigeria. Public opinion in this particular occasion was uniquely national because there was opposition to their staying in office by newspapers, organized labour, religious leaders in the Church and the Mosque, representatives of the people in the House of Representatives and the Senate as well as by the court of governors in Nigeria. It seems only President Buhari and those beholden to him in the executive that continued to keep quiet in the face of stiff opposition to their remaining in their commands.

    In spite of this unanimity of public opinion against the continuation in office of the service chiefs in Nigeria which is very rare, the president refused to bend to public opinion until the bitter end. Some may argue that the president and the security people around him have access to information that the people who influence public opinion may not have access to. It can also be argued that government cannot be run on the basis of public opinion which is sometimes shifting but any government which does not pay attention to public opinion will certainly not be successful.

    In Africa including Nigeria, an unpopular government can force itself on the people through rigged elections but to what end and for what purpose and for how long? In the case of the removal of the service chiefs, Buhari to rub salt to the wound and festering sore of Nigeria, sent their names to the Senate to be confirmed as ambassadors!

    I consider this as total rejection of public opinion. Is it that the president has no advisers that can tell him this is not a wise decision? Can’t the retired service chiefs do the president and Nigeria and even themselves a favour of saying no to his offer? Unless these people are sent to such places like Russia, China and the Philippines where their rulers do not care for public opinion, their appointments may be rejected by proposed host countries. On this particular issue of non-career ambassadors, President Buhari is going against established tradition of not having more non career political  ambassadors than career ones.

    I remember that the Presidential Advisory Council on International Affairs headed by Chief Emeka Anyaoku from 2000 to 2015 on which I served with five other Nigerian experts advised government to make career ambassadors 75 % and non-career political ambassadors 25% in our foreign representation. It seems the Buhari government is bent on putting the recommendations on its head by loading our foreign representation with non-professional diplomats.

    The same week he made the former military leaders putative ambassadors, he also approved the establishment of 20 new private universities in the country bringing up their number to 99. This action has drawn the ire of ASUU and NANS representatives of staff and students of Nigerian universities. Thank God his government did not follow the Jonathan overnight establishments of 12 federal government universities without planning about staff and funding.

    Of course we have witnessed clandestine establishment of army, navy and transportation universities during this regime. I am sure the police university is on its way. What a joke of a country! Who is going to teach in all these universities? Where will the staff come from?

    Certainly not from abroad; it is not likely foreign professors will like to come to Nigeria to earn less than $1000 a month! This proliferation of universities will lead to the watering down of the quality of university education and the turning out of half-baked unemployable graduates which will then fuel youth unemployment and consequent insecurity. The good thing is that many of the private universities will fold up in the course of time because of inability of the founders to fund them adequately. This is already happening and I know a few of them that are at the last gasp of death.

    The most serious non-payment of attention to public cry and opinion is on the question of insecurity in the country. This is unfortunately an existential problem unless quickly and frontally tackled. In the last three years or so, there have been on-going conflicts between herders and peasant farmers because the bororo herders insist on foraging on farm crops cultivated by the sweat, tears and blood of farmers. Some of these herders according to President Buhari are foreigners. This is evidenced by the fact that some of them speak French, the official language of our neighbours in Chad, Niger, Benin and as far afield as the completely devastated Central African Republic where there is an on-going war between Fulani-led rebels and the government. Some of these herders claim they have taken to terrorism and brigandage because their cattle have been stolen by cattle rustlers. But the truth is that these brigands and terrorists are fighting a territorial war in Benue, Plateau, Adamawa, Taraba, Southern Kaduna, Zamfara, Nassarawa and even in Katsina. These conflicts have now moved to the south where the same territorial tendencies of not only foraging on farm crops but now occupying forests have reared up their ugly heads.

    There is a national opinion calling on the federal government to deploy security forces to curb the rampaging onslaught of the Fulani herders on farmers. This is what the president swore to do when he took over the reins of government from President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015. It is either the government is unwilling or incapable of guaranteeing security to its people. The result of this is that people may take to self-help and what then will become the fate of this unfortunate country when we engage in a war of all against all?

    It is obvious from the examples I have given above that we cannot boldly say we have a government of the people by the people for the people when the president ignores all pleas to him to take action to protect the hapless, hopeless and helpless people of this country. It seems to me that we are all living on borrowed time.

  • Falegan; patriot and honest man if ever there was one

    Falegan; patriot and honest man if ever there was one

    By Jide Osuntokun

     

    I heard the news of Chief Dele Falegan’s transition just this last weekend even though he passed on a few weeks ago. I was filled with sadness that I could not immediately head straight to his residence in Ado to commiserate with his family. It is not safe traveling these days because our territorial space has been taken over by killer herdsmen and other brigands manning our highways. There are other logistical problems which most people in my age bracket have. But I owe chief Falegan deep respect and God willing one way or the other I will play some role in the celebration of his life.

    Chief Falegan’s life epitomizes the Shakespearian dictum that “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling but in rising every time we fall”. He would never have gone beyond standard six but for the courage of his father and understanding of the white man, the Reverend Leslie Donald Mason, who was principal of Christ School Ado Ekiti in 1948 when he took the examination and passed. Passing the examination was of course not enough; there was the not too little problem of school fees. The old man was a farmer, a hard working one for that matter but apparently did not grow cash crops but had abundance of yams. So he took the young son who wanted to go to college to the office of the white man and told the white man he wanted his son to go to Christ’s school but had no money but loads of yams. He then suggested to the principal that since the school was a boarding school, he could supply yams to feed the school and the principal should cost the yams supplied equal to the school fees. The principal smiled at the honest proposal and said that was a deal!

    That was how Dele Falegan went to college and had an excellent education on Agidimo hills. The principal also yearly gave the young man pocket money after paying his fees from the yam supplied. This arrangement lasted 10 years – six years while Dele was a student and four more years to accommodate younger siblings.This episode shaped the life of honesty and courage Falegan lived.

    Falegan after leaving Christ’s School in 1954 worked for some years before going in 1958 for a four-year degree programme in economics at Fourah Bay College Sierra Leone, a college of Durham University in England.  He did not have it easy there because of his bad health and poor financial situation. But he never gave up .He later as a staff of the Research Department of the Central Bank of Nigeria earned a Master’s degree in Economics at the University of Oregon, United States.

    He had a checkered life marked by ups and downs but had always risen against all odds. He specialized in international finance and banking. He rose to become Director of Research in the Central Bank of Nigeria from 1977 to 1979 and was Managing Director of the Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria and he transformed the bank from what was essentially a building society kind of institution jointly owned by the Commonwealth Development Corporation (CDC) and Nigeria to a Mortgage Bank. He was also at a time one of the directors of Standard Bank of Nigeria now First Bank. He was on the Governing Council of Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research (NISER). He was director and later chairman of OWENA Bank. When the federal government was concerned with inflation, Falegan served on the Inflation Task force from 1974 until the task force lapsed but it was during this time that he earned the nickname of anti-inflation man. It was with this reputation that he got into some kind of trouble with the then Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo while discussing the 1978- 84 Development Plan. While all the experts had concurred or kept quiet on the planned estimated expenditure, Falegan raised his hand to disagree. He told the small committee of experts coming from line ministries of finance, economic development, the Cabinet Office and the Central Bank that the expenditure budgeted for one year of the plan was 50% of the entire plan and that this would cost runaway inflation. Obasanjo then asked the others if this was true. They answered in the affirmative. The Head of State then closed the meeting and asked everybody to go home. The following morning, Falegan was removed as director of research and shunted into the mortgage bank whose British management team had one more year to go and where Falegan’s presence was met with hostility of both expatriate and Nigerian staff. He had hardly settled in at the bank when the Shehu Shagari government took over and meetings of the board of the bank became a struggle for how to loot the bank and any call by Falegan for propriety and restraint was met with accusation of being a card-carrying member of Obafemi Awolowo’s opposition party, the Unity Party of Nigeria( UPN). Being from Ekiti whose people were regarded as Awolowo’s diehard  supporters  did not help .One of the experiences which Falegan wrote unchallenged in his memoirs My Yesterday- years published in 2013 by Bamboo Books Ltd  and which I reviewed in a public presentation in Ado Ekiti was his victimization by Chief Remi Fani- Kayode. Chief Fani-Kayode had a colorful political life moving from the Action Group to the NCNC then teaming up with Chief Ladoke Akintola to form the NNDP and finally ending up with Shehu Shagari in the NPN. Fani-Kayode wrote Falegan as managing director of the Federal Mortgage Bank asking for five million Naira loan for an unspecified purpose. Out of respect, Falegan wrote to ask Fani- Kayode for specifics of the loan and that his approving capacity as managing director was one million and that Fani-Kayode could however write directly to the board of the bank. This displeased Fani Kayode who wrote to Wahab Dosunmu, the supervising minister of works, saying Falegan was hostile to the ruling party. He also accused Falegan of having loaned money to his sister in Ife to fund ‘Ife Stores’. Ife sores indeed belonged to Falegan’s sister who had actually written to the mortgage bank for a loan and had been turned down for which for months she was not on speaking terms with her brother. When Falegan met Dosunmu to state his case against Fani-Kayode, he was pleasantly surprised when the minister turned down his resignation letter and said he had heard a lot about Falegan’s integrity from his time in the CBN and then asked him to ignore Fani-Kayode . But more trouble came from the hierarchy of the NPN including M.K.O Abiola who was determined to remove him by fair or foul means.

    For using his good offices to get OWENA Bank owned by his state of origin Ondo established when he was director of research in the Central Bank, the NPN government suspected whatever he did to help the bank. He played into their hands when he got the management of the Federal Mortgage Bank to place funds of the bank in commercial banks to earn interest instead of just leaving them in current accounts. Newspaper like the Concord of Chief Abiola was used to say he gave a loan of N5 million within 72 hours to OWENA Bank. Even people with no banking knowledge know the difference between investing in term deposits and granting a loan. No matter how strong his defence was and that about 13 banks were involved, he was still suspended from office for unauthorized disbursements of the money of the mortgage bank. This led to intervention of Governor Adekunle Ajasin of the then Ondo State with the President Shagari. By this time, Falegan had had more than enough and in spite of Shagari’s exoneration, he was determined to end his unhappy relationship with the bank during which time he developed hypertension.

    But life went on with the proverbial ups and downs. He was also involved in the struggle to create Ekiti State and since its creation he has made his expertise available to whoever requested it trying very hard to stand above political differences and Ekiti people’s penchant for politicking sometimes with bitterness. Our people always see issues either as black or white and are not ready to consider any position in between the two extremes. I am not sure this is an advantage in politics which is the art of the possible. Falegan like most people in his generation worked without any consideration of material reward. They in fact seemed to shy away from any opportunity that could bring to them material benefit. I remember another person of his generation, Olufemi Eperokun who became an unfortunate victim of his refusal to use his office for pecuniary reward when he was the registrar of the University of Lagos and the late Kwaku Adadevoh was his vice Chancellor. The same political shenanigans were called into place to get rid of him. This made me to say in private discussion I had with an important Ekiti man that until an Ekiti man became governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, this country will remain shortchanged in the kind of banking leadership and expertise this country needs and deserves. We need people like the late Eperokun and Falegan who would offer service which does not expect rewards. May be no such Ekiti man now exists! This and other exemplary instances of honesty and patriotism are what Falegan will be remembered for. In 2014 without any prompting  from me, he issued a cheque for one million naira to Ekiti State University for which my family contributed one and half million to fund a Professor Kayode Osuntokun prize for best graduating student in the Ekiti State University College of Medicine and he also suggested that the college should be named after Kayode Osuntokun. That is the kind of generosity of spirit that Falegan was known for. He recognized and worshipped excellence wherever it may be found.

    Rest in Peace good man, honest and courageous champion of whatever exalts God and man.

  • Global inequality and the coronavirus pandemic

    Global inequality and the coronavirus pandemic

    By Jide Osuntokun

     

    Unequal relations among the countries of the world and the people within the global community and also within individual states have been the nature of human society from time immemorial. Even the Holy Scripture, the Bible, acknowledges this when it says we will always have the poor among us. Socialist ideology was and is predicated on how to eliminate poverty and inequality among the people of each state and the world at large.

    The idea of proletarian brotherhood and solidarity was at the root of global communism for decades after the success of the communist revolution in the Soviet Union in 1917. The hypocrisy of the idea was exposed by the subordination of other national interests in Eastern Europe after the Second World War to the national interest of the Soviet Union. The recent history of Eastern Europe where national interests of each state have asserted themselves has proved that the so-called proletarian solidarity was enforced by Russian tanks and not by natural feeling of brotherhood or the common interests of peasants and workers. No pretense of Russian brotherliness is now mouthed in the open to justify Russian imperialistic tendencies in what is left of the Russian empire from the Urals to Vladivostok.

    Even though the idea of equality and sharing of God’s material blessings is common to all universal religions, nowhere has this idea taken totally solid roots in governance. There has however been efforts to ameliorate the suffering of people through social welfare schemes such National Health Insurance, minimum wage and unemployment benefits which the  Labour government of Clement Attlee introduced to Great Britain in 1945 and which has been copied universally though not in detail and  in totality by some governments. Some, like the United States, only picks what is ideologically compatible with its national ideology of free enterprise and survival of the fittest.

    For historical accuracy, it must be stated that in the 1880s, Otto Von Bismarck, the imperial chancellor and forward-looking statesman of Germany had tried to cut the ground under the big Socialist Party in Germany by imposing what he called “socialism from above” thus predating the post-Second World War Social Welfare State. While the yawning gap between the rich and the poor still remains in Europe as a whole and in the United States and Canada, people generally are provided for in sickness and during material want even in the United States which frowns at “socialized medicine”. People who are poor and uninsured still die in America, the so-called “God’s Own Country” but not in any other major western capitalist country including Japan and in Australasian countries of New Zealand and Australia.

    The prevailing stat ideology in the United States in spite of their Declaration of Independence saying “all men are born equal”, the modern capitalist America would argue that all men are born equal in the sense of being born naked! Americans generally feel equality is unnatural and that everyone should strive to make a life for himself or herself or fall by the way side and that big government is anathema.

    The situation in the global South of Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean and South Asia, the pacific islands and Asia in general excluding China is characterized by mass poverty and inequality. Most of the countries in the global South were previously under colonial rule or alien sphere of influence. The nature of imperialism is inequality and under development. Both Frantz Fanon in his book, ‘Wretched of the Earth’ and Walter Rodney’s ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’ clinically examined the deleterious effect of colonialism on the so-called Third World. From the mouth of Joseph Chamberlain the high priest of British imperialism, we learn that colonies were ‘undeveloped estates of the Crown’ kept for future development for the benefit of Great Britain.

    It is not only inequality that characterizes the global South but iniquity in the distribution of wealth among those grindingly poor and those stupendously rich as one finds in the Arabian Peninsula and in Brunei and even in India and Africa. In the rest of the world, the coronavirus pandemic has further increased the wealth of the rich while rendering the poor poorer. The poor who cannot work while locked down have watched the rich become richer through the booming Stock Exchanges of New York, London, Frankfurt Paris, Shanghai and Tokyo. Most of the pharmaceutical companies are benefiting from the production of vaccines against the coronavirus and certainly, the shares of these companies are rising astronomically at the stock exchanges. The vaccines are also priced beyond the means and affordability of many of the countries in the global South. Many of the vaccines being produced and those to come have been paid for, months ahead before production by those countries that can afford them.

    There is growing vaccines nationalism by countries like Canada and the United States that have paid ahead of production for more vaccines that they would ever need. Thus countries in the global South are looking up to the World Health Organization (WHO) for help. Until the Biden presidency, the WHO itself was handicapped by scarcity of funds when America that pays about one-third of the WHO’s budget was withdrawn from the organization by the former president, Donald Trump who accused it of favoritism to China. Thank God, the new Biden administration has returned the United States to the WHO.

    There is no stated time when the global South will benefit from the COVAX vaccines from the WHO. I suppose it will depend on the generosity of member states because the vaccines will have to be paid for. Trump was not going to vaccinate all Americans free of charge but the Biden administration has made the vaccines free whether one has health insurance or not. It is also free for citizens of the European Union and presumably for citizens of the Russian Federation and China and India and the various kingdoms, sultanates and emirates of the Middle East. Most of the governments of Africa do not have money to pay for the vaccines. Nothing would gladden the hearts of those in Europe and America who want to reduce the population of the world than see millions of Africans succumb to the coronavirus pandemic.

    We in Nigeria are busy fighting tribal wars over watering places for cows and farm lands for our peasants and threatening ethnic wars between ethnic groups because of conflicts in rural Nigeria among people struggling to preserve their ancestral rights to land against newcomers who claim all lands belong to God, God as defined by their own religion and the Kalashnikov rifles they carry. When the vaccines arrive Africa and the global South, those with the usual right of entitlement will be the ones to get them unless out of fear, they allow the poor to get them first so that they can judge the efficacy and safety of the vaccines. After this is done, the big shots in society will line up or demand the medical staff of our health institutions and the few hospitals to come and vaccinate them and their households at home.

    Nigeria and the rest of Africa, if given the option, should opt for the Johnson and Johnson vaccines expected to be certified within the next fortnight simply because it is a one-dose vaccine and it is produced through the traditional way of injecting weak virus into the body to trigger natural defence mechanism rather than the RNA( Ribonucleic Acid) manipulated  Pfizer-BioNtech, Moderna, Astra-Zeneca, the Sputnik Russian vaccines and the two or three types of Chinese vaccines particularly Sinovac .

    Whatever vaccines we get, our leaders will struggle to take care of themselves and their families first and if the vaccines are not enough, the rest of society can go to hell. Our people even before vaccines have turned to homemade remedies of garlic, ginger, lemon, turmeric and back of pineapples boiled together for sniffing and drinking. Many are swearing this concoction works. The more discerning and sophisticated are consuming vitamins and Ivermectin and all kinds of malaria drugs. The rich are foolishly flying into the eye of the coronavirus storm in Europe and America as coronavirus tourists to get their vaccination and post vaccination care if necessary. God have mercy!

    The western media says four out of the ten richest men in the world have resources to vaccinate the 7.8 billion people of the world today. Even though this coronavirus pandemic has, in my view, made wealth almost useless because what can one do these days with too much money when everyone is locked down to avoid infection? Yet there is no doubt about growing inequality in wealth accumulation largely because of this virus that has opened some avenue of wealth for some and has exacerbated the poverty and want of many. In our various fragile African countries, the rich are not sleeping soundly because the poor on the highways and in their homes and those accompanying their cows to slaughter are planning how to rob, kill and kidnap the rich for ransom.

  • Obiozor’s Ohanaeze Ndigbo: An outsider’s perspective

    Obiozor’s Ohanaeze Ndigbo: An outsider’s perspective

    Jide Osuntokun

     

    IGBO Enwe Eze” is a popular saying in Igboland that Igbo have no kings. This is to describe the republican nature of Igbo society which anthologists have described as segmentary or acephalous or headless society or non-stratified society lacking in political leaders or hierarchies. This description is not absolutely correct. There are traditions of kingship in northern and eastern peripheries of Igboland in Nri and Onitsha and other Igbo villages west of the Niger River influenced by Bini and Igala monarchical traditions. But nowadays every rich man with sufficient influence can have himself crowned Igwe or Eze by adoring neighbors who are not necessarily his subjects. The non-stratified nature of the Igbo society has not been a hindrance to their advancement. The fact that they don’t carry the burden of feudalism or born to rule mentality and the fact that individual’s ability and effort determining advancement  places them at an advantage to the traditionally stratified polities of their compatriots like the Hausa and the Yoruba where nobility of birth confers unearned privilege and positions.

    The Igbo are not the only segmentary societies in Nigeria. The Fulani ironically were segregated in their clans and villages until the 19th century when using the rallying force of Islam, they overthrew Hausa monarchies and inherited their political traditions in what later became northern Nigeria. Other segmentary peoples include the vast majority of Nigerian ethnic groups like the Tivs, Urhobos, Ibiobio,  Idomas , the innumerable tribes on the Jos – Bauchi plateau and the various tribes on the Adamawa trough excluding the Jukun and Chamba. In other words, segmentary nature is the commonest socio-political typology in Nigeria.

    This preamble is necessary to situate the place of the Ohanaeze in the political and cultural civilization in Nigeria. Some Igbo have felt they needed a cultural organization to put them at par, without the disadvantage of fractionalization which they believe is the bane of the Igbo in their struggle for supremacy and competition with their Yoruba compatriots. One sometimes hears that they don’t have people of comparable stature like the Sultan of Sokoto or the Ooni of Ife to rally the Igbo in times of crisis of national survival. This was the justification for the emergence of the Ibo State Union as a rally or what the French would call rasemblement nationale during the struggle for emancipation of our country from the tight embrace of British colonial domination. The Hausa had their Jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa while the Yoruba had the Egbe Omo Oduduwa; the Igbo State Union then filled the void of a sense of a Pan Igbo Organization. Ironically the roles played by these so-called cultural organizations ruined the possibility of a real national movement in Nigeria before and after independence. Perhaps the differences in cultures were too deep rooted that they could not be bridged by political determination and the only way to deal with them as said by Ahmadu Bello was understanding our differences and trying to live with them.

    This was why the leaders of the major national groups in Nigeria, the Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba decided to accommodate their differences while still living together as a people under a federal constitutional architecture that permits cooperation and competition at the same time. This carefully crafted constitutional order was breached in 1966 when young military officers staged a coup d’état to remove the first crop of political leaders in Nigeria. Subsequent coups worsened the situation to the extent of total dissatisfaction and disillusionment with the political order now prevailing. It is this national sickness that has made Nigerians to look back rather than forward to a period of tribal solidarity and protection against a system that has been hijacked by a few in the name of the vast majority of a section of the country to dominate others. The result of this loaded gun is eventual explosion if nothing is done to reverse our steps and go back to the original grundnorm of a federal system of government in which every interest is adequately and equitably represented.

    This is where the importance and significance of Ohanaeze Ndigbo comes in as the authentic voice of the Igbo people under its new Director- General in the person Professor (Chief) George Obiozor. Obiozor comes to office following the expiration of the tenure of John Nnia Nwodo who comes from a political dynasty in modern Igboland. John Nwodo’s father, J.U. Nwodo from Ukehe in present day Enugu State was minister of commerce and later minister of local government in the government of Dr Michael Okpara in Eastern Nigeria from 1959 to 1966. The old man planned carefully the education of his three sons, Joseph, John and Okwesilieze as well as his daughters. John was Minister of Aviation under Shehu Shagari and Minister of Information under Abdulsalami Abubakar. His brother Joe ran for office of governor of Enugu State and later president of Nigeria under the transition without end of Babangida. Joe’s younger brother became governor of Enugu State and later Secretary-General of the PDP and later its chairman. A sister became a judge. In other words, the Nwodos have seen it all; thr presidency of the Ohanaeze was a mere icing on the cake.

    Obiozor is a totally different type of leader having not come with a silver spoon in his mouth at birth. He worked his way up by dint of hard work and perseverance and exceptional brilliance and networking ability in the treacherous maze of Nigerian politics. Obiozor is an authentically Igbo without airs or arrogance, expectation or assumptions that the Igbo owe him anything because of his privilege of being born into an easily recognizable family. Obiozor comes from Imo State which is the authentic heart of Igboland just as Oyo, Kano are the cores of Yoruba and Hausa nations.

    What I am trying to suggest is that George Obiozor epitomizes the nature, culture and psychology of the Igbo man in its pristine form. Of course he studied at an Ivy League school in the USA, Columbia University in New York, specializing in politics and international relations. He served as Special Assistant to Ozumba Mbadiwe, Chuba Okadigbo, Special Adviser to Ike Nwachukwu when he was foreign minister, Special Assistant to President Babangida, Director-General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Ambassador to Israel and later to the United States.

    In terms of preparation for the post he now occupies, no one I know could have been more prepared. George doesn’t have the suavity of John Nwodo or the gift of oratory and persuasion of John Nwodo who apart from being a lawyer was also president of the University of Ibadan Students Union in the 1970s. But George speaks from the heart and says things as he sees them sometimes without pretense or polish. I remember him saying when he hears appointments have been made at the national level and he scans through them to find any Igbo name, if none is found, he automatically condemns the appointments no matter the competence or who the others are.

    Does anybody blame him in a country where all appointments go to the same corner of a so-called federation practicing federal character in appointments? Perhaps this reaction is natural and I am also now reacting the same way as George Obiozor. We have under Buhari passed the age of refinement, accommodation and understanding. George can be very down to earth and his republican Igbo culture can be seen in an event I witnessed in Addis Ababa Ethiopia. We went as part of Nigeria’s delegation to the Extraordinary Session of the African Union in 1988 or 1989. When President Babangida arrived in the residence of the ambassador of Nigeria and saw George, he joking exclaimed George! George rushed and embraced him shouting Ibrahim! I don’t know if Babangida was expecting this kind of reaction and bear hug from George but that was what he got and that’s the way George is. Very down to earth. This reminds me of the venerable Nelson Mandela calling  Queen Elizabeth  of England ‘Elizabeth’ and when English protocol fanatics felt offended, Mandela replied ‘but he calls me Nelson ‘ and I reciprocate by calling her ‘ Elizabeth’.

    George is never rude but will never allow any put down to go unchallenged. I remember an altercation he had with the late Major General Joe Garba in New York in 1988. At the heat of an argument Joe Garba shouted at George Obiozor and said: “Sit down you bush man”. George retorted by saying “which school did you go to Joe because you cannot call a graduate of Columbia University a bush man”. George is full of witticisms rooted in Igbo culture. He may not speak with the eloquence of John Nwodo or the phonetics of Laz Ekwueme or Ike Nwachukwu, but he says what he means at all times no matter whose ox is gored.

    George is the man for these times when truth must be spoken to power in the March to renegotiate a new constitutional order for Nigeria. George is a federalist not a secessionist. His federalism is close to the Canadian model where the French Canadian have all the rights of a sovereign state with its own language and diplomatic representation abroad to take care of the special needs of Quebec. We used to have this kind of federalism in Nigeria at least between 1957 and 1959. Each state controlled its resources and transferred agreed sums to the centre to run the federal government. The federal government was the creation of the regional/state governments and not the present warped practice of the federal government creating unviable states and feeding them from federal seized revenue acquired by force of arms without negotiations.

    I share this vision with Obiozor of a federal system properly so-called to safeguard the future of our country. The options before us as Nigerians are limited to allowing each group going its sovereign and independent way like the Bible says into thy tents o Israel! Or going back to our independence constitution of a loose federation with specially enumerated powers of the federal government while all subsidiary powers go to the states or regional governments. In such a scenario, the present states, if needs be, will become administrative areas of whatever zonal or regional governments we agree to form.

    This is the question George and his organization will have to negotiate with their counterparts in the North and the West.  I believe George Obiozor will take a long view of Igbo interests and negotiate these with other contending parties without the obfuscation characteristic of lawyers. There is no point saying national unity is not negotiable. National unity is about the living not the dead and no one can force others to live with them unless there are advantages in living together. Of course I know the way forward for Nigeria is to negotiate the form of government that would guarantee not only individual freedom and happiness but collective happiness of all our people. I write this piece rather magisterially about Gorge Obiozor and John Nwodo. George is my friend and John Nnia Nwodo was my student and either of them can be president of this country in a regime of meritocracy.

  • The grim reaper and Nigeria’s academics

    The grim reaper and Nigeria’s academics

    By Jide Osuntokun

    News about the deaths of Nigeria’s academics particularly professors have been rather frightening and depressing in these days. There is no doubt that many of our people are succumbing to the ravages of Covid-19. This is a personal tragedy for me because some of the people dying are personal friends, colleagues or younger brothers in the African sense. It’s not every one of them who passed on that is coronavirus victim. Some are dying of old age because of wear and tear after years of work in environment that is not conducive to mental exertion and with very little material earthly things to show for it. Some are also victims of depression after seeing their life’s work fall apart or into decay because of government policies characterized by lack of consistency and continuity.

    I have sometimes looked in bewilderment at the state of collapse in places where I have worked in my youth and adult lives go into disrepair and disrepute in the present dispensation which pays little attention to merit, integrity or excellence. It is very difficult for anybody of my age not to wonder if life has been worth living with all we worked for going to the dogs with those in authority unable or unprepared or incapable of doing something about it.

    When I discuss these issues with my friends, we all share the same feelings of despair and disappointment. If you are also a thinking person and who is aware what is in offing for black peoples in the future, the ignorance of people in government who seem to worry more about their bellies and their pockets and about who is in or who is out and what ethnic group, persons holding office belongs to or who are engaged in perpetual permutation about offices they intend to hold in the future, you realize that our people have lost their senses and our future as a country and a race is a lost cause. How many of our people are aware of the whispering discussion about reduction of the population of the world and getting rid of the useless part of it which they suggest are Africans. One tends to dismiss these talks as hoax but there is no smoke without fire. This is why the gradual withering of our country’s intelligentsia is a cause for concern. The total lack of preparedness for all future eventualities is frightening.

    Read Also; Five prominent Nigerian professors lost to COVID-19

    For example Nigerian newspapers reported that Nigeria is expecting 100,000 Covid-19 vaccines soon. I hope this is not true! Isn’t Nigeria said to have an estimated population of 200 million?. What fraction of our population will the expected vaccines take care of bearing in mind that two doses are expected for a person . What a joke of a country. Is this country not sufficiently endowed in knowledge and wherewithal to have assembled its own scientific community to produce this vaccine even if we had to import the manufacturing equipment from abroad? Iran is doing this, so are India and Pakistan. When are we going to stop being journeymen in the grand journey of human history? The answer is blowing in the wind! Until a Black country is successful others in the secret covens of white supremacists who deny the humanity of black peoples will be planning and targeting Africa as an experimental field of drastically reducing human population through sterilization or scientifically or secretly poisoning them under the guise of controlling diseases which invariably seem to come from Africa as erroneously propagated by the racist Western and Eastern press. The swirling dangers surrounding the black man is unfortunately matched by the woeful ignorance of the black governmental leadership on the African continent. It is not a matter of self-protection only  that eternal vigilance is required always but it is a matter of life and death for a whole people and unless we wake up now it will be too late before we  are all led like sheep into slaughter houses at least metaphorically speaking .

    On a personal level, the loss of our intelligentsia is doubly painful because of the threat against us as a people. When I heard the death of Femi Odekunle, I felt it as a personal loss. Femi was a person who will ask why not when everybody was saying why? One does not have to subscribe to Hegelian dialectics to realize that scientific truth can only be attained through conflict of ideas. In positioning himself this way, Femi nearly lost his life to the Abacha terror. I shared this unfortunate experience with him in my incarceration in military detention for six months under Abacha for speaking truth to power. But for the sudden death of Abacha, Femi would have been executed along with General Oladipo Diya for knowledge about a phantom coup! This is why it is so painful seeing him dying in harness while serving his country to the coronavirus pandemic. His father died when he was over 100 years old. Longevity was in his gene. It was at the burial of the old man that I last saw Femi. I feel sorry for his family and his relatively young wife Ruki .

    Oye Ibidapo- Obe was my junior brother through his marriage to the sister my departed friend  Segun Ojutalayo. I watched his meteoric rise from lecturer to professor and vice chancellor. He was vice chancellor when I retired from the University of Lagos. He comes from a family in Ilesha whose ancestors fought alongside my great grandfather in the Ekiti parapo war of 1876 to 1893. He had always been close to me. He was always full of life and his services were in high demand everywhere. In spite of this, he was highly principled. I was impressed that he opposed President Jonathan’s decision to rename University of Lagos Moshood Abiola University as political move to curry Yoruba votes. God knows Abiola deserves monuments in his honour but not an old institution with traditions and long history like University of Lagos or University of Ibadan. Oye stood his ground despite the fact he was serving as one of the vice chancellors of Jonathan’s  12 “democratic dividend “ universities hurriedly put together without planning about staff or financial cost.

    I knew Professor Ajeyalemi at the University of Lagos. I knew him at a distance so to say but he related to me as a big brother. Academics is a leveller and there is no feeling of senior or junior in the university system. One earned the respect of others if one merited it. Ajeyalemi was one of those who earned the respect of others.

    Of course it’s not all the professors who died in recent times that died of Covid-19. Some died as a result of age and ailments associated with aging. Professor Tunji Oloruntimehin , the famous historian of the Western Sudan, I believe died of natural causes. He will be remembered for his erudition and scholarship. For a man who did not go through secondary school but rather a teachers’ college to achieve all he achieved is a mark of perseverance and distinction. He served for several years as editor of the academic journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria. He also edited publications of the Nigerian Academy of Letters before subsequently becoming the president of the academy a position which he held with passion, dedication and dignity.

    Prof Olu Longe, former head of computer science department in the University of Ibadan was a quiet and deep man knowledge-wise. He passed on due to old age. He was the first professor of Computer Science in Nigeria. He was also a distinguished old boy of that city on the hill, Christ’s School Ado – Ekiti.

    There are many other professors who crossed the line of Divide between this earthly place of weariness and wickedness to the other side beyond the pearly gates of heaven. I know of professors Ekeh and Onwundiwe and others. I know them by their reputation which will remain imperishable.

    I remember what Professor Gerald Graham, emeritus professor of Imperial History at the University College London and one of my mentors and supervisors of giants like JF Ade Ajayi and Kenneth Onwuka Dike told me in the University of Western Ontario, Canada in 1971 when we were both on the staff of the Department of History of that university. He said an academic never dies as long as he has published books which will serve as a permanent memorial to his name wherever there are libraries in the world. This is absolutely true of such recently departed professors like Ladipo Akinkugbe and others.

    Monuments may be destroyed or wear out; the words on marble will always remain. If this will serve as a consolation to the families of departed academics, I commend this tradition and belief that academics just like ideas don’t die. In any case, we are destined to die one day and as masquerades in my home town of Okemesi, are wont to say on the last day of Egungun festivals when they are on their way back to heaven as people pretend to believe, they would say “Heaven needs not be in a hurry because we are all going there”.

    How philosophical!