Category: Jide Osuntokun

  • Post-colonial culture in Nigeria

    Post-colonial culture in Nigeria

    The vast majority of Nigerian after the amalgamation in 1914 continued to live their lives as before without noticeable change traceable to the imposition of colonial rule.  The most noticeable outcome of amalgamation was the gradual extension of the Beit-el mal (native treasuries) first introduced to the North by Sir Fredrick Lugard to the rest of the country beginning in Yorubaland and Benin.  The attempt to extend this to the acephalous Igbo societies by creating ‘Warrant’ chiefs where there were no traditional rulers met with failure. The economic implication of this system was the levying of taxes in the names of native rulers who were now made to enjoy political and economic power out of tune with pre-colonial tradition and culture. 

    Resistance to this imposition did not succeed in the face of superior physical force in the hands of the colonial administration.  Rebellion and revolts were shot down by the use of soldiers and Nigerians were cowed and made to face the responsibilities imposed by modern mode of governance which involved payment of taxes as a passage of citizenships rite.

    The colonial phase of Nigerian history witnessed rapid economic changes, building of railways roads and ports and even aerodromes.  Gradually our people were sucked into the western economic, political and social vortex.  With this came increasing contact between our people and the outside world.  Nigerian soldiers fought in two World Wars first between 1914 and 1918 in theatres in Togo, the Cameroons and East Africa.  Some naval ratings were even sent all the way to Palestine. 

    The Second World War saw more extensive use of our soldiers in the Ethiopian campaigns against the Italians and in Burma against the Japanese.  The involvement of our troops in these global cataclysms had serious political consequences. The weakening of the British in a changed world hastened the process of decolonization.  This process was hastened by the rise of African nationalism and the emergence of political parties each of which in different ways fought for the political emancipation of our country.  The growing political awareness led to cultural nationalism and the cry to “boycott all boycottables” that is to say Africans should go back to their cultural roots by jettisoning imported names and taking on native names.  This was particularly the case among the descendants of Nigerian repatriates from Sierra Leone resident in Lagos. They cast away their European and Hebrew names thus David Brown Vincent took an African names of Mojola Agbebi, Edmund Macaulay became Kitoyi Ajasa, Joseph Pythagoras Haastrup became Ademuyiwa Haastrup, Jacob Henry Samuel became Adegboyega Edun. Their examples were later to resonate with Azikwe and Awolowo when they dropped their biblical names of Benjamin and Jeremiah respectively. 

    The wearing of African clothes became fashionable.  Lugard would in his grave have approved this development unlike what he condemned in 1914 when he described educated natives as the “trousered Negros of the coast dressed in bond street attire, who send their laundry abroad every other week for dry cleaning”.  In this changed cultural preference, the cultural gap between southerners and northerners in Nigeria began to close. Northerners never abandoned their babanriga for western suits and in most cases stuck to their languages especially the Hausa language rather than taking to English.  This was to be their undoing in a   world in which English was the lingua franca.  This cultural recrudescence also led to greater interest in the study of Nigerian languages literature and history.  The vanguard in this regard was provided by the University of Ibadan which by the eve of independence in 1960 began to develop new curricula for students in liberal arts and the social-sciences as well as adapting the physical and biomedical sciences for the African environment.

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    The so-called Africanisation gathered pace in the civil service, the church and the judiciary and it was only a matter of time before Africans began to occupy the commanding heights of the economy and the politics of Nigeria and this had its cultural dimension in African pride and the assertion of what was called the “African personality”.

    The post-colonial cultural development

    With independence in Nigeria came a rising tide of expectations.  People wanted increased prices for their primary produce like cocoa, groundnuts, palm kernel and palm oil as well as cotton, rubber, hides and skins on which post-independence Nigerian economy depended.  The various governments of Nigeria tried to meet the expectation of the people but they were not always successful.  With the decline in producer price of farm produce, there was increasing migration of the youth to swell the urban conurbation of Lagos, Ibadan, Kano, Kaduna, Jos, Maiduguri, Benin, Aba and Port Harcourt.  The cities therefore became melting pots of cultures. The various governments particularly the one in the western part of the country spent vast sums of money from accumulated funds of the marketing boards on social welfare schemes such as education and health and urban planning and renewal.  The cities became more attractive to the youth who left the dreary existence of the villages for the cities in what has been appropriately described as rural-urban migration phenomenon.  With too many people in the cities, the infrastructure could not cope and there began a gradual and slippery slope to a situation of urban decay and dilapidation. Crime increased and there was a corrosion of values everywhere.  Money became the most desirable object without consideration of how it was acquired.  Bribery graft, fraud and corruption alien to our culture have become the order of the day.  This phenomenon was accentuated and exacerbated by the incursion of the military into governance.  Force was seen as a veritable instrument of success.  There has been growing culture of aggression in Nigeria and a noticeable breakdown of the culture of respect for elders and others.  Some have ascribed this decline to exploding population which has led to increased competition for resources and jobs particularly among the people.

    Nigerian fraudulent practices have even gone international with advance fee fraud and drug and human trafficking being increasingly, associated with Nigerians.  Surprisingly or perhaps because of the prevailing hardship, the religion of Islam and Christianity have witnessed revival.  The orthodox aspect or traditions of these religions are increasingly challenged by sometimes extremist or even millenarian tendencies sometimes leading to a clash of votaries of these religions. Sometimes the battle-line as in the North of Nigeria is between the traditional Islamic religion and groups preaching a Shiite form of Islam in a largely Sunni milieu.  Among the Christian orthodox traditions such as the Catholics and Protestants have seen huge erosion of membership who now troop to the so-called Pentecostal churches.

    Founding of churches have become big business and many of the churches have gone beyond what orthodox Catholic and Protestants missions used to do in terms of establishment of schools and hospitals.  Some now have housing estates where the ordinary lives of the people are rigidly controlled.  Pentecostalism shares much in common with Islam in the sense that it is not just a religion but a way of life.  This has radically affected the culture of Christians, particularly as it affects marriages, child naming and burials.  The absence of government has also been replaced by the role Pentecostal churches play in the lives of Nigerians.  Some now provide educational facilities from kindergarten to universities.  This is also being emulated rather slowly by Muslims in a struggle for the souls of the people.  Religion has become so fundamental in the lives of Nigerians that the role of men of God and Mallamai has become much pronounced. 

    Nigerians from their external appearances and what they say appear to be very religious.  This however is not reflected in the morality and behaviour of the people.  There is therefore a feeling of superficiality in the religious cultures of our people.  The churches and mosques are full every worship day and even political leaders have appropriated God while continuing with their nefarious looting of the state and national exchequers. 

    The culture of insincerity perfidy and religious perversion is everywhere.  Syncretism in our religious belief has led many observers to say our religion is skin deep, yet the culture of religious confrontation occasioning mass slaughter of the innocents has become a recurring decimal in Nigeria.  The culture of religious intolerance is sometimes fed by events outside our shores with many Muslim youth either out of frustration or fad are being found to support the call for Jihad against non-Muslims or those Muslims who are seen to be deviating from Islamic orthodoxy.

    While all this is going on there is also the effect of globalization on Nigerian culture.  Our economy is open to the rest of the world and with this openness come the importation of all kinds of things namely wine, food, films, educational materials and other things promoting particularly western culture.  It is not unheard of nowadays to hear calls for gay rights that would have been met with the worst kind of reaction in the past.  The modes of dressing of the youth even the kind of English spoken are pitifully American.  The dot.com generations have also exploited computers to perpetrate fraud internationally.  Nigerians like other people in the globalised world are not immune to the spread of pornography and even paedophilia and other kinds of sexual perversion unheard of in times past.

  • Netanyahu’s pre-emptive steps before UNGA

    Netanyahu’s pre-emptive steps before UNGA

    In about two weeks when the 2025 United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) convenes in full session, many important decisions would have to be made by member states of the UN on full membership of the state of Palestine rather than its present observer status. All permanent members of the UN with the exception of the United States will formally recognise the state of Palestine possibly with East Jerusalem as its capital. This is to say France, China, Great Britain and the Russian Federation would formally declare their formal recognition of the state of Palestine.

    They will be followed by most members of the UN that had in recent times made public declaration of this intent. This will include members of the G7, namely Italy, Germany, Japan and Canada and other countries in the European Union, Australia and New Zealand, the African Union, the Arab League, the Scandinavian countries of Sweden, Denmark, Norway and Finland, the Baltic states, Brazil and some members of the Organisation of American states. 

    It needs to be pointed out that many countries in the African Union including Nigeria had previously recognized Palestine. The United States is in an awkward position with most of its allies in NATO and the G7 supporting Israel because of the hawkish position of the current Israeli government. As at the time of writing, the UN has officially declared that Gaza and the Palestinian population are suffering from man-made suffering and starvation the like that has not been seen since 1945 which could have been prevented by allowing UN agencies to deliver the food in the thousands of trucks carrying food but which have been prevented from entering Gaza by the Israeli military for several months. The implication is that Israel is using starvation of children, women and the elderly as a weapon of war. The Palestinians go further to accuse Israel of genocide because of its alleged intention of reducing the Palestinian population in the Gaza Strip and in the western bank of the River Jordan where Israeli settlers are illegally driving away from their lands native Palestinian Bedouin and other natives and these actions are supported by the Israeli army and gangs of armed Jewish settlers. These actions have apparently driven the rest of the world in supporting the Palestinians who are facing genocide through starvation.

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    Whichever countries remain out of the global loop will be inconsequential. Despite the pendulum swinging in the direction of Palestine, there will arise the question about what then follows after declaring the Palestinian state so recognised. The question then will arise whether the declared recognition is full of sound and fury signifying nothing unless backed by on the ground recognition physically of a state and a people.

    As I write this, the Israeli government of Benjamin Netanyahu has taken two decisions to make the position of Palestine more precarious. The Israeli government is building some thousands of apartment buildings to block the link between East Jerusalem and the Western bank of the River Jordan inhabited by thousands of Palestinians deliberately to make nonsense of a future Palestine territory in contiguously linked territory to East Jerusalem currently occupied by the Israelis. Secondly Netanyahu has ordered the Israeli Defence Force to occupy the capital of the Gaza strip and to obliterate it the same way as other Gaza settlements and to herd all wandering Palestinians roaming the Gaza Strip into a tight corner in the south pending the time they will be forced to deport themselves because of hunger and starvation. He claimed to be talking to the governments of war-torn Libya, ravaged South Sudan,  war-ravaged Somalia, Ethiopia and Indonesia to accept Palestinian Immigrants. Most of the countries he claimed to be talking to have appropriately denied they know something about his fanciful castles in the air. This means that the Palestinians state being recognised do not presently exist and its future existence would depend on robust physical actions of the countries recognising it.

    One action countries conceding the right of existence to Palestine is providing sufficient funds for it to form a government. This could be in form of government in exile ready to move and govern the territory when there is a territory to govern. This can work if the rest of the world can lean on the American government to persuade Israel to allow the Palestinians state to exist in Gaza, the West Bank and possibly the Negev currently occupied by Egypt. Arrangements to ensure that this emergent government does not have an army must be made. A mobile police force can be arranged that would never constitute a threat to Israel since the fear of physical threat is a mortal fear which Israel never wants to live with. This is understandable because of the past history of the genocide and pogroms against the Jews historically in Europe. There are examples of countries like Switzerland, Costa Rica, Andorra and Iceland to name a few of about 20 member states of the UN that have no military.

    If this two state suggestion as above is impracticable, a one state solution could be put in place. This will be the solution in an ideal state but since the Middle East area cannot be considered ideal, the best suggestion would be a non-officially sanctioned religious state. A secular state of Jews and Arab – Palestinians ideally would be suitable. The problem here would be mutual suspicion and lack of trust between formerly belligerent people who now have to live together. The mutual hatred may be obviated by time which is a healer. After some time and arising out of necessity, enemies may live together. There are examples in some other places like South Africa. Some people erroneously cite the example of South Africa which is not the same. The blacks in South Africa are an overwhelming presence unlike the near parity of the Jews and the Palestinians in Palestine. This is also why the idea of a government in exile may not be very relevant.

    The last option which the Palestinians would find objectionable is to assist those willing to emigrate to other lands where they may find happiness unlike their present sad and inhuman situation in their ancestral land which a more advanced civilization is determined to deny them.

    Some have suggested that since more than 50% of Palestinians live outside Palestine as immigrants, the culture of immigration is not foreign to the Palestinians. The world has become a global village and people seem to move these days from one country to another, but this will have to be voluntary. The only problem is that among Arabs, the Palestinians are not usually welcomed because as immigrants, they seem to outperform the natives in whatever vocation they are engaged in. Their experience in the Kingdom of Jordan is not a good example of what the Palestinians can expect in even neighbouring countries to Palestine. The experience of Palestinians in most countries they have emigrated to because wherever they go they carry the sense of longing  for a lost home with them, a sense of nostalgia which makes their assimilation difficult and they ironically share this tendency with their Jewish fellow human beings. These are some of the problems the Palestinians will face in the future unless President Donald J. Trump changes the trajectory of American policy or Netanyahu is removed from power after the next election in Israel and a more liberal and future-looking government emerges in Israel. Of course all things are possible in human affairs.

  • There was a country!

    There was a country!

    The revelations about rampant corruption in our country in recent times by intelligence officers reminds one of those days before and immediately after independence when sanity prevailed and those in government took their assignments as sacred trusts and not opportunity for graft. I still remember growing up  in my own part of Nigeria when we did not have crude petroleum but had cocoa, palm oil, rubber and lots of hardwood timber which our regional government exported and the proceeds were spent on running the administration while a big part of it was saved against a rainy day. Some of the savings was used to support producer prices whenever the prices fell in the so-called world market as a result of over production.  Stability of producer price was necessary to encourage the farmers who produced the export products. The marketing board that managed these savings was insulated as much as possible from political interference.

    It was the British colonial government that set this marketing board up and by the time we had party and responsible government in 1951, millions of pounds sterling had accumulated as savings which the Awolowo government in the Western Region had access to from 1951 to 1959. Marketing boards were also set up for the eastern and northern regions of Nigeria but because those regions produced palm oil and palm kernel in the case of the East and groundnuts, cotton and hides and skins in the case of the North, they did not have the kind of money which cocoa brought into the coffers of the western Nigerian treasury.

    The year 1955 begins the period I am talking about when I was in my final year in primary school during the first year of the Action Group’s government’s free and compulsory primary school education scheme. My set moved from standard four to join with those in standard five to transit to primary six and the number of years spent in primary school was shortened from eight years to six years. There was fear that standards will be lowered but nothing of such happened and my set took entrance examinations to various secondary schools in the Western Region preparatory to starting in Form One in January 1956. Most of us only took entrance examinations to schools in the Western Region. Certainly not to Lagos! None of our teachers encouraged us to do so because of what was said to be the corrupting influence of the coastal city. And our parents would not hear of us going to Benin and Warri provinces for fear of the distance and differences in languages. There were a few intrepid ones who braved going there.

    It was the best of times.  We were all enjoying heavenly paradise here in Ekiti and the Western Region and in the country as a whole. One could travel to anywhere without molestation by the police or armed robbers and Fulani herders minded their business as we did ours .Everything was good. We were not rich neither were we poor. During our holidays, we joined our parents on the farms and those whose parents were traders hawked their wares on the street. Running family economies was a joint program of parents, children, cousins and all kinds of relations with everybody making a contribution.

    In spite of the limitations of our rural environment we did well. Our peasant upbringing endowed us with all that was honest and honourable. We never stole; we never embezzled or envied any one. We were satisfied with whatever it pleased the Almighty God to put in our hands in terms of shelter and ability to send our children to school like our parents did. We did not know anyone who became rich by being a civil servant. Politics when it entered our part of Nigeria was a call to serve not to eat. The only rich people we knew were contractors and cocoa merchants. We thought our country or shall I say, our region will regenerate itself and our children will have the opportunity we had to live in a peaceful environment. But we were wrong.

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    Our self-sustaining region was in 1957 made a self-governing part of Nigeria. We still retained control over our lives and contributed financially to the central treasury which relied largely on import and excise duties as well as charges on currency, posts and telegraphs, railways and shipping, and aviation. The regions continued to run their affairs as autonomous entities within the federation of Nigeria and enjoying common services of police and defence. The regions ran their own affairs competitively and cooperatively. Crude petroleum was discovered in Oloibiri (Bayelsa State) in the East but this did not make huge impact on the East which remained the Cinderella of the Nigerian family relations.

    As we progressed towards independence, the fierce competition for control of the centre began. The northern hegemony epitomized by the NPC in the centre was then aided by the eastern subservience of the NCNC.  Then began the race to fill the posts being vacated by the British and to pack the ministries and parastatals with the ethnic cohorts of largely easterners. Obafemi Awolowo who in all his political life had favoured strong regions appeared to have abandoned his position when he decided to challenge the NPC / NCNC chokehold on the centre by resigning as premier of the Western Region to go to the centre. With historical hindsight, he should have stayed in the West like his political enemy Ahmadu Bello stayed on in the North and sent his lieutenant, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa to the centre as lame duck prime minister which he would have remained if Awolowo and Ahmadu Bello had maintained their principled federal posture as they did in the Lancaster  pre-Independence  conference of 1959.This wrong tactical move sealed the fate of the carefully negotiated agreement for the disparate regions  to remain together. These were territories big enough to be separate countries. They entered into what has turned out into an unhappy marriage which the military forced unitary system of 1966 has worsened.

    Nevertheless, the free-for-all looting and the crazy feeding frenzy on national treasury which began after the civil war ended in 1970 and have gotten worse and worse in a country where anything goes! Now we hear government wants to sell the airports obviously to politicians from favoured part of the country just like the power sector was sold to people who knew nothing about how to generate and distribute electricity.

    How does one explain the fact that the main source of the country’s wealth goes unaudited for years? The various parastatals in the oil industry are run, not with the aim to earn income and augment national income, but to consume whatever comes in from sales of crude oil and Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG). Yet we complain that the country has no roads, no railways, no modern ports and airports. We have no hydro or any sort of efficient electric power. We have written and written that the dollar guzzling petroleum refineries and petrochemical industries should be sold. We said it to Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, Jonathan and we said it again to Muhammadu Buhari and are now saying it to Bola Ahmed Tinubu to sell the damned refineries to entrepreneurs who know how to manage them.

    The money we are queuing up in various capitals of the world to borrow would have been unnecessary if we ran our oil industry profitably. Unfortunately, this will continue until the crude oil in our hands becomes unprofitable and unsellable. Those running our oil industry should just compare us with the following countries in OPEC namely UAE, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Iran, and Venezuela. Even with the American sabotage of Iran and Venezuela and the war in Iraq, they still have superior infrastructure than Nigeria. The roads we used to travel on have all been washed away because of poor construction arising from corruption and kickbacks from those who constructed them. Nemesis has now caught up with us. The poor have left the villages to waylay us on the highways and rob and attack us in the cities. The poor are now demanding their own share of our common patrimony which a few have appropriated. The rich can no longer sleep because the poor are hungry and angry. Before it is too late we must go back to the negotiated constitutional agreement that led us to Independence to avoid current and future head-butts. We need to spend more time on how to bake a bigger national cake than on how to share the dwindling little cake we are now scrambling over. A million reviews and revisions of our constitution will not get us to a desired destination unless our pilots and ourselves change course and character and attitude to work. There is honour in hard work Wealth without accountability is the ruin of many nations. That is the lesson of history.

  • Ibadan taking a new shape

    Ibadan taking a new shape

    I live in Ibadan and the Redemption City and sometimes for weeks, I stay away from Ibadan because of unavailability of electricity in my area sometimes for weeks, and to God be the glory for the spiritual and physical light available to us in the Redemption City by the grace of God and the leadership of Pastor Adejare Adeboye. Yet my area is supposed to be in a low density area not far from Bodija, the first planned town in Nigeria after independence. The hellish heat these days makes life almost unbearable for people particularly elderly people. This is despite having a generator which does not really solve the problem because of the astronomical cost of fuel whether petrol or diesel. I have not yet tried the solar option which is what some of my colleagues have adopted. Perhaps I will try solar devices when I am able to afford the cost.

    I know my readers will probably say look at this old man talking about solar options when people are not able to afford the cost of food necessary for survival. I plead guilty and I agree I bear, alongside people of my generation, vicarious responsibility for the way the country has been run down all these years but in our old age, we deserve some comfort for some of our positive contributions in the past. I can mention a thousand things and many risks taken by some of us to advance the national interest.

    Some of our young people may say that writing about the new looks of Ibadan is not worth celebrating because they should be regarded as ordinary events because they take place in all countries including African countries. Road construction and channelization should be regarded as routine. But when they are not routine in our clime, it is worth celebrating.

    This preamble is necessary for me to be able to put in context the recent efforts of the Oyo State government because I have had reasons to be critical of the government before and it is just fair to applaud the government when it is doing well.

    A visit to Ibadan today will confirm the fact that Governor Seyi Makinde is in name and indeed, the executive governor of Oyo State. I sometimes laugh when a sitting governor is introduced as the executive governor of his state which I always dismiss as error of tautology but in the case in hand, the governor is really the executive governor just as any performing governor deserves the heavy duty description as “ executive governor “ 

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    Entering Ibadan from Lagos through Alhaji Arisekola road and driving towards Molete, one is confronted with digging of gutters at the intersection of Felele and Molete where for years there had been some kind of spring that floods the road perennially in wet and dry seasons. This is the section connecting the road to late Lamidi Adesina’s house at Felele which he refused or could not fix while he was governor of Oyo State. It seems the government is determined to fix it once and for all. From this point to Saint Anne’s school, heavy drainage equipment is at work digging deep gutters on both sides of the road. I pray this will be extended to all parts of the state capital and to all major towns like Ogbomosho and Oyo. Any government that can do this kind of work deserves to be commended.

    While on this road project, may I appeal to the Oyo State government to extend its revolutionary approach to road construction to the road linking Molete with Ibadan Grammar School and Saint Luke’s College going on to Saint David Cathedral in Kudeti. This road for historical reasons deserves to be fixed as a symbol of CMS contribution to the education and development of Ibadan. Government should look into the possibility of combined redevelopments of Saint Luke College and Ibadan Grammar School as a comprehensive technical college for training young people for the future industrial development of Oyo State.

    The importance of street lights in Ibadan should be highlighted. There is need for Ibadan to have a night economy. It’s wasteful for a huge city like Ibadan to go to bed at seven O clock because that’s when the sunlight goes out. Government can double the economy of the city by lighting up the city if government can provide electricity outside the present electricity generation mechanism.

    There is also need for strict enforcement of traffic lights in the city. Government should also consider tolling of some of the roads so that money will always be available for their maintenance. This is also the time to begin to plan the planting of trees and turning all our roads into avenues. This was the case with all major roads in Ibadan and in such places like Kano, and Maiduguri until some military governors decided to cut down the huge neem trees under the guise of beautification with streets lights! How could any sane person have done this in the Sahel towns of Kano and Maiduguri!

    Yes it was done while we all looked on in silent awe! We have to bring back the neem trees. Incidentally the leaves of the neem trees were potent cure for malaria when boiled and squeezed into juice. The government of Engineer Makinde should embark on proper and simple street numbering of Ibadan away from its present antediluvian confusing numbering.

    Let’s make Ibadan great again. I remember when we were young during the golden days of the old Western Region, Ibadan did not accept inferior status to Lagos the federal capital and those of us still in school basked in the glory of Ibadan. Ibadan has remained the capital city of Yoruba land with millions making the city their homes even if they had homes in their villages in Ekiti, Osun, Ondo, Ogun, Lagos and even Kwara and Kogi states because of their ethnic consanguinity with Oyo State people.

    There were of course people from all over Nigeria because of the presence of an institution like the University of Ibadan and the historical connection of the people from the present Edo, Delta and Bayelsa with the city of Ibadan from where they were administered. Those were the days and thinking of those days makes old people like us wonder if the creation of states was really worth the effort and the excitement that went into the splitting of Nigerian humanity into the present puny states only useful to the looters who have benefited from the division which, looking backward, amount to destruction of what could have been important blocks of national unity.

    I am one of those who hail the setting up of the various regional commissions by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu that is bringing back the old regional zones for development. I hope this is the beginning of zonal divisions of the country away from the present puny state divisions which makes for broad planning as we used to have during the regionalisation of politics and economic planning in Nigeria. I personally feel that the present atomisation of political divisions and economic resources makes it possible for over concentration of power at the centre. This is what those advocating going back to pristine federalism or to put it mildly fiscal federalism.

  • The patriots’ agenda

    The patriots’ agenda

    A distinguished group of Nigerians self-proclaimed “The Patriots” held a summit in Abuja some weeks ago and apparently considering what is wrong with contemporary Nigeria, zeroed in on the constitution imposed on us by the AbdulSalami Abubakar regime in 1999. No sensible person would dispute the fact with The Patriots that the political structure as currently existing is problematic. The same is true of the large cabinet and presidential system itself and the process of law-making. They preferred a mixed presidential system and parliamentary system including the process of constituting the membership of the National Assembly and asked whether a bi-cameral legislature is not too expensive and therefore counterproductive.

    This is just to highlight a few of the multitude of problems identified by The Patriots. The Patriots drew from the global experience of its membership headed by Chief Emeka Anyaoku, a distinguished former Secretary-General of the Commonwealth of Nations and experience particularly of federations like India with its 1.5 billion of people and complex advanced written civilisations having about eight times or more people than Nigeria but manages to run its affairs much more on reasonable basis than Nigeria.

    On the question of the political structure of Nigeria, The Patriots suggest a zonal structure using the current informal zonal thinking in the country to arrive at idea that a six zonal structure for the country will be more equitable and fairer than the present 36 states federation in which small state structure promotes unitarian rather than federal systems of government. This is against the federal system which the different peoples of Nigeria embraced in 1957, 1959 and which allayed the fear of ethnic domination which was a genuine fear arising from politics and political sloganeering leading to independence. The Patriots argue that nothing has positively happened since that time to fundamentally change the views of Nigerians about the political ideas necessary to lead them to feel that what they need now is unitarianism in preference to federalism. The fissiparous tendencies that mar every discussion about the present and future political trajectory of our country always  leads to feel that our founding fathers chose the federal system advisedly . The Patriots therefore suggest that to overcome the fear of ethnic and political domination, the country should be restructured into six zones or at most eight zones of equal status in a cooperative federation and the question of creating states and local governments should lie in the zonal political province as long as revenue allocation will be done in such a way that this will not lead to disrupt access to the federal revenue based on differential contribution and access.

    The Patriots  suggests that the country should embrace the revenue philosophy of fiscal federalism meaning simply that states or the zones should retain most of what  they produce in the form of  taxes on manufactured goods, mineral exploitation, individual and corporate taxation and agriculture and send to the federal purse the appropriate federal taxes which along with import revenue and appropriate export tax and tariffs on inland transportation and communications and currency, should accrue to federal revenue purse.  This federal revenue should be enumerated and whatever is not listed should ordinarily belong to the zones. With this division of revenue, the zones and states should have enough revenue for their administration and development. The Patriots put much effort to define what political regime we need to adopt to run a fair federation. Tied with this is the electoral system and the organization and conduct of elections. It argues and correctly so, that if elections are not transparently conducted, what arrives at the end will be worthless. Nigerian elections have been supervised by members of the judiciary, civil service, the academia in recent times. We have not tried the police and the military yet and there is no hope that those two institutions of the Nigerian state will do better than their compatriots who have been given the assignment before and have failed because in the nature of politics in Nigeria, the rampant corruption and bribery have hitherto extended to the military and the uniformed services.

    The electoral commission could be headed by a senior member of church or mosque if such an acceptable man can be found. If we can put together an acceptable organ to conduct an election without the dead weight of government bureaucracy, then we have made progress. Secondly, The Patriots sees the operation of the bicameral legislature as too expensive and unaffordable for Nigeria bearing in mind our fragile economy depending on the oil economy that is up and down in prices. It is the suggestion of The Patriots that a bicameral legislature of the House and Senate may not always be ideal in all circumstances. Perhaps a lower House would be sufficient  and an expanded Council of States to include representatives of the religious bodies,  judiciary, academia and the intelligentsia  broadly  including the press, and the military and other security organisations  like the police, prisons, customs, immigration, interior and external intelligence services may give government a wider scope of needed representation.

    The Patriots feel the current size of the federal cabinet and state counterparts is too large. A cabinet of more than 30 members is too large in my view. If the federation is made up of eight zones, 30 members is enough to give each zone enough room for representation. The Patriots also made a suggestion about presidential system. Nigeria is in a position to say we have tried the parliamentary and the presidential systems and we should be in a position to judge. Most of us will want a mixture of the two systems to be adopted by Nigeria just like South Africa and it would help the party system to develop and would permit detailed discussions of government policy before bills become laws and will also raise the intellectual level of cabinet ministers and that of the president and state governors. The zones will be empowered to create the number of states and local governments they can fund and effectively supervise. If adopted, the new recommendations will assist party formation and party governance.

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    The thrust of the suggestions of The Patriots is not only political structure but it touches the place of the judiciary and its organisation to eliminate current clashes of jurisdictions and concurrent jurisdictions which even to a layman is totally unwieldy. There ought to be federal courts with limited jurisdiction to federal laws and interstate disputes, and zonal courts whose jurisdiction ends at zonal levels. The Patriots suggest that the secular nature of the state must be maintained and only religious cases should go before sharia or cannon courts.

    The role of the well organised bureaucracy of the past recruited on the basis of careers open to talents and merit must be brought back to the federal and the constituent zones or states constituting the state. Efficient and effective bureaucracies are keys to progress. The history of an efficient bureaucracy in Nigeria has been proven by the continuity of governance during the turbulence of military rule in Nigeria during which some government continuity has been maintained. In recent times, entry into the core areas of the bureaucracy has been marred by such contrivances as federal character and ethnic balancing with consequential weakness of the bureaucracy. There are good people in every part of Nigeria and the institutions of government, whether in the bureaucracy, military, foreign representation and other organs of government need not be so weakened as to make government largely irrelevant and impossible and unsustainable.

    The Patriots did not spend much time or make adequate place for the economy and education in their scheme and how to build a big economy that would move Nigeria beyond the current oil economy. We always spend too much time on politics not realising that if we have a big economy, it would not matter who is a president or minister because everybody will be so busy that they would not have time for the present political gossips that dominate discussions and ethnic disputes.

    Not much is said about transforming the present clerical education system inherited from the colonial regime that lays emphasis on white collar jobs and certificates to practice one trade or the other. We should move to a STEM education system with emphasis on science, technology, engineering and mathematics from primary to tertiary levels and how to train artisans of bricklayers, carpenters, iron-benders, cobblers, electricians, mechanics and so on. Emphasis needs to be laid on what one can make with one’s hands and not rote memories. We need a fundamental change in education and the earlier we begin this the better. Time is really against us in a world of competitive and knowledge economy.

    In the submission of the recommendations of The Patriots, efforts have been clearly made to separate personal feeling in preference for scientific and objective feelings that an unserious consideration of the inputs of this highly considered group would be like the country shooting itself in the foot.

  • Time to stop the carnage in Gaza

    Time to stop the carnage in Gaza

    In some years to come, our grandchildren or great grandchildren may ask us what position we held when Israel seemed to have been granted a licence by the whole world or a critical part of it, to slaughter defenceless children, women and elderly people in Gaza against the Geneva protocol on interstate conflict with regards to the protection of unarmed women, the elderly and children. 

    Some argue that Israel is taking these military actions in retaliation against the Hamas administration in Gaza because of its failure to prevent terrorists from there going to Israel to slaughter some Jews and carrying other Israeli Jews into captivity during a religious celebration.

    The world, including our government, condemned this terrorist attack against civilians but at the same time has not condemned the one-sided war since then against the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank of the River Jordan which in terms of numbers would soon reach a hundred thousand souls. This disproportionate retaliation war has spread to Lebanon where the Israeli military might has dealt a deadly blow against Hezbollah forces for their support for the Palestinians. The same has happened to the Houthis in Yemen and the newly created army of Syria after the collapse of the Alawite terrorist dynasty of Bashar al Assad. The culmination of the unrestrained military promenade of Israel in the Middle East was the recent attack and victory of Israel over Iran in the 12-day war in which the USA joined Israel in the apparent obliteration of Iranian nuclear assets.

    With all these wars, Israel has definitely become the supreme military power in the Middle East. Turkey is the only power that is capable of challenging it in the wider area extending to Turkey. Turkey of course has its own problems with its minorities of Kurds, Circassians, Arabs and Jews which put together constitute about 27% of the entire population. Possible Turkey’s military confrontation with Israel is obviated by Turkish membership of NATO of which America is  the dominant power and America ‘s protection of Israel’s interest is solid and this will not allow the USA to allow Turkey to be involved in any anti-Israeli confrontation in the wider Middle East. This overwhelming power of Israel therefore remains unchallenged unless an Islamic revolution sweeping through the Middle East and extending to Turkey were to occur to change the current power configuration in the entire region. This possibility should hopefully constrain the current wild power Judaic hegemonic considerations in Israel to be careful about how it throws its weight around in its merciless treatment of the Palestinians in their home country.

    Right now Israel is enjoying the support of Europe and the USA because of their victimisation in the hands of the German NAZI during the Second World War and their historic victimisation in continental Europe spreading from the Atlantic to the Urals. The question may be asked in future whether the Arabs were the ones who unleashed genocide on the Jews and why the Palestinians were being made to bear the brunt of retaliatory destruction caused on them by the Jews using American and European weapons. When this time comes, each and every one of influence in the world will be asked our roles either as individuals or as governments.

    As far as I know, Africa has not taken a position despite the fact that for years, the Organisation of African Unity (the African Union) accepted the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) as an observer. The only African state that has taken a position on this issue is the Republic of South Africa which took a courageous step of taking Israel to the World Court of Justice on the charge of committing war crimes and actions that could lead to genocide over the starvation of the Gaza Palestinians.   The UN has described the so called feeding of the starving Palestinians by the American/Israeli Gaza humanitarian organisation as “drip feeding “of millions of people in Gaza encircled by Israeli military. These are people surrounded by Israeli troops preventing the world body  from taking food to the starving population of Gaza while the rest of the world lay prostrate begging Israel to permit them access to the starving  Palestinians.  

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    Israel has expelled virtually all agencies of the UN including the WHO involved in humanitarian activities in Palestine, while in the meantime, the Israeli military has turned into killing fields, the various depots jointly established by the Israeli – American Gaza humanitarian organisation into killing spots where starving Palestinians are shot as sport on the grounds of rowdy behaviour in tens, hundreds and thousands. The situation has been criticised by global  organisations and governments especially in Europe, Latin America, Africa and some parts of Asia while America that has the power to make Israel change its murderous policies in Israel has remained unconcerned. 

    Britain and America bear moral responsibility for the existence of Israel in the land of Palestine. It was Britain as administrator of ancient Palestine that in 1917 during the First World War promised the land by the Lord Balfour declaration that Palestine would be given to the Jews as their eternal homeland and in 1948, it was the American government that first recognised the Israeli state against the interest of Palestine. It seems now both Israel and the USA are following a policy of starvation as weapons of war. What is most disgusting in the situation is the weak response of the entire Arab world and the organisation of Islamic countries including Nigeria. What is morally wrong to us Christians would or should be wrong to our Muslim brothers. I don’t believe that because we are a plural country, our foreign policy should not be guided by moral principles. For most of my involvement in our foreign policy at the global stage, we have always supported the Palestinian cause even though not all the Arabs and the Iranians have supported the African struggle for independence and against the apartheid regime. This did not make us withdraw support for the Palestinian cause. So what has changed? Have we lost our moral compass? I am aware of our current economic weakness but poverty is not an incurable disease; it only compels us to work hard. It should not muffle our voice against moral injustice as in the Palestinian case. I am a Christian and a practising and believing Christian but this does not make me deaf to the wailing of suffering Muslim humanity in Palestine and I don’t see why our government should remain silent in the face of the tyranny of the Israelis against the Palestinians. We should not wait until France, Britain join the other European countries like Ireland, the Nordic countries, and a host of other countries recognise Palestine before we do what is right.

  • When the grim ripper struck three times

    When the grim ripper struck three times

    In the last few weeks, highly significant people passed on to eternity in Nigeria. They are namely Victor Omololu Olunloyo a mathematician, politician and an engineer all wrapped up in one person, and  Kabiyesi Kayode Adetona, the Awujale of Ijebu land and a first class traditional  ruler, and Muhammadu Buhari, a military and political leader of Nigeria. In the various spheres of our national lives, these people made serious impacts on the history and politics.

    Olunloyo was easily one of the greatest intellectual geniuses this country has produced particularly in the area of mathematical engineering. Although he was distracted from his calling and misdirected his efforts into politics, and it is here that he is well known. He was born in Ibadan in 1935 to the family of  Vincent Horatio Sowemimo Olunloyo, one of the earliest Christians in Ibadan who had worked with the pioneers of Christianity in Ibadan the Reverend  Henri and Mrs  Anna Hinderer and who became not only an early convert to the Christian religion but also to western education. After having had a stint in the West African Frontier Force, he married Alhaja Abebi who bore him five children, with Omololu being the oldest.  Horatio unfortunately died at an early age of 43 in 1948 the very year his son gained admission in to the well-known Government College, Ibadan popularly known as GCI, which he attended on scholarship from 1948 to 1953. He did not do extremely well until his second year from when he always led his class made of distinguished people like the late Professor Olujimi Akinkugbe, a distinguished medical professor at the University of Ibadan, Professor Oluwole Soyinka, a Nobel laureate in literature, Professor Suleiman Lagundoye, another medical guru at the University of Ibadan and Dr. Olalekan Are who  was a distinguished  agricultural scientist and philanthropist.

    Olunloyo later distinguished himself in the universities of Saint Andrews, Dundee and Cambridge with degrees in Mathematics and Engineering before returning to the premier university Ibadan to lecture in the Department of Mathematics. In a citation, his Head of Department said about him: “… he graduated with B.Sc. (General Engineering- civil and mechanical engineering) in June 1957 having notable first in first class in theory of structures and all mechanical subjects and first class in mechanical design.) He completed his PhD in mathematics in two years”. Olunloyo did not have time to settle down in academia before the Dr Koyejo Majekodunmi  who was the administrator of Western Region appointed him in 1962 as commissioner in his administration.  The Majekodunmi administration was set up by the federal government headed by Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa to replace the Akintola government following the Action Group crisis of 1961 to 1962. He was appointed Commissioner of Economic development when he was just about settling down as a serious academic. The army took over power in Nigeria in 1966 when he had hardly returned to his post as a senior lecturer in Mathematics in the University of Ife, Ibadan campus; he was again appointed the Commissioner for Local Government under the regime of Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo. Whether by design or fate, Omololu’s academic trajectory seemed to be doomed without the fulfilment of earning a chair which is the desire of most academics.

    He was particularly effective as local government commissioner at a time of crisis in Western Nigeria culminating in the seamless appointment of Kabiyesi Lamidi Layiwola Adeyemi III as Alaafin of Oyo in 1971. He also held the position of Rector of Ibadan Polytechnic, chairman, Western Nigeria Housing Commission before becoming Executive Secretary of the National Polytechnics and Technical Commission. He is better known for his brief time as governor of Oyo State for two months from October to December 1983 having defeated the incumbent Bola Ige, a competent administrator, legal luminary and public orator in a much controversial election marred by allegations of rampant rigging.

    It is sad that for all his intellectual gift, Victor Omololu Olunloyo’s gubernatorial ascendancy was terminated by a coup d’état led by Major General Muhammadu Buhari in December 1983 which ended the regime of Aliyu Shehu Shagari’s headship of the federal government.

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    Buhari led the government of Nigeria from 1983 to 1985. The coming of his first headship of the federal government was popular because the preceding administration was marred with massive corruption, maladministration, inefficiency and complete neglect of agriculture for corrupt importation of rice from all over the world. Buhari was forced to ban all imports and to begin rationing imports licences and strictly enforcing a  regime of discipline at every area of our national life including queuing up to buy so-called essential goods like cement, rice, sugar and to board public transport where and when available. Drug trafficking was suppressed by public executions of those caught. The  public went for the stifling discipline including soldiers caning in public, those who were guilty of indiscipline until sudden change of the national currency and accusations of corruption in the exchange of old currency notes for new involving an emir whose  military officer son facilitated smuggling of millions of old Naira notes from outside the country. Even though the officer was cashiered off from the army, the incident derogated from the claim of uprightness of the regime. When in 1985 Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida overthrew the strict regime of Mai Gaskiya (upright leader), no one wept for it. The reaction was “good bye to bad rubbish “.

    When in old age and apparently bad health Buhari in his fourth attempt at becoming an elected president was elected president in 2015 and remained in power till 2023, he was a shade of his former self. He spent months going to Britain for health reasons. In one of his trips, he told a British prime minister that Nigeria was hopelessly corrupt as if he was talking about a strange country somewhere in another distant country. He was absolutely not in charge of his government and smart ministers stole and stole under him. Two examples will suffice: the governor of the Central bank of Nigeria, CBN, suddenly decided to succeed him as president and bought several cars, branded them with his photo and launched a campaign for president while still the central bank governor and nobody, not the president called him to order until there was an outcry against this violation of the law that the man involved decided to call his mad journey into infamy a day. A minister of aviation under Buhari decided to launch a new national airline despite the corruption that had marred earlier efforts. He allocated billions of Naira for this purpose. He suborned Ethiopian Airlines to paint one of its planes in Nigerian colours and brought it to Nigeria for show. When the public began shouting about the deception, the minister let the show end without accounting for the billions already spent. When this was pointed out to President Muhammadu Buhari, his retort was always that the Nigerian public should go after those adjudged as corrupt in his government.

    I wish Buhari had not come back as a civilian ruler and just kept his record as a disciplined military ruler; history would have been fair to him. The accusations by Abubakar Sola Saraki of malfeasance in the petroleum ministry when he headed that ministry would have remained an unproven allegation designed to blemish a clean record.

    The third man in the trio of the national loss is Kabiyesi Adetona, the recently departed Awujale of Ijebu land. By any standards, the Awujale Adetona had a great reign and was loved by his people until the end. Those who now malign him because his family did not allow him in death to be buried in the traditional way of course have a point. It is my plea that they let the great Oba rest in peace and do an analysis of the total contribution of the man to governance. It was during his reign that a magnificent palace was built by the Ijebu people for their king. A flourishing university exists now in Ago Iwoye in Ijebu land and the departed Oba endowed a chair there worth millions for a professorship in public governance.

    The national image and weight of the Awujale wherever it leans in the past has had meaning. He leaned on the two political parties now APC to come together in ushering the reign of Buhari as president. He cannot however be blamed for lack of performance of the government. His role was the facilitation of national unity. At critical times in the history of our country, when we were under Abacha tyranny and when everybody kept quiet in the face of tyranny, when the number two in government was going to be executed accused of involvement in a phantom coup d’état, it was only the Awujale who spoke for his Ijebu son. Wherever the Ijebu interest was involved, he spoke for them and believed that there was no conflict between Ijebu patriotism and Nigerian nationalism.

    In their different ways, the death of these great patriots constitutes an irreparable loss to Nigeria. Of course they did not die in harness, because they were all old and tired, but their collective wisdom was a repository which Nigeria could have continued to benefit from.

  • Trump’s humiliation of some African presidents

    Trump’s humiliation of some African presidents

    Some opponents of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of Nigeria had been jubilating that President Donald John Trump of the United States of America snubbed Nigeria by not inviting him along with the presidents of Gabon, Guinea – Bissau, Senegal, Mauritania and Liberia  even before they knew the subject of the discussion.

    Thank God Nigeria was not invited because if we had been invited and talked down the insulting way these presidents were treated, our president would not have been able to return home either with honour or dishonour. Nigerians would have been so upset by such a humiliation meted to these presidents that our claim to sovereign nationhood would have meant nothing and the honour of an independent sovereignty that our fathers fought for would have been seen to have been dragged in the mud and stepped upon by somebody who feels black people were nothing but hewers of wood and drawers of water.

    When I saw those black leaders standing before Trump in the White House as specimens of inferiority, I remember what Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana used to say to Africans in my youth that it was better to be kings in our African independent countries which critics of African countries said were being poorly run, than being slaves in the paradise of colonial tutelage of white-ruled African countries which were presented as heaven on earth. It has now transpired that the American administration is looking for land for dumping immigrants rejected from America. In the case of Nigeria, we had apparently been approached to take Venezuelans described by Trump as murderers, rapists, robbers and rogues. The man must love us and wish us so well that these are the types of exports America thinks we deserve. As respectfully and diplomatically as it was possible, Nigeria had told the Americans that we have our own problems at home and would not like to add to them. The five countries of Gabon, Senegal, Guinea-Bissau, Senegal, and Mauritania must have told the Americans that they were prepared to help America solve its domestic problems of getting rid of its unwanted immigrant population which had become a population bomb in the USA.

    Perhaps if we had been represented at the highest level of having an ambassador in the USA, the Americans would have been told that Nigeria would not accept any of the immigrants Trump was looking for a place to dump and that Nigeria was not that type of a country that would accept rejects from another country and that Nigeria was poor but not poorly insane.

    I don’t know why after two years, President Tinubu has found it inconvenient to send ambassadors to all countries that Nigeria has accreditation. This kind of subject would have been discussed at official ambassadorial levels and sorted out and would not have been elevated to presidential level. I plead with our president to fill all ambassadorial positions not only for the purpose of adequate representation and raising the flag, but for the traditional role of ambassadors in the promotion of trade and political relations. The real fact is that Nigeria is not a strategic country to the United States. We had chance to be strategic to the United States but the old-fashioned diplomats who surrounded Aso Rock between 1999 and 2015 blew the chance when the USA approached us with locating the African command in Nigeria and we said a flat “No” when we could have answered in the affirmative but attached conditions to it such as helping us to develop Nigeria‘s navy and air force comparable with that of Egypt and promoting considerable American investment in our military and industrial complex.  If we had been in a strategic position as we were when in the 1970s and 1980s when we supplied the USA with considerable amount of petroleum and gas, they would not have insulted us with asking us to take immigrants from Latin America.

    Trump is used to humiliating African countries. Recently he brought the presidents of Rwanda and the Congo DR and virtually locked them in the White House and gleefully announced to the journalists assembled in the White House lawn that he has two African presidents who had been fighting for about two decades and who had listened to nobody about peace but to him to settle their problems and had listened to him, a global peace maker and were making peace at his instance. Then later, he produced the grinning African leaders who claimed they were ready to sign a peace agreement. The following day, the Congo president said he was ready to alienate vast amount of land to American companies to prospect for all kinds of strategic minerals. It is this kind of freehand in Africa that led him to decide which African countries he would invite to be shown to the world grovelling before him and ending by nominating him for the Nobel peace prize which any reasonable person knows would be a kiss of death for the Nobel organization at least in the peace category.

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    Looking at the weak African countries invited, one can identify commonalities among them. They are all small countries population-wise. Gabon is just about one million and Guinea-Bissau is even less. Senegal, Liberia and Mauritania are in the region of between 15 and 20 million and these figures are by world and African standards, relatively small and they are all by economic standards, poor countries. Some people have suggested that they constitute countries from where immigrants flood the United States. That is not true. Gabon and Guinea-Bissau do not fit that picture. Senegal and Liberia have large diaspora communities in the USA and there are historical ties between Liberia and United States because the founding of Liberia in 1847 was by liberated African slaves. As for Mauritania, there are very few people from Mauritania in the USA. The only reason why Mauritania was included was to elevate Mauritania to the level of the Arab states that have established diplomatic ties with Israel. Bringing the dirt-poor Mauritania into the American orbit serves as a link with those Arab countries establishing ties with Israel.

    The other foreign dimension for us in Nigeria is that four of the five countries are members of ECOWAS – namely Senegal, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Mauritania. The most surprising one of these countries is Senegal which has just elected a left wing government and had just closed down French military base in the country or perhaps they are looking for replacement for France because of the economic implications of the closure of the French military base. Gabon on the other hand has natural resources and is rich in oil, timber and other minerals and has a small population which if well run, should be a viable and stable country.

    Nigeria needs to interrogate why countries in ECOWAS would take humiliating steps that could embarrass them and the region and Africa without first discussing it at the regional level and intimating Nigeria that had invested human and material resources in their stability. These are difficult questions to ask ourselves about non-diplomatic representation even at regional level if not at the global level. If we have had full functioning embassies with relevant intelligence officers, information would have reached our government about what the United States was going to be asking African states to do; we would have been in a position to influence the reaction of other African states at least those in our region because when an African state is embarrassed, we are all humiliated a little even if not directly but at least vicariously.

  • Too much politicking; little thought on economy

    Too much politicking; little thought on economy

    It is amazing how much time and effort Nigerian leaders spend on the revolving doors of who will be chief of state and the ethnicity of the person and little thought of the resources in the hands of those who are charged with affairs of state and the provisions for the citizens of the country. It seems that what is important for the so-called leaders of our country is state capture by those at the top while the development of the country is kicked forward to the future.

    All the news one hears is the plotting against the president using all means available including regional, ethnic and religious slurs to damage those at the top of government without caring for the irreparable damage caused to the individual concerned and the whole  country itself as long as their goal of pulling down government edifice is concerned.  The people doing this were either those in the 16-year dominance of the PDP or those who were in government for eight years under President Muhammadu Buhari and who just exited positions of power two years ago and who have been shoved aside just for two years, and whose insatiable appetite  for resources and power need to be satiated.

    These people forget that they do not own Nigeria and that this country belongs to all of us and not just to a regional and religious clique and their satraps. Most of these people also served in the various military governments preceding the so-called civilian government beginning in 1999 which was really a militarised civilian government. These people do not care about the future of the country. They have no economic plan for the future of the economy coming after the end of the petroleum and gas economy which the country has been enjoying since 1970. It is either they are too dull or stupid or just don’t give a damn as long as they get power and loot whatever is left of the economy and the future of Nigeria.

    Whatever we may say about the military governments of General Yakubu Gowon and his military successors, they had plans for the future of Nigeria.

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    Before the military take-over of Nigeria in 1966, our country had well thought-out development plans and manpower plans to go with them. The civilian government only had six years to implement its plans before it was overthrown. Some of its plans were a carryover  from regional plans which were well thought-out and based on the comparative advantages of the regions in agricultural produce of cocoa and timber in the West; palm oil in the East, and groundnuts and hides and skin in the North. Petroleum production was at its infancy then. There was coal in Enugu and cement at Nkalagu in the East, tin and columbite production in the North and the West seemed to thrive on agricultural produce of cocoa, rubber and timber even though there was gold in one or two places but they were not significant in production.

    All the regions including the newly created Midwest Region relied on their agricultural boards for planned development. When prices of their agricultural produce were high, the excess price was saved and when prices fell, the various boards were able to pay reasonably good prices that would not destroy the agricultural economy. When the military took over in Nigeria in 1966 and despite having to fight to keep the country together for three years, it kept the marketing boards. From 1970 when the war ended and oil began to flow in large quantity and Nigeria became an oil economy and it abandoned the marketing boards, it replaced them with the petroleum oil marketing boards, gas production board and fertilizer production company. The military also set up car and trucks assembly plants with Mercedes Benz in Enugu, Volkswagen in Lagos, fiat in Kano, Rover in Ibadan and Peugeot in Kaduna, and batteries, windshields-making in Ibadan, and agricultural ploughs and army tanks in Bauchi and manufacturing of rifles and even trainer aeroplanes in Kaduna, and above all, steel and iron and aluminium complexes in Ajaokuta and Ikot Abasi respectively.

    The military was responsible for roads and flyover construction in Lagos and building of the military training institutions in Abuja, Kaduna and a strategic training institution in Kuru as well as military barracks and several universities and polytechnics. I am not saying the military did an excellent job in the years of their monopoly rule because corruption was rife but they left landmarks for the eyes to see!

    Thank God for President Tinubu who seems determined that his civilian regime will leave landmarks marks behind in the Lagos-Calabar express road and the Badagry-Sokoto express road.  He should be encouraged to complete these two projects because on their completion the civilian landmark depends. If only for these two landmarks he deserves to be re-elected in 2027.  I personally feel it is too early to start campaigning for 2027 when the present regime still has two years to go. The creation of regional commissions, which I hope are precursors of the regional governments many have been campaigning for, should be seen as the way to create weaker central government away from the present octopus and leviathan in which power is concentrated in one centre  to which all states run to for support is just not sustainable nor equable.

    One man cannot be expected to use too much power judiciously without stepping on the toes of others. We must constitutionally work for a system where power is diffused and politics is decentralised and all the political squabbling and fighting are localised and therefore not as destructive as they are today.

    We need a decentralised economic system run by forward looking people probably made up of technical experts chosen by politicians but not bogged down by the revolving doors of who is in  or who is out  of power. This system must be headed by a transparently honest men, surrounded by other visionary people who will think more about the people and their future and not the pockets of the politicians who need help to be satisfied with what they have already rather than hankering after what they honestly don’t need for which they want to kill or be killed. This is a country where the economic path to growth is confusing; it cannot be socialism or state capitalism because we have tried it in the past and failed. We do not have too many people with capital to embrace capitalism as the system of economic growth unless we go with the South Korean way whereby the state deliberately creates a group of capitalist companies which then help build the country’s economy and which are beholden to the country. Whatever economic plan we adopt must be debated before adoption. This is the serious task before the nation and not the political noise we usually engage in.

  • Towards a one-party state?

    Towards a one-party state?

    Some people including my humble self are wondering whether the political game in Nigeria is the struggle to attain a one-party state in the country. One has lost the count of which governor of a state with his entire state legislature has defected to the ruling party. When it started, it attracted my serious attention but now I just ignore the ridicule because that is what it is. Those of us who were born at a time when Nigeria was undergoing democratic tutelage under the British, we sure know what democracy means. It is not that there were no crossing of carpets in Britain or the United States but these were due to ideological cleavages not to ensuring staying in power in the face of a rolling and approaching federal powered train.

    This tide of desertion from one party to another just shows that there are no political parties in Nigeria but electoral contraptions put together to contest elections and share state offices for the benefits of individuals and not the people. Parties have been reduced to mere companies whose shareholding directors build them to contest elections and to share profits at the end of the venture more or less as venture capitalists looking for best results and dividends.

    Our ancestors would turn in their graves seeing what their successors have turned party governments into. The parties unlike in the past do not have party organisations or party bureaucracies which in the past of my youth were nearly as powerful as state bureaucracies and were responsible for party ideas and ensuring that members of parties in government stuck to party ideologies. I remember that in the days of good parties, members in government and boards and parastatals contributed percentages of their salaries ranging from five to 10 percent to the party treasuries from which party officials were paid.  No one knows today how parties are run financially and where parties get the funds for running their bureaucracies. 

    In the past, officers of parties monitored what members in government were doing and whether they were complying with party ideologies. In the good old days of the Action Group (AG) in Western Nigeria, no party member in government could have more than a plot of land in state land. I remember when my brother, Chief Oduola Osuntokun was Minister of Lands and Housing in the old Western Region and his ministry controlled all state land in the region stretching from Ibadan to Lagos including Maryland, Ikeja, Ilupeju, Ikorodu road etc., he neither allocated a plot of land to himself, children or relatives because he already had a single plot in the government reservation in Ibadan.

    I remember Nasir El Rufai while defending allocation of state lands in Abuja to himself, his wives and infant children when he was in charge of the federal capital territory saying they as Nigerians had rights to state lands!  I hate to be personal. Most public officials including bureaucrats now routinely build estates on state land without batting an eye lid. It has become an unsaid ideology for state officials to fortify themselves financially with government funds against a future when they would not be in government and the revolving door of corruption goes on. If there were serious parties holding officials feet to the fire of party ideologies, this situation would have been avoided.

    Permit me the necessary digression. There is nothing new in advocacy for one party rule. This was greatly advocated sincerely by some post-colonial rulers like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Modibo Keita of Mali, Sekou Toure of Guinea, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and even conservatives like Leopold Sedar Senghor of Senegal and   Kamuzu Banda of Malawi. Their arguments in those days was that in African polities before the advent of colonialism had no political parties divided along ideological lines nor was there anything like government and opposition and that whenever the head chief – Oba, Sarkin or whatever he was called spoke, that was it and there was never any room for opposing views. The argument is that the modern democratic praxis was divisive and waste of time that an African or developing country can afford.

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    To me these arguments are time serving and untenable and outrightly unintelligent. In any system, there should always be room for arguments after thorough discussion. The search for truth is attained through arguments and logic in the Hegelian fashion. Even in a family, there should be room for discussion and different opinions if there is to be progress in the family. If this argument is true of families, it must be true of nations and states. Our post-colonial leaders also said that because of the plural natures of our countries, one party system promotes unity whereas when there is room for more parties than one, different groups or ethnicities tend to form ethnic and tribal parties as illustrated by the example of the multiplicity of parties in Nigeria along tribal lines. This argument applies to countries as small as Switzerland and Belgium where division along parties seems to mirror the ethnic divisions in the countries.

    My argument is that a free country should tolerate parties formed along ideological or even linguistic or ethnic lines. A constitutional provision could be made for harmonisation of ethnic and tribal identities without silencing people in a homogenised national government. The examples of almost all the  post-colonial territories that embraced the one-party dogmas which have now reverted to multiparty democracy has proved the  lack of authenticity of one party system. Any party system destructive of individual freedom and all the tenets of liberalism is not worth it. All the dictatorship of the past that had tried to justify autocracy have ended in abject failure and the cracked up idea that one-party rule promotes rapid economic development have been exposed for what it is as a deceit and facade for corruption and illogical arguments.

    I honestly believe all reasonable people must be opposed to one-party state because it promotes dictatorship and rather than stability, it promotes instability and military dictatorship because when there is no other way of removing a government, people resort to coup d’état by the military or rebellion of the people which is worse than military take-over. I would rather we continue to have the chaos of multi-party rule than unified dictatorship. Liberal democracy may not be neat and may not the best system in the world but all other systems have been proved not to be better including one party system.

    What Nigeria is inching to be is not even an ideological one party system like the failed command communist system in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe which failed miserably. What seems to be going on here is a ramshackle one party system which is not backed by any well thought out ideology but a belief in joining a moving train which if you don’t jump on it quickly, one may be left behind. There is no target or goal or mission but just to remain in office for personal selfish financial self-aggrandisements. This is not a good argument to support one party state which this mass defection towards the ruling party will lead to.