Category: Lawal Ogienagbon

  • Kanu’s ‘delayed’ trial: Whose fault?

    Kanu’s ‘delayed’ trial: Whose fault?

    On Monday, some people led by Omoyele Sowore protested what they called the ‘delayed’ trial of Nnamdi Kanu of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) fame. Kanu was first arrested in October 2015. In November, he was arraigned in an Abuja Magistrate’s Court. In December, he was ordered released by a Federal High Court. That same month, the government brought a fresh treasonable felony charge against him.

    In 2016, three different courts ordered that he be remanded on grounds of national security. In May of the same year, he took his case to the ECOWAS  Court. In April, 2017, Justice Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court, Abuja, granted him bail. He fled from his home in Abia State shortly after in September when soldiers came calling. So, when his case resumed in October, he was not in court. Some four years later, Kanu was brought back home in June 2021 as a ‘fugitive’. His case resumed before Justice Nyako about three months later and his bail was revoked.

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    Following series of theatrics and his allegation of bias against Nyako, the case was transferred to Justice James Omotosho. Before the transfer, Nyako had in 2022 asked him to answer to seven of the 15-count charge preferred against him, after expumging eight. Kanu appealed and the Court of Appeal found in his favour. The appellate court discharged, but did not acquit him of the offence. Under criminal law, such a discharge is temporary; the defendant risks being retried if there is fresh evidence to do so. To say that Kanu was freed by the appeal court is, therefore, wrong since he was not acquitted.

    His trial began afresh (de novo) in 2024 before Omotosho. The prosecution closed its case in March 2025. Since then Kanu has not opened his defence. Rather, he brought a no-case submission which Omotosho dismissed in September. The judge ordered him to enter his defence. Kanu did not. He claimed that he could not stand trial because he is ill. The court invited the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) to examine him. NMA did and reported back that he is fit to stand trial as his ailment is not life-threatening. The court consequently gave him between today and October 30 to open and close his case.

    Will he avail himself of this grace period to open his case or will he, his lawyers who should know better, and the rabble rousing protesters still resort to extrajudicial means to politicise a criminal case? Sowore and co. should stop this public show which will not get Kanu anywhere. They should let the law and not sentiment speak. Kanu, who has been in custody for over four years now, wears the shoe and he knows where it pinches.

  • Demola Osinubi at 70

    Demola Osinubi at 70

    That Night at Radisson Blu in Ikeja GRA, Lagos, Sir Demola Osinubi looked resplendent in a flowing kaftan. With patches of grey in his hair, showing that he was no longer a spring chicken, at least not the same as the young man that I first came across in 1988, he did not look like someone three years shy of his 70th birthday which he marked three days ago.

    That night, he was honoured with the well-deserved Lifetime Achievement Award by Diamond Publications, promoters of the Diamond Awards for Media Excellence (DAME). There could not have been a worthier recipient than Sir Demola, who we, his reporters at The Punch then, used to call ‘Demo behind his back. Sir Demo was already the Deputy Editor of The Punch, which was then struggling for survival when I stood before  him in his office at Onipetesi, Ikeja, off the old Lagos-Abeokuta Road, in 1988.

    His office door opened into the newsroom, separated by the corridor which people took to get to other parts of the building. Osinubi was a newsman to the core. He could smell a good story from afar. His nose for news was extraordinary and like every editor he was impatient with lazy reporters. He expected you to think and write on your feet. As his reporter, he did not expect you to just walk into the newsroom, and start rambling about the story you have. You are expected to have sketched out the frame and only get to the office to flesh it up.

    Osinubi was never far from the newsroom. He was always on hand to help the News Editor, Chris Mammah, with stories of the day and how they should be treated. He was also good at spotting talents and was ever ready to help to build their careers. Though, The Punch had challenges then, it was still one of the best newspapers around. It was a breeding ground of sorts as many left despite the conviviality for greener pastures when it could not fulfil its obligations to them as when due. The story is different today. It has become a business empire, thanks to the efforts of people like him and Emeritus Chairman of The Punch, Chief Ajibola Ogunsola, among others.

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    Osinubi was in The Punch for almost 46 years. He joined the organisation in 1976 as a reporter and left in 2022 as Managing Director/Editor-in-Chief. He was not a laid back editor, who led from the rear. He led from the front and was in the heat of things in the newsroom. When news broke, he was there to give directions and guide us on how to handle it. Alhaji Najim Jimoh, the Editor, had implicit confidence in him. They worked well together. Theirs was a mutual relationship which helped to build The Punch into a great paper despite its financial challenges.

    We learnt a lot from both men – the editor and his deputy – which has shaped the lives and the careers of many of us who passed through them. One thing you learnt immediately from Sir Demo is to get the spelling of names correctly. For instance, you do not spell his surname with an ‘h’ in the Osinubi. He would not take kindly to it. As such, he would not want the same done to others. He would ask you again and again: “are you sure of the spelling of so and so person’s name”.

    Those days, The Punch was a great family. It was a school. My oga, Dipo Onabanjo, calls it a “university”. It prepared a reporter for wherever he would find himself in future. Sir Demo held the place together as a unit and if he had his way, many would not have left. I doff my hat to a reporter, editor and manager par excellence as he joins the Septuagenarian Club. Seventy Hearty Cheers, Sir Demo.

  • PDP: Last kick of a dying horse

    PDP: Last kick of a dying horse

    For the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the once self-styled largest party in Africa, it does not rain, it pours. In the past few months, it has been swinging from one crisis to the other. What is more? These crises are self inflicted. The party has lost direction. It has leaders, but they are not in control.The National Working Committee (NWC) is only so in name.The National Executive Committee (NEC) is worse. It is suffering from a bent NEC(k)!

    So, it cannot turn its nec(k) and see the magnitude of the crisis which is about to consume the party. PDP has lost steam.It is no longer a party, but a collective of people struggling to keep the boat from capsizing. As its few remaining governors are straining to keep the party going, the more headwinds it runs into. Do not be fooled. The PDP governor you see talking and thumping his chest today about dying in and for the ‘great PDP’ may well be on his way out the next day.

    Things are that bad for the party. Its much-vaunted structures from the ward to local government and state levels which were its pride in many parts of the country between 2003 and 2015 have slipped off its hands. It is left with the shells of those structures. Its governors who controlled those structures have left in droves and more may still leave for the All Progressives Congress (APC). Hardly a day passes that the party does not lose a member or two in the National Assembly to the APC.

    Yet, it keeps deceiving itself that all is well. Its three governors – Bala Muhammed (Bauchi), Seyi Makinde (Oyo) and Umaru Fintiri (Adamawa) – whose lot it has become to rebuild the party which from all intent and purpose is in tatters are papering the crack with sweet talks. These are sweet nothings in the face of what is happening to their beloved PDP. How can all be well with a party which lost three governors in quick succession to another party?

    And these are not governors of just any state. They are the governors of Delta, Akwa Ibom and Enugu, Sheriff Oborevwori, Umo Eno and Peter Mbah. Mbah left PDP for APC on Tuesday, with all his commissioners, members of the House of Assembly, councillors and their chairmen. Thus, APC now has a  strong foothold in the Southeast with three of the five states there in its kitty. APC is not in charge only in Abia and Anambra. At the rate it is going, it is a matter of time before those two also fall. Besides, it is the dominant party in Southsouth where it is in charge of four of the six states there except Rivers and Bayelsa,

    Read Also: Lokpobiri, Wike, others okay Diri’s exit from PDP

    Unofficially, some say Rivers is APC because of recent developments. The governor, Siminalayi Fubara, just returned from a six-month suspension following the state of emergency imposed on Rivers. His counterpart in Bayelsa, Douye Diri, is said to be warming up to join APC. In the Northeast, a governor in a state there is also said to be on his way to the ruling party. So, what is Muhammed and Makinde blabbing about the party being intact when in fact its umbrella, the PDP symbol, is already torn?

    What is the use of a torn umbrella when it is raining? Even then, it is more than raining with what is happening in PDP. It is pouring. How can a torn umbrella contain such a downpour? To Muhammed and Makinde, PDP temains the party to beat in 2027! I laugh in Fulfude and Yoruba!! How delusional can one be? Can they not see the handwriting on the wall? The party should consider itself lucky if its convention billed for Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, next month holds. The issue is in court as some members are alleging that the NWC did not follow due process before fixing.the convention.

    Then, there are the problems in Akwa Ibom, Cross River, Kebbi and Plateau where the national secretary, Senator Samuel Anyanwu, and national publicity secretary, Debo Ologunagba, are squabbling. They issued conflicting statements on the status of the state working committees (SWCs). Ologunagba said the SWCs had been dissolved, Anyanwu countered that NWC never took such a decision. He added that if it did, he must know as the party scribe. His statement makes sense. Muhammed and Makinde can  say whatever they like to make it look as if there is nothing, but the truth is that PDP is on its way to extinction.

    As this paper reported on Saturday, its fall in Enugu, following the defection of Mbah to APC, is a clear indication that PDP is gone for good, at least for now, and there seems to be no hope for it in 2027, no matter what Muhammed and Makinde say to the contrary. Indeed, to paraphrase Makinde, the electorate and not politicians would determine the outcome of the 2027 elections. We all know that. PDP will be shocked by the outcome. Mark my words. Look at the party that wanted to rule for 60 years!

  • Power of mercy

    Power of mercy

    The President was only doing his job by granting state pardon to some convicts. But, he unknowingly stirred the hornet’s nest. Some queried the rationale for his action, wondering why pardon was granted  to Herbert Macaulay and Maryam Sanda, especially. As the President, he has the power to exercise the prerogative of mercy. It is not about justice which had already been served, but about the constitutionality of his action, which is beyond reproach.

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    According to the Bible, “mercy triumphs over judgment”. The President did not quash the courts’ judgments, he only had mercy on convicts who had served part of their punishment. As Shakespeare wrote: “the quality of mercy is not strained; it drops as the gentle rain from heaven upon the place beneath. It is twice blessed: It blesses him that gives, and him that takes”.

    It is the prerogative of the President to do what he deems fit. God put it this way: “I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy…”  It is easy to criticise these things when the shoe is on the other foot. Ask Maryam Sanda’s father-in-law who has been pushing all these years for her pardon despite being convicted for killing his son, who was her husband.

  • Spotless

    Spotless

    Since Prof Joash Amupitan’s appointment as the nation’s new chief electoral umpire last week, he has come under intense scrutiny by politicians and their paid agents. They have tried and are still trying to rake up muck against him.. In their desperate search for a non-existent ‘skeleton’ in his cupboard, they have been hitting a brickwall. They are not going to relent and the earlier Amupitan knows this the better. His resume, his professional and social life, and his ancestry will come under attack, as we argued here last week.

    Read Also: Lokpobiri, Wike, others okay Diri’s exit from PDP

    He has to develop a thick stick to absorb whatever may be thrown at him. So far, the traducers have failed in their missions. But as long as he occupies the INEC Chair for which he would soon be screened and be likely cleared by the Senate, he must watch his back. I do not envy you, Prof.

  • Nnaji and his accusers

    Nnaji and his accusers

    On Tuesday, Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology Uche Nnaji resigned amid his spirited defence of the allegations of forgery against him by Premium Times, an online newspaper. The resignation came as a surprise, considering how he, his aides and friends were returning fire for fire. Really, it is good that he resigned so that he can have enough time to face his accusers.

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    His resignation should not be the end of the matter. It should be the beginning of it. What the publication accused him of is criminal in nature. The paper has published its findings following its investigation. Nnaji is disputing the publication’s claims. Who is telling the truth? Who is lying? We will soon know as the matter is in court. Does that not amount to putting the cart before the horse?

    Why were the police not called in before the matter was taken to court? It would have been the appropriate thing to do because of the alleged crime. For now, all fingers are crossed as the public waits for Nnaji’s next move.

  • INEC chair: Who ‘ll he be?

    INEC chair: Who ‘ll he be?

    It is the moment of truth. A new Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) may be announced anytime from now, following the handover of Prof Mahmood Yakubu to the most senior National Commissioner, Mrs May Agbamuche-Mbu, on Tuesday. Yakubu’s tenure formally ends next month after serving a two-term of 10 years.

    There have been speculations in the social and traditional media for long on who the next chairman will be. Nigerians are interested in who gets the job because it comes with enormous responsibility. It  is the most delicate of jobs – thankless, nerve-wracking and time consuming. The occupier of the office, no matter how capable he is or how good his intentions are, cannot satisfy everybody.

    In most cases, it is those who hail him at some point, shouting “hossana” – we have found the umpire in whom we are well pleased – that will boo and call him names later, crying “crucify him, crucify him”. This is the price of being the Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) of the nation. So, the Electoral Officer General of the Federation (EOGF) must have a thick skin. He must be ready to absorb all kinds of insults; be prepared to be called names and be told the history of his ancestry.

    It is a burden to be the INEC Chair. Yet, it is a job that must be done; a duty to be performed to country and in satisfaction of one’s conscience, with utmost good faith, because of what is at stake. There can be nothing more greater than the affairs of a nation which are in the hands of the INEC Chair during the periodic four-year elections. How he manages the elections goes a long way in keeping the country together. A well managed election guarantees peace and stability, even if some of the contestants are aggrieved with the outcome.

    Their grievances will be assuaged by the fact that the exercise was free, fair, open and transparent. A lot depends on the INEC Chair if we are to have a free and fair election in a society like ours where persons holding that office are viewed from the outset as having come to do their master’s bidding. The master in this case is the President, who is the appointing authority. Even if the President appoints an angel as INEC Chair, the appointee would still be viewed suspiciously. “Nothing good can come out of him”, the opposition and their supporters  would sneer.

    But given the same opportunity, they would do something worse. This is, however, not to say that the INEC Chair should lack honour. In fact, his honour should not be in doubt and his word should be his bond. He must be seen to stake that honour before the over 200 million Nigerians from among who he was chosen to head INEC and assure them that the commission would do good by him. He does not have to be a saint to do the job. All he has to do is to allow his commitment, capacity, competence and capability to speak for him.

    Politicians will not believe him, no matter what he does. But the people, the millions that would stand in the rain and under the sun, to vote during the elections will stand by him – if he is really diligent. Politicians can make all tbe noise in the world, but they know that they cannot push their luck too far with the people. The man (or woman) that will lead INEC is out there somewhere, waiting to be called upon to take up this onerous task. The responsibility of choosing the person rests with President Bola Tinubu.

      Has he found the man? Will he unveil him before the Council of State (CoS) which meets in Abuja today? The President does not have to listen to the noise of the market in making his choice. He should go for the man that best suits the job. A man of honour, character, intelligence, and integrity. A man that can stand his ground when push becomes shove. A man that cannot be intimidated by those whose stock-in-trade is to besmear and tar every INEC Chair with the same brush just because they had no say in the appointment. 

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    The President’s duty is to the people. He is not beholden to the opposition who, if they had their way, would prefer someone that they can dictate to as the INEC Chair. The President should be guided by the provisions of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) in his choice of the INEC Chair. He should not listen to those seeking to come in through the back alley to influence the process. Some of them had the opportunity in the past in one capacity or the other, and did not come up with all these their ‘beautiful ideas’ on how to appoint the INEC Chair.

    Their suggestions are however noted, as they are good on paper. Come to think of it, is it not too late in the day to be calling for a change in the rule of appointing the INEC Chair when Yakubu’s time is up? The man is formally leaving office on November 9, a few days from now. So, what time is there to implement these ‘grand ideas’ on how to appoint his successor? Many of these suggestions border on mischief and they are a way of preparing the grounds for condemning and challenging the outcome of the 2027 elections, which are still about 16 months away.

    According to the Constitution under which the President derives the power to appoint the INEC Chair and members, he “shall” do so in consultation with the Council of State. This august body meets in Abuja today. The nation waits with bated breath for the outcome of the meeting, and most likely the name of the new INEC Chair. Your road is going to be rough sir, and this is not a curse.

  • Nigeria at 65

    Nigeria at 65

    Nigeria marked its 65th anniversary yesterday, without the commemorative parade, a major highlight of the yearly event. At 65, we have come some way as a nation. Our biggest test was the 1967-70 civil war. We came out of it united and indivisible.  We have remained one since then. There have been other anxious moments after that, with

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    The annulment nearly plunged us into another war. We came out of it badly bruised, but unbowed. The military, especially Generals Babangida’s and Abacha’s evil plan to destroy democracy failed. They wanted to subject us to perpetual military rule, but the vigilance of Nigerians saved the day. Since 1999, we have enjoyed uninterrupted democratic rule, the longest ever in our chequered history. It has been 26 years and counting. We have seen that the worst form of democracy is better than the most benevolent military rule.

    Things can only get better as we soldier on as a nation. There is no doubt that things are difficult, but the hope is that, as the President said in Ibadan, Oyo State, on Friday things are looking up. To borrow his words: “there is a bright light at the end of the tunnel”. May the light shine brighter and brighter, so that the people will rejoice. Happy anniversary, Nigeria.

  • This is 2025, not 1993

    This is 2025, not 1993

    There’s a time and season to everything under the sun…

    – Bible

    These opening lines of the third chapter of the Book of Ecclesiastes are deep and reflective. The words become more meaningful when they are applied to day to day life. What really is new under the sun? What are we witnessing today that has never happened before? Life is full of challenges. It is not a bed of roses. Nor is it only of thorns. It is a mix of both. It is full of ups and downs.

    It is up when things are going well and down, when they are not. We all prefer the former to the latter. Some people are luckier than others. Things are always looking up for them. In most cases, they do not lift a finger before things take shape in their lives. Thus, they become the envy of others because luck always smiles on them. This philosophy applies to groups too. Some of them are more favoured, or if you like more powerful, than others.

    One group that falls into this category is the oil workers’ union. Since it comprises workers, both at the junior and senior levels, it is strategic in the affairs of nations. But unions being unions, especially at the lower level, tend to overplay their hands most times. They arrogate to themselves the power they do not have, as their importance, or perhaps, power gets into their heads. They believe that at their say so, they can ground the operations of an organisation – and even paralyse a nation. At least, they did it in Nigeria in 1993.

    So, they use strike, which is a lawful labour tool of bargaining, to try to whip their management into line. Workers can go on strike, if negotiations break down. It is supposed to be the last resort for them after everything else had failed. It is not to be deployed as the weapon of first choice when talks are ongoing to resolve a labour dispute. But politically, the strike option can because of its potent force be adopted at anytime when the population as one is disenchanted with the government.

    It was deployed to maximum effect 32 years ago in the  wake of the political crisis engendered by the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election. Oil workers as an association saved the nation from the tyranny of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (1985-1993) and the late Gen. Sani Abacha (1993-1998), two of the militaty leaders of that era. It was however not only the oil workers’ fight. It was the fight of every Nigerian, both young and old, whether working or not. It was a fight to save our nation, and the people spoke with one voice. It was a time to fight and reclaim our country from despots.

    The Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) and the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) were the faces of that action because the foremost labour centre, Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), failed to show leadership. Then NUPENG general secretary, the late Frank Ovie Kokori, put his life on the line when the NLC leadership sold out. Ironically, that same NLC which lost its mojo when it mattered most is now flexing muscles over a dispute in which it should be a conciliator and not a combatant.

    Since Dangote Refinery started producing petrol in September 2024, it has been contending with issues in the shark infested oil industry. The truth is many players in the industry do not like the face of the promoter of the plant, Aliko Dangote, who they believe has come to supplant them from the industry. They see him as a monopolist, alleging that his record in the other industries where he is also a big player tends toward that. The Dangote-PENGASSAN face off can be located in this fear – the fear that ‘he has come to push us out’, and their body language is ‘but we go show am’.

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    But there is nothing to show anybody if everybody is ready to play by the rules. The oil industry is regulated and there is no way any player no matter how powerful he may be can be bigger than the  regulator. The  regulator may not be as big as that player, but it has the power of the state to take on anybody, and every sensible ‘powerful player’ is conscious of this fact. PENGASSAN and NUPENG believe that they can take on Dangote since in their own estimation the government is allowing it to get away with so many things to, as they claim,  ‘protect the multibillion dollars investment’.

    Let us make no mistakes about it, the ongoing Dangote-PENGASSAN face off is an extension of the earlier one with NUPENG. And the big marketers, many of who are depot owners, are happy with what is going on. They want the feud to fester so that there can be instability in the fuel value chain which will be of immense advantage to them. Dangote should not give them that joy. If you ask me, I will advise the refinery to review the sacking of the 800 workers which led to  the feud with PENGASSAN.

    The advice is based on the simple reason that the handling of the matter was not tidy. This is not to say that PENGASSAN was right in declaring war against Dangote, and going ahead to turn off the refinery’s supplies from source in order to forcefully shut its operation. This is economic sabotage that borders on treason. The feuding parties, however, believe that they are legally and morally right in the actions they have taken. They are not. Dangote cannot sack the 800 workers, just like that, for allegedly sabotaging its operations.

    It cannot accuse the workers of what amounts to a crime and sack them without judicial trial. In like manner, PENGASSAN cannot wilfully shut down the refinery’s supplies because it has access to those critical national assets and plunge the industry and the entire nation into chaos. PENGASSAN should be mindful of the security implications of its action. This is 2025, and not 1993, when it and NUPENG rode on  the wave of the moment to make the country too hot for the military to govern.

    They enjoyed the people’s backing then. They do not have such support now, so they should tread gingerly, and not give themselves a bad name – that is if they have not already done so. Dangote and PENGASSAN should give the ongoing dialogue brokered by the government a chance so that industrial peace can return. It is a time to embrace and not a time to fight.

  • NBA: Physician, heal thyself

    NBA: Physician, heal thyself

    If one finger brings oil, it soils the others   – Igbo proverb

    This is an indictment (the adjudged role of Mike Ozekhome in the Tali Shani case) on the Nigerian legal system. The truth is that, not just SANs, but the Nigerian legal profession as a whole, including the judiciary, need to look inwards, and undertake to do better – Onikepo Braithwaite

    LET ME begin by saying that the words in parenthesis are not Onikepo Braithwaite’s. They are mine. They were inserted to situate the quote in the context of the subject it came from. Braithwaite, a lawyer, was commenting on the now famous Tali Shani case in which Mike Ozekhome (SAN), was a principal character. This column dwelt on the subject last week and returns to it today because of the deafening silence, so far, of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) over the matter.

    NBA is ever ready to comment on matters that have no bearings to the group, its members and activities. It can issue tons of statements when the matter concerns government and incidental matters, but when it comes to looking inwards, it loses its voice. This is already happening in the Tali Shani case which was decided by Judge Ewan Paton in London, 14 days ago. The Tali Shani case involves five Nigerian lawyers, with the most senior of them being Ozekhome. They became four after one of them withdrew on seeing that the game was up.

    Judge Paton did not find the conduct of all these lawyers funny at all in the case which he described in unflattering terms: “…proceedings of a quite extraordinary nature, with mutual allegations of identity fraud by impersonation… These in turn generated multiple allegations of forgery of documents, fraud, conspiracy and corruption of public officials”. That a SAN, his lawyer son, and three other Nigerian lawyers were involved in such a case is a cause for concern.

    But NBA, the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC), Legal Practitioners Privileges Committee (LPPC), which confers the prestigious rank of Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), which is equivalent to King’s or Queen’s Counsel in the UK, on deserving lawyers, and the Body of Senior Advocates of Nigeria (BOSAN), nor the usual crowd of noisy activist lawyers, some of who are SAN have not deemed it right to come out openly and boldly as Braithwaite did to say something.

    NBA, in particular, is known to be a champion of ‘saying something, if you see something’. Why is it tongue-tied in this instant case? If it were a top public officer that was at the centre of this matter, these groups and individuals would have been appearing on television talking their heads off or writing articles upon articles in newspapers calling for the heads of those involved.

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    NBA, LPDC, LPPC and BOSAN were not created to exist in name only. They were founded for a purpose. NBA, a professional body, was founded to advance the cause of lawyers. All it takes to be a member is to be a certified lawyer who is registered as a solicitor and advocate at the Supreme Court of Nigeria. LPDC is the disciplinary arm of the profession. LPPC handles the conferment of the Silk (gown donned by SANs) and other related privileges on exceptional lawyers. BOSAN is the elite association of SANs.

    Understandably, NBA as the voice of the profession, speaks and acts on members’ behalf on socio-economic and political issues as they unfold. Over the years, NBA has become a pressure group, with succeeding administrations courting it and seeking its input from time to time on critical national matters. The NBA that I knew in the late 80s was vibrant, highly critical and uncompromising. It put the society first and fought to defend what is right. It was not an association of anything goes that the NBA of today has become. It is sad that NBA can comment on the Osun local government fund and Natasha cases, but is silent on the Tali Shani case.

    That the case took place in a foreign land should not be an excuse for NBA not to speak on it. Perhaps, it is still waiting for the certified  true copy (CTC) of the judgment or for the registration of the verdict here in Nigeria before acting! In other climes, by now, Ozekhome, his son, Osilama, Mohammed Edewor, Abimbola Badejo, and Kingsley Efemuai, all the Nigerian lawyers named in the case would have been invited by their professional association for debriefing to find out what really happened. Is it true? The association would have sought to know, at least to hear from the lawyers, as a way of giving them benefit of the doubt, despite the damning judgment.

    What is more. Such a step would have been taken with the public aware of what is going on. Why? Justice must not only be done, it must be seen to be done. But (our) NBA cannot be bothered by such issues of integrity. It shies away from placing itself on the same scale with which it weighs others. It is more interested in filthy lucre, collecting money here and there under the guise of holding its annual bar conference. It collected N300 million from Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara, and kept quiet. Yet, it had the audacity to move its last annual bar conference from Port Harcourt to Enugu following the emergency rule then imposed on the state.

    Refunding the money became a problem when the state’s former administrator, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ette Ibas asked for it. NBA said it would only refund the money to a ‘democratic’ government. Now, that Fubara is back on the saddle, there can be no better time than now for it to return the money, and publicly too. The Tali Shani matter should not be treated with levity. It is too messy for NBA, LPDC, LPPC and BOSAN to overlook. If they are waiting for a petition before they act, many Nigerians are willing to send them one. All they need to do is to say the word, and the petitions will flood in.

    Keeping silent over this matter is dangerous. Such silence, to the ordinary Nigerian, means consent. If not, those lawyers should no longer, as of right, be seen in the gathering of their colleagues, until they have cleared their names. Ozekhome of all people should have known better. He should have seen from the outset that he was dipping his hands into fire, especially after the judge drew all the parties’ attention to another case involving the same Shani, but with a different first name of Tim. In that case decided by the Jersey Royal Court in the Channel Islands, the late General Jeremiah Timbut Useni aka Tim Shani forfeited £1.9 million for money laundering under a fictitious name.

    The same Useni, Judge Paton found, used the false name of Tali Shani to acquire the 79, Randall Avenue, London property, which Ozekhome claimed the late general ‘gifted’ him in lieu of ‘legal services’ rendered. His case fell flat on its face, opening a can of worms. NBA has a duty to clear the mess. It was founded not only to fight government and public officials, but to also cleanse itself and promote healthy and not Jankara practice.

    Jankaraism was the topic of discussion here two weeks ago on September 11. NBA cannot be removing the mote in others’ eyes while ignoring the beam in its. As another set of lawyers takes the Silk today, it will be an appropriate forum for the bar and bench to make a bold statement on sanitising the legal profession so as to avoid the kind of shame brought on it by its members who were  involved in the Tali Shani case. Or are the Tali Shani Five not members of NBA? It will be good to get NBA’s response to this poser.

    Silence, I restate, is not an option. If NBA really cares about its image, there is no better time than now to embark on the long-awaited soul-searching that will lead to its rebirth. It is in its interest to embark on this mission so as to save many young and upcoming lawyers from being misled by their seniors who may even be their fathers.