Category: Lawal Ogienagbon

  • Breaking the yoke

    In this era of change, Nigerians are only interested in seeing things work. They are not ready to listen to excuses on why things cannot work.

    What the people desire is a Nigeria where things are done accordingly. A Nigeria where public utilities work. They want to turn their taps and see water gushing; they want to press the switch and see the light come on; they want to get to the bank and be able to withdraw money from their domiciliary accounts and they want to get to the filling stations and get fuel to buy with ease.

    These are a given in other countries; so they wonder why things cannot work here as they do over there.

    Greatness does not come cheap; it entails hard work and a sense of urgency, especially for a country like ours, where things have gone bad for years.  In this era of change, we must shed the toga of defeatism and reach out for the skies.

    Who says we cannot achieve round-the-clock power supply? Who says our hospitals cannot compare with the best in the world? Who says we cannot have all-year-round fuel supply? Until now, fuel supply was a perennial problem. Motorists drove round town in search of petrol, while husbands, wives and children heaved jerrycans about town looking for petrol, diesel or kerosine. It was a stressful and distressing thing. A land so blessed with oil, yet its citizens cannot get fuel to buy.

    The story has started to change. Motorists can now drive in and out of filling stations to buy petrol within seconds. It is not an easy task, but with determination and zeal, Mrs Esther Nnamdi-Ogbue, Managing Director of Pipelines and Products Marketing Company (PPMC), has been quietly working to ensure that fuel is available in every filling station across the country. Nnamdi-Ogbue assumed office some five months ago in the heat of marketers’ demand for payment of fuel subsidy.

    For long, marketers have held the nation to ransom with their demand for subsidy payment without anything to show that they actually imported fuel. This is why many believe that subsidy is a huge fraud. The major marketers allowed themselves to be so tarred because they believe more in making subsidy claims than ensuring availability of petroleum products.

    If not for PPMC, the nation would have been grounded by marketers during the Yuletide. They refused to import fuel, insisting on the payment of their outstanding subsidy claims. Even after the payment of the over N500 billion subsidy, they still refused to import fuel. It was the ‘’marketer of last resort’’, to borrow Nnamdi-Ogbue’s word, that moved in to save the day. Nnamdi-Ogbue has proved that she is equal to the task, but she should not rest on her oars. She has to sustain what we are enjoying now – availability of fuel.

    And much more than that she has to also consider how to make  the ‘poor man’ specific product, kerosine,  available to the masses,  and at affordable price too. As a nation, we cannot leave the whole business to marketers otherwise the poor will continue to suffer. Not too long ago, some marketers were thumping their chests for selling kerosine for N50 per litre. Of course, their outlets were jampacked by longsuffering Nigerians eager to get the product at that cheap price. It was all political noise. Today, these outlets are selling kerosine for over N100 per litre, which is higher than the pump price of petrol.

    Nnamdi-Ogbue knows that she heads a government agency from which the people will always expect succour anytime they feel shortchanged by major and independent marketers. Within a short time in office, she has identified where the major problem lies – pipeline vandalism. With a N50billion loss to vandals in nine months last year, she knows that they must be stopped before they cripple her company.

    Stating the importance of pipelines to PPMC’s job, Nnamdi-Ogbue was reported as saying : ‘’We don’t have to converge on Apapa, we can now go to Kaduna, Kano and Makurdi. We will now have different depots from where we can easily truck out and the more efficient way is to go to the nearest depots, to states that you are supposed to service…The Makurdi-Yola pipeline has not worked in the last 10 years due to vandalism. And those are the pipelines that must be reactivated because with their reactivation, it reduces the challenges of distribution as it becomes more efficient for us in the distribution of products. We are not putting up our hands in the air and saying that there is nothing we can do because we are doing everything within our powers to make sure that these issues are sorted out and that started with the Mosimi-Atlas Cove satellite and then we have moved towards Ibadan’’.

    The public must help her to win the anti-vandalism war. If we refuse to discharge our responsibilities as citizens, how then do we expect PPMC to fulfil its obligation to us? What the PPMC chief said about vandals’ activities is instructive here. ‘’We have had the joint task force to monitor the pipelines, but they have not been as efficient as we expected and so what we have done is to get private persons and called in contractors to secure the pipelines for us and that has yielded results.

    ‘’I remember that on the first Saturday that we got private contractors on the Mosimi System 2B, that same night vandals were caught for the first time in a long time. We are also working very intensely on the Port Harcourt-Aba-Enugu line’’, she said.

    Will she break the yoke of perennial fuel scarcity? Nigerians cannot wait for her to do just that.

     

     

  • Jega’s men’s curious calls

    BY ALL standard, Prof Attahiru Jega, immediate past Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) chairman, discharged himself creditably in office. He was an electoral umpire par excellence, and he performed his duty as if his life depended on it. Jega came to office in 2010 when INEC’s record was nothing to write home about. INEC under the leadership of Jega’s predecessor, Prof Maurice Iwu was just an electoral commission in name.

    During Iwu’s tenure, we knew the winner of an election ever before it was conducted. It was standard practice then for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to win any election no matter how unpopular its candidate was. By his own making, he turned himself into PDP’s man and he had no apologies for it.

    Nigerians got a relief when his tenure expired. Ever before the expiration of his tenure, many had called for his removal, wondering why he was still being retained after the disastrous  2007 elections. The elections remain the worst ever in the annals of the country. Even the late President Umoru Ya’Adua, who was elected that year, condemned the polls, promising to reform the electoral process. He could not do that before he died, leaving the onerous task for his successor, Dr Goodluck Jonathan. Former President Jonathan’s choice of Jega was hailed by many, who saw him as a man of integrity.

    Truly, Jega lived up to expectation. Those who worked with him knew his stand on elections – let the party with the highest number of votes win in a free and fair contest. But many of his men from some of what we have seen at the election tribunals may not have been on the same page with him. While Jega toiled day and night to leave a legacy of an impartial umpire, some of those he entrusted with electoral job were not that bothered about their image.

    They cared less about public perception and as such they hurt a process that should have been open and transparent. They were Jega’s eyes and ears  in the states they served. But some of them chose to work with politicians and play by their own rules. It was to avoid a situation like this that Jega went to his constituency – the university – to get these people to work with him during the 2011 and 2015 elections. By so doing, he was using his own standards to judge others.

    He thought his fellow teachers will be like him in character but he forgot that no two persons, even where they are twins can have the same traits. Jega’s undoing was placing too much trust on these academics. It is unfortunate that some of them breached the trust Jega reposed in them.

    It is a shame that instead of honouring their colleague by giving off their best, they chose to play for pecuniary gain.

    Are there no more good and honest men in our universities? If university teachers cannot be entrusted to conduct free and fair elections, then we are done for as a nation. Will we have to go and look for angels to do a job, which men like us do in their countries without fuss? What happened in some states during the last April 11 governorship election, especially in Abia, Akwa Ibom and Rivers, has exposed the underbelly in banking on lettered men  to conduct elections. The public will not easily forget the  way the professor who acted as the returning officer for Rivers conducted himself during the collation of the presidential poll results on national television. It was a forerunner to what we are witnessing today – the annulment of the governorship election in that state by the tribunal and appeal court.

    I do not understand why a professor will declare a candidate winner of an election where the number of votes cast is more than the number of registered voters. Without being told that should have sent a signal to the returning officer that something is wrong somewhere. But the returning officer saw nothing wrong in such discrepancy. He used the result, as it were, to declare the winner of the election when he should have cancelled the result outright. Should we continue to use dons as electoral umpires? INEC Chairman Prof Mahmoud Yakubu has adopted Jega’s style, but from what we have seen of the performance of these lecturers in the 2015 elections, isn’t it time for us to look for other men and women outside the ivory tower to do this most sensitive and delicate job?

    There is no big deal about using university teachers for the job. If we are looking for upright men, they abound in every stratum of the society. Let Yakubu cast his net wide and he will find them. He should not make the mistake of relying solely on lecturers to conduct the 2019 elections. He has enough time between now and then to get men and women of honour for the exercise.

     

     

  • Songs of Biafra

    FOR sometime now, Chief Ralph Uwazuruike, the embattled Movement for the Actualisation of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) leader, has been quiet. He may have decided to lie low to allow things cool down in MASSOB where his authority is being challenged by some members, who even had the temerity to suspend him. Rather than address the infighting in MASSOB, Uwazuruike is taking on the larger society. On Tuesday, he presented what he called the 2016 Biafra Budget at the Ojukwu Memorial Library in Owerri, the Imo State capital. He also unveiled plans to conduct election on February 22 into his planned Biafran government in the Southeast.  He named a Catholic priest, Rev Father Samuel Aniebonam, as chairman of Biafra Independent National Electoral Commission. The cleric and other ‘’men and women of God’’, he said, would conduct the election, which he said, would be by open ballot popularly known as option A4.

    Wishful thinking, you may say. But we should not dismiss it as such. Uwazuruike is free to dream dreams, but he should be careful that he does nothing to destabilise the country. His desire is for a Biafra nation, which appears to be dear to the hearts of some of his people. But is he not daring constituted authority with the way he is pursuing his dream? He should not allow his dream to get a better part of him and break the laws of the land. He and his co-travellers say they do not believe in Nigeria, but as long as they reside on its soil, they are subject to its laws. So, he should beware and tread softly so that he does not run foul of the law. That is if he has not already done so!

  • My person of the year : The electorate

    Choosing the person of the year is not an easy job. I should know because those of us in the media see it as our business to give out such award at the end of every year.  The awardee could be person or persons, or an institution, where an inanimate object is chosen. Whether the awardee is human or not, it still carries the tag : person of the year.  The person of the year need not be the most trusted man or woman or institution on earth. The main criterion in picking such a person is his impact on society in the outgoing year.

    How did he affect the society? Positively or negatively? Even, if his work negatively affected society that will not disqualify him from being named person of the year. It only shows that he did something in the outgoing year which cannot be easily forgotten. Picking the person of the year out of our 170 million population is not a walk in the park. We have many people in different walks of life who impacted on the country either for good or for ill in 2015. Who among them should be person of the year?

    It is also not a must that the person of the year must be wealthy. There is nothing that also says that he must be an industrialist, a politician or an academic. The person of the year could be an artisan or an house boy; what he does is not the issue but his impact on society. 2015 was not an ordinary year. It was a year we were forewarned about few years ago. Some American foreign relations experts had at a round table gazed into their crystal ball, warning that Nigeria may disintegrate in 2015 if care is not taken.

    It was not a prediction of doom per se, as some tend to see it. The experts’ submission flowed from their analysis of the Nigerian situation, especially what happens during elections. Since 2015 was an election year, they feared that if things were not well handled, the country may go up in flames. It was a timely warning because it made us to sit up. We were troubled by the prediction and it generated heated debate across the country. We called the Americans names for thinking like that, but we subconsciously resolved that their prediction will not come to pass.

    To avoid death and destruction in the 2015 elections, some eminent Nigerians led by former military head of state Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar got the two leading presidential candidates Dr Goodluck Jonathan and Gen Muhammadu Buhari to sign a peace treaty before the poll. It was all in a bid to ensure that the Americans’ prediction did not come to pass.

    For winning the March 28 election after his fourth attempt, President Buhari made history. Former President Jonathan also made history as the first sitting president to lose election and accept defeat without overheating the polity. But, the greater history maker is the electorate, which voted out the Jonathan administration. It was as if the voters knew the rot into which the Jonathan administration had thrown the country before they voted it out. Just imagine where we will be today if Jonathan had returned to power. We will still be living a lie as a country under him.

    If Jonathan had been reelected, we will not have heard about the $2.1 billion arms bazaar – the misuse of the recovered Abacha loot to oil the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) political machine and service the friends of government; we will not have heard about the illness of former Petroleum Resources Minister Diezani Alison-Madueke, who turned the ministry to her fiefdom. We will not have learnt about the economy’s mismanagement by the world renowned economist, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who looked the other way while former National Security Adviser (NSA) Col Sambo Dasuki was busy playing games with our money. As minister of finance and minister of the economy, it was Okonjo-Iweala’s duty to ensure that our money was properly utilised, but she didn’t.

    Jonathan and Okonjo-Iweala kept quiet as Dasuki played Father Christmas with our commonwealth. We were saved by the electorate’s vigilance. They stood firm in voting out Jonathan so that Nigeria’s future may be better. If we had continued under Jonathan, it would have been business as usual. Alison-Madueke may not be in London today nursing her health; she would have put up a bold face as if everything is well, while sneaking out once in a while for treatment so that we will not know what ails her. I am not mocking her, but just drawing attention to the kind of game they played with our country under their watch.

    They were desperate to remain in power. This was why former First Lady Dame Patience Jonathan relocated to Rivers State for the April 11 governorship election to ensure the victory of her protege Nyesom Wike. Today, the tribunal and appeal court have annulled his election. The Supreme Court may likely nail his coffin next year. Will Mama Peace again relocate to Rivers to ensure that her boy wins? The electorate would have spoken loud and clear in the Rivers election if it had been free and fair. Their day will come next year when there will be no Mama Peace to breath down the necks of the election managers.

    For standing firm; for upholding the truth; for shunning filthy lucre; for being vigilant; for remaining honest to themselves; for saving the Nigerian project; for having the audacity to vote the way they did; for the power to see beyond the wobbly Jonathan administration,  the electorate are my person of the year. Going forward, I pray that they will not go to sleep. May 2016 be a better year for us. Happy New Year.

  • Clash of two wrongs

    Oh, it is excellent to have a giant’s strength, but it is tyrannous to use it like a giant – Shakespeare

    It is a well known fact that the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN) otherwise known as Shi’ite has always treated Zaria, where it has its headquarters, as its fiefdom. The group rules the ancient town with iron fist. Members treat their leader, Sheikh Ibraheem El-Zakzaky, like royalty. His word is law and they are ready to lay down their lives for him.

    Many wear their faith like a cloak. Once you see such people you know  the faith they profess. I am not against being religious, but people should not allow their faith to get the better of them. No matter how religious we are, we should not lose our sense of reasoning. Let us be religious and reasonable at the same time in order not to hurt the feelings of others, who do not share our faith.

    According to the holy books, blessed is the servant that applies wisdom in his actions. This presupposes that we should not be overly religious because of the inherent danger. It is because of the atrocities that many cause in the name of God that Karl Marx described ‘’religion as the opium of the people’’.

    Let us face fact, many people misbehave when it comes to religion, notwithstanding their status. The big man will stay back and use the poor to fight his cause under the guise of religion. The poor, who know nothing about what the big man is using them to do, will go all out to execute the job in the name of God because they have been brainwashed that it is a religious cause. Since they believe that they are fighting for God they are ready to die and become  martyrs. But, martyrs are not made of such stuff. Martyrs are those who die in genuine pursuit of God’s work and not those helping their fellow man to keep his empire.

    What happened in Zaria, Kaduna State, on December 12 was avoidable if the self-styled Muslim Brothers as the Shi’ites refer to themselves and the convoy of the Chief of Army Staff had exercised restraint. But because they have become used to having their way in an area, which they have come to see as their territory, the Shi’ites insisted on defending their fort against what they perceived as an overbearing army. It was a little matter that led to unnecessary bloodbath. The army chief’s convoy wanted to pass through the sect’s domain on its way to the palace of the Emir of Zazzau en route the Army Depot for an official function.

    The sect, which was preparing for today’s celebration of Maulud Nabiyy (the Prophet’s birthday), reportedly refused the convoy passage. The Army Chief, Lt Gen Tukur Buratai, reportedly alighted from his vehicle to appeal to the sect members to remove the road blockade and let him pass. Other officers too were said to have joined their chief to plead with the Shi’ites. They reportedly stuck to their gun. But, the Shi’ites deny disallowing the army chief the use of the road. They claim that they did nothing to provoke the soldiers, who allegedly opened fire on them, killing many of their members.

    With these conflicting accounts, one does not know which to believe. Certainly, one of the parties is being economical with the truth. Be that as it may, the Shi’ites, as stated in Mohammed Haruna’s column of December 16, are known for denying top government officials the use of that road. Early this year before the March/April elections, they were said to have stopped immediate past Kaduna State Governor Ramalan Yero from passing through the road to visit a bereaved family. They reportedly asked the former governor and his entourage to disembark and walk to their destination.

    Enraged by their demand after all entreaties to convince them otherwise failed, one of Yero’s guards fired warning shots into the air. Since he knew what could follow, Yero rebuked his aide and submitted himself to the sect’s demand. Of course, the Shi’ites felt on top of the world that they could cut a governor to size. This might have got to their head and they felt that they could, in their own thinking, treat the army chief the same way. They forgot that khaki no be leather. You cannot deal with a soldier the way you deal with a civilian. And we are not talking about an ordinary soldier here – but the army chief. There was no need for the flexing of muscles between the soldiers and the Shi’ites; what was needed to resolve the matter was patience and understanding.

    The road in question is a public road and every Nigerian has a right to use it – whether a governor or not or whether an army chief or not. So, the Shi’ites cannot under the guise of their right to freedom of assembly block a road and stop the public from using it. If it were to be any other person that day, only God knows what  would have happened to him. Because let us face it, how many of us can face the Shi’ites when they decide to be unruly? If a then sitting governor can avoid their trouble by doing their bidding, is it lesser people like us that will challenge them? But this is not to say that the army was right in the way it reacted to the Shi’ites’ audacity. There is no way the Shi’ites can challenge the army to a fight. It will be foolhardy of the group to think that it can take on the army.

    This is why the army should have exercised restraint in the face of what it called extreme provocation by the sect. It should have known that whatever happens,  it will still carry the can at the end of the day. It would not have been cowardice if it did not react the way it did. Unfortunately, soldiers are not known to turn the other cheek when they are slapped. Whether it was provoked or not, many will still blame the army over this matter because it has all it takes to crush the Shi’ites.  For the army, it is a lose-lose situation. Why should a well trained army take on a ragtag bunch with no training at all in the art of warfare? The army may have a good case, but its handling of it was poor. Two wrongs, they say, do not make a right. Yes, the soldiers may have fought back in self defence, but the casualty figure paints a different picture.

    It is a picture of the kind of massacre that we witnessed in Odi (Bayelsa State) and Zaki Biam (Benue) in 1999 and 2001. The soldiers should learn how to apply their rules of engagement to avoid such calamities when dealing with civilians in future. For the Shi’ites, it is high time they reordered  their steps to avoid being seen as treating established authority and the public with contempt. May we not witness such incident again.

    Merry Christmas

    It is that time of the year when we send season’s greetings to our loved ones. It seemed like yesterday that we started the year and so soon, it is coming to an end. Christmas is tomorrow, but many will tell you that they have no reason to celebrate because they have no money. Yes, things are hard but that is not enough reason to give up on  life. Remember, there are some who do not even know it is Christmas. Also, spare a thought for the Chibok girls. Cheer up, despite the biting fuel scarcity; unstable power supply and the other ills plaguing our country. Merry Christmas.

  • Their road to infamy

    IT goes by the fanciful name of Office of National Security Adviser (ONSA). It is a big and sensitive office, which handles national security matters. As an organ of government, it works directly with the president, mind you not the office of the president. The National Security Adviser (NSA) has direct access to the president and the NSA bypasses protocol whenever he wants to see the president.

    Not for the NSA is the waiting in line in the president’s  outer office  in order to see the first citizen. It is a given for him to see the president whenever he wishes. Under the immediate past administration, this was a routine matter. Embattled former NSA Col Sambo Dasuki saw former President Goodluck Jonathan at a minute’s notice. Whenever he was at the Villa things moved at frenetic pace. Dasuki’s visits were not for socials, they were strictly for business – but we did not know the kind of business he and Jonathan were transacting behind closed doors.

    Instead of serious business of state, facts are emerging that they were busy planning how to share the recovered Abacha loot. In one word, they were looting the loot, which they should have used to adequately arm the military to fight Boko Haram and also develop the country.

    The Abacha loot came at a time of urgent need. Here was the armed forces confronted with a formidable foe, but not properly armed to fight it. Dasuki, ever so wily and cunny, saw a way to make money out of such a major crisis. Why not use the loot to buy the much-needed equipment to fight Boko Haram? This was the idea he sold to Jonathan and without wasting time the former president changed his mind on the use of the money for national development. There is nothing wrong in Dasuki’s suggestion that part of the Abacha loot be used in equipping the military, but it is the motive behind it that is bad.

    Dasuki had no intention of buying any arms and ammunition, he merely saw a way to enrich himself at the nation’s expense and at a time thousands of his compatriots were being killed, maimed and displaced from their homes by Boko Haram. If he really meant to take the war to Boko Haram, he would have discussed with the then Minister of Defence, Lt Gen Mohammed Gusau, a highly-experienced officer,  and they would have mapped out a plan for acquiring weapons for the battle against Boko Haram. But he did not do that because he has his own agenda – and that was to render the military incapable in the face of the Boko Haram threat. With the security apparatus in his hands, he got his way, especially with a president with no experience in military matters.

    To Jonathan, Dasuki was the all-in-all in security affairs. After all you cannot be National Security Adviser without taking charge of everything security, be it the military, police, intelligence service and para-military outfits. Dasuki ran a one-man show, sidelining Gusau and others, who he knew could stand up to him when the chips are down. With Jonathan’s support, he did what he liked and got away with it. Having pocketed the Defence and Service chiefs, Dasuki operated an outfit, which main task was to take control of public funds and distribute to those he and Jonathan thought should benefit. Politicians, phony businessmen, marabouts and the media , among others, benefited from the looted funds, which Dasuki, according to former Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of Economy Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, collected to prosecute the Boko Haram war. Did he? Obviously, he did not; otherwise, Boko Haram would not have run circles round the military throughout the Jonathan years.

    Following the receipt of about $322 million Abacha loot, Mrs Okonjo-Iweala said, ‘’the NSA made a case for using the returned funds for urgent security operations since, he noted, there cannot be any development without peace and security. Based on this, a decision was taken to deploy about $322 million for the military operations, while the expected $700 million would be applied for development programmes as originally conceived’’. As coordinating minister of economy, Mrs Okonjo-Iweala owed it a duty to ensure that the recovered loot was judiciously spent, but she did not, preferring to pass the buck to Jonathan because as the commander-in-chief of the armed forces security matters fell under his purview.

    Hear her : ‘’The NSA is to account for the spending to the president, who is the commander-in-chief, given the fact that the Minister of Finance is not part of the security architecture and does not participate in the Security Council’’. She failed in her duty for not insisting that due process be followed in the processing of the money. For one, the money was not captured in the Federation Account as stipulated by the Constitution. Second, it was not appropriated for by the National Assembly. Jonathan, Dasuki and Mrs Okonjo-Iweala, on their own, just decided what to do with public funds without recourse to constitutional provision. Yet, they  swore to uphold the Constitution when they took office.

    Mrs Okonjo-Iweala is as guilty as Jonathan and Dasuki on that score. This is not trial by media; it is merely stating the facts as they are. Our leaders like to act with impunity and nothing reflects this arbitrariness more than the way the trio of Jonathan, Dasuki and Mrs Okonjo-Iweala handled the Abacha loot. Their action smacks of cruelty to Nigerians. Little wonder that activist lawyer Femi FalanA (SAN) is talking of taking them before the International Criminal Court (ICC) for offences against humanity. Their wickedness reflects in those officers and men who lost their lives in the terror war and in the thousands of others killed or maimed or now staying in Displaced Persons’ Camps (IDPs).

    Yet, immediate past Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Air Chief Marshal Alex Badeh had the temerity to say at a Security, Media  Summit held in Abuja in October, last year by ONSA  that ‘’when we took oath to become soldiers, we didn’t say there was anything like constitutional immunity; your own is to first obey. We took oath to defend Nigeria with everything that we have’’. The question that Badeh and his ilk should ask themselves is what did the military provide for these soldiers to defend the territorial integrity of their country? Were they given the equipment to fight and still fled from Boko Haram? Badeh was just given a dog a bad name in order to hang it. He knew where to direct his complaint, but he could not do so because he was hands in glove with his NSA.

    What Dasuki and others did to their country is sad. They abused the people’s trust and they should be made to pay the price for their action to deter others. Dasuki has said he did all he did with Jonathan’s approval. I do not doubt him, but when he sees Jonathan face to face can he confront him with that fact?

  • Et tu, APC

    In its days in opposition, the All Progressives Congress (APC) was fiery and fearsome. It drove the fear of God into the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from which it wrested power six months ago. We have lived with APC since then, but as some have been saying, we have yet to see the party belch fire from its mouth like the Sango Yoruba god of thunder. What these people are saying, in essence, is that what they are seeing, at least for now, is not what they bargained for from a party, which came to power, on the mantra of change.

    Has there been any change in the last six months? To me, it is too early in the day to answer that question one way or the other. But for sure, we should have started seeing some signs of what to come because as the saying goes, the morning shows the day. This is, however, not an assessment of the APC government but of the party’s handling of the fallout of the November 21 Kogi State governorship election, which it had won before its candidate, Prince Abubakar Audu’s sudden death.

    The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) did not declare the late Audu winner of the election because of Article 44 (L) (N) of the 2015 INEC Election Guidelines, which states : Where the margin of win between the two leading candidates is not in excess of the total number of registered voters of the polling unit(s) where election was cancelled or not held, decline to make a return until another poll has taken place in the affected polling unit(s) and the results incorporated into a new form EC8D and subsequently recorded into form EC8E for declaration and return. But, the party’s reaction to this unexpected development  was least expected.

    APC did not react as the APC we know. Its reaction was too tame and tepid as if nothing is at stake when it is  the governorship of a state that  is the bone of contention. Give or take, APC has already won the election, no matter the provisions of the election guidelines. PDP also knows that it has lost – that is why it is fighting tooth and nail to see if it can upturn the poll on technical ground. Its candidate, Governor Ibrahim Wada, is trailing the late Audu by 41,353 votes and the outstanding votes in the 91 polling units where election did not hold are 49,953 out of which APC only needs 9000 votes to retain its lead. This is why INEC has fixed a supplementary poll for Saturday and asked APC to replace the late Audu with another candidate whereas he contested the November 21 poll with James Faleke.

    Without Faleke as the late Audu’s running mate, the ticket would have been incomplete and APC would have been disqualified from the November 21 poll  because no sole candidate can contest election as governor, according to Section 187 (1) of the Constitution. With Audu’s unfortunate passage, Faleke should ipso facto step into his shoes. We can only be talking of a substitution as provided for in Section 34 (3)  of the Electoral Act 2006 if both candidates had died. The section reads: Except in the case of death, there shall be no substitution or replacement of any candidate whatsoever after the date (not later than 60 days to the election) referred to in subsection (1) of this section.

    Since Faleke is alive, why is APC replacing him with another candidate, Yahaya Bello,  who ab initio was not on the ticket that ran for the November 21 election? Justice and fairplay demand that Faleke should complete the race he and the late Audu started. In Audu’s absence, he has become the governor-in-waiting because no matter what, APC has won that election. To impose another candidate on Faleke at this stage will be highly unfair; it will amount to being used and dumped. APC promised the nation to do things differently. The time has come for the party to live up to its promise. And it can start by doing so with a deft handling of the Kogi impasse.

    If it does, it would have stood up for what is right without consideration for the attendant consequences. Some people are saying that the party does not want to field Faleke as its candidate because he is from the minority group in Kogi State. Should where he hails from make him a second class citizen in his own state? Didn’t APC realise that he is from the minority group before pairing him with the late Audu? If Audu had died in office, will those who do not like where Faleke comes from be talking of the propriety of a minority succeeding him when it is constitutionally stated that the deputy automatically becomes governor where his boss dies? INEC is set for Saturday’s supplementary poll, which Faleke and Wada have rejected.

    Wada and his party too have cashed in on the impasse to claim victory at the poll all because of APC’s misreading and mishandling of the case. PDP would have since stolen the show from APC if It is not crystal clear that come rain, come shine, the latter  will eventually be declared winner of the election, if not by INEC, but certainly by the court, when all this political shenanigan is done with. APC should stop playing the PDP game because by so doing it is unwittingly playing into the opposition’s hand. PDP does not want to lose Kogi despite having seen the handwriting of defeat on the wall.

    It has now become a case of to the courts, O disputants! Wada is in court seeking to be declared governor-elect in the absence of the winner, the late Audu. He seems to have forgotten that the late Audu ran with Faleke. And Faleke is also in court, seeking what truly belongs to him. I only hope that APC will put its house in order before the  Kogi crisis turns into another Senate leadership brouhaha albatross on its neck. The public expects something better from APC and it is not too late for the party to show that it can make the difference in our national life. The people are looking forward to that much-expected change.

  • Life’s labour’s lost

    THE November 21 Kogi State governorship election was as good as won by the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate Alhaji Abubakar Audu before news of his death filtered in. Even though the Returning Officer (RO), Prof Emmanuel Kucha, declared the election inconclusive, it was glaring that a clear cut winner had emerged in the late Audu. The results showed that the late Audu floored Governor Idris Wada by a margin of 41,353 votes.

    But, relying on the 2015 INEC Election Guidelines, Kucha declared the poll inconclusive because the outstanding votes of 49,953 were higher than the late Audu’s lead of 41,353. In such a case, he said, the candidate with the highest number of votes should not be declared or returned the winner. The appropriate thing to do is to declare the election inconclusive and hold a fresh election in the affected areas in due course.

    The affected areas are the 91 polling units in 18 of the 21 local government areas of the state where election was either not held or cancelled. To win a governorship election, according to the 1999 Constitution, a candidate must (a) have the highest number of votes cast and (b) have not less than one-quarter of all votes cast in each of at least two-thirds of all local government areas in the state. The late Audu fulfilled these constitutional requirements as he won the highest number of votes – 240,867 – cast  in the election to Wada’s 199,514. He also won in 16 of the 21 local governments.

    Logic and commonsense demand that the late Audu should have been declared winner since there is no way Wada and his party can upset the apple cart in a supplementary election. The outgoing governor is trailing the late Audu by 41,353 votes, meaning that for him to turn the tide he has to clear all the 49,953 votes, which is an uphill task. Moreover, of the 49,953 voters, 25,000 are said to have permanent voter’s cards (PVCs). This means that only 25,000 people can vote in the supplementary election. If Wada is given all the 25,000 votes he will still not win. So, why a supplementary poll?

    The problem is neither the Constitution nor the Electoral Act envisaged what befell the Kogi election – death of the leading candidate during the process. This is what Wada and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are now capitalising on to create a problem where there is none. Irrespective of what the election guidelines say, it is as clear as daylight that APC, which fielded the late Audu in line with Section 221 of the Constitution, won the election. According to this provision, no association, other than a political party, shall canvass for votes for any candidate at any election…

    Yes, Audu is dead, but as painful as that is, it should not rob APC of its victory at the poll. Yes, the Constitution did not envisage a situation like this, but no constitution in the world envisages everything. It is when unexpected issues crop up that constitutions are amended to meet the exigencies of the time. For now, what should the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) do? The RO has complicated issues by declaring the election inconclusive when it is obvious that there is no magic that Wada and PDP can perform to erase the lead of the late Audu (read APC).

    The argument may be made that the 25,000 people with PVCs. will be disenfranchised if the election is not held, but their right to vote may be subsumed in the public interest because of the huge resources required to hold the election. PDP will not want to hear that, of course, and I am not even advocating that because I believe in universal suffrage. All I am saying is what is the need for the supplementary poll when it will not change anything at the end of the day? Is it just to satisfy PDP, which will cry wolf where there is none if the poll is not held? Is it to satisfy the law, which genuinely made that provision to suit the occasion when it arises? Does the Kogi scenario fit that bill? It does not.

    But that is by the way. INEC has fixed the supplementary election for December 5. It has also asked APC to substitute the late Audu. To PDP, INEC is wrong to have made that allowance. Section 34 (1) of the Electoral Act 2006 allows parties to change their candidates 60 days before an election.  As if the law envisaged the Kogi situation, it states in Section 34 (3): Except in the case of death, there shall be no substitution or replacement of any candidate whatsoever after the date referred to in subsection (1) of this section. It is unfortunate that Audu is no more to enjoy the fruit of his labour. If he had died after winning the election, his running mate, James Faleke, would have automatically become the governor-elect since they ran on a joint ticket.

    As things stand now shouldn’t Faleke automatically step in as the party’s standard-bearer in the December 5 supplementary poll? Well, that is a party affair and the APC is at liberty to take any decision it deems fit in that regard.

  • The pro-Biafra jokers

    BIAFRA is not a new phenomenon. It was the idea of the late Ikemba Nnewi Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, who felt that he had no choice than to pull his people out of Nigeria in 1967 because of perceived injustice, marginalisation and unfair treatment.

    But what the late Ikemba did not tell his people was that he too had his own agenda to become the head of state following the death of Maj-Gen Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi. With the involvement of many Igbo in the January 1966 coup that was a pipe dream. Other officers, particularly from the North, felt that ‘’how could the leadership of the army be entrusted to an Igbo, no matter his position in the hierarchical structure, following his kinsmen’s role in the bitter January 1966 enterprise?’’ What happened in 1966 destroyed military camaraderie, creating room for mutual suspicion.

    The military is known worldwide for upholding seniority and not allowing ethnic or religious affiliations to affect its outlook. The Chukwuma Nzeogwu coup was a turning point for the military and our nation. It altered the power calculus and put the enterprising Igbo in a disadvantaged position since then. Many of its sons in the Nigerian Army lost their commission because they lost the trust of their superiors and subordinates. The army became divided and as we all know a divided house will fall. The late Ojukwu’s separatist agenda, which some likened to inordinate ambition, deepened the schism in the army.

    The pogrom that followed the coup was not expected. Nigerians turned against themselves, especially the Hausa and the Igbo, giving the late Ojukwu a ready made excuse to secede, an agenda, which he would have executed anyway, whether or not his people were being killed in some parts of the country. The nation learnt a bitter lesson from the civil war that followed the secession. Nigeria was the loser in that better forgotten enterprise. Virtually every home was touched by the war. Men were conscripted to join the army on both sides, leaving wives and children with the short end of the stick. It was a harrowing experience for many families.

    And it still is. But, unfortunately, some funny characters who knew nothing about the origin of Biafra are today making noise all over the place, claiming that they want to resuscitate Biafra. The Raph Uwazuruike-led Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) started it all about 16 years ago. There was nothing the group did not do to sensitise the Igbo on the need to exhume Biafra. Uwazuruike, who is today living big in Owerri, the Imo State capital, got the late Ojukwu to his side and the former warlord reportedly gave him his blessing. But he knew that Biafra is dead and long forgotten. Only those living in a fool’s paradise believe that they can resuscitate Biafra. To resuscitate Biafra for what? To fight another civil war? With who? It cannot be with Nigeria because the country has  gone past that stage of fighting itself. The truth is if these Biafra agitators do not retrace their steps, they would be treated like the Niger Delta militants and Boko Haram insurgents – that is as common criminals.

    The crack in their rank shows that the Biafra promoters are not working together. Out of MASSOB has since emerged the Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM) and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Of the lot, IPOB is now the rave of the moment, having seized the initiative from MASSOB and BZM.

    Like others, its agenda is not clear beyond seeking a sovereign state of Biafra. What I do not understand is why they are so crazy about having their so-called Biafra Republic. Is having that republic a solution to the Igbo problem? What the Biafra agitators should know is that other ethnic groups have their own grouse too.

    The Hausa, the Yoruba and the Igbo may be the major ethnic groups but that does not make them more special than others. The Bini, the Kanuri, the Nupe, the Ijaw, the Ibibio, the Okun, the Anang, the Afenmai and the Itsekiri also have one or two things they can agitate for. Their silence does not mean that they are satisfied with the system, which has made them second class citizens in their own country.

    In the last few weeks, IPOB sympathisers have been marching through some Southeast and Southsouth states, whipping up sentiments for a Biafra state. Their action was sparked by the detention of Nnamdi Kanu, Director of the London-based illegal Biafra Radio. The times are different. This is what the Biafra agitators do not know. This is 2015 and not 1967 when it seemed we had our eyes at the back. Kanu is free to set up a radio station if he so wishes, provided he follows the law.

    The law, according to Section 39 (1) of the Constitution is : Every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference. It has this proviso: Provided that no person, other than the government of the federation or of a state or any other person or body authorised by the president on the fulfilment of conditions laid down by an Act of the National Assembly, shall own, establish or operate a television or wireless broadcasting station for any purpose whatsoever. Did Radio Biafra fulfil this requirement before beginning operation? It did not. Yet, it has continued to broadcast to Nigeria – a clear case of treason.

    Kanu and his cohorts know the rules of the game so they should play by them and avoid playing on our collective intelligence. If the radio is not meant for clandestine purpose, why did they not apply for licence from the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC)? The Biafra project is not popular among easterners, save for some misguided elements, who are ready to swear by Kanu, as some did by the late Ojukwu some 48 years ago. Some leaders from the region, notably the governors have spoken against what IPOB is doing. With a democratic government in place, there is a forum for discussing matters like these; they are not done by street protests.

    Kanu’s cry for a Biafra state is taking ethnic jingoism too far. There is nothing like Bini nation, Yoruba nation, Hausa nation, Igbo nation, Okun nation, Ijaw nation, Itsekiri nation; Nupe or Kanuri nation. There is only one nation state to which we all belong and that is Nigeria. Why then do some people want to tear the societal fabric? Biafra is an idea which time has gone; that is if it was ever an idea in the first place. The earlier Kanu and his co-travellers know this the better.

     

     

  • Mockery of justice

    IN COURT, lawyers hold sway. They do all the talking, while the rest of us watch them in action. But takes individual style to win a case. every lawyer has his own style. He adopts the style that best suits his case at any particular time. He may not use the same style in all the cases he handles. He varies his style when there is need to do so. But whatever style a lawyer adopts, his goal is to win the case at hand. No lawyer takes up a case in order to lose. He goes into court with the mind to win, no matter how bad his case may be. Despite knowing that he has a bad case, a lawyer will stop at nothing to win.

    He will throw everything into the tussle to enable him prevail. The lawyer’s  prowess is one thing; having a good case is another. No matter how good a lawyer is, he will either win or lose on the strength of his case.To know the law like the back of one’s hand is good, but without a complimentary good case, the lawyer will be like fish out of water. He will be gasping for breath in court without anybody to come to his aid.

    Lawyers can be terrible when they know they have a bad case. Rather than tell their client that he has no chance in court, they will give the poor fellow the impression that all is well and that the case is as good as won. Do not get me wrong. There are times that a good lawyer can make a bad case look good and end up winning in court. If that happens, it is not that the case is bad as such,  it is just that it requires the lawyer’s expertise to turn things round, if not in the court of first instance, then on appeal.

    Good lawyers are rare to come by these days because it is difficult to sift the chaff from the wheat. Every lawyer believes that he is good even when he knows that he does not merit the certificate he is carrying. Donning the wig and gown is not all that makes a lawyer. As they say, the hood does not make the monk. But, once some lawyers are robed, they see themselves as all-knowing, an attribute that belongs solely to God. Inside the court, they turn themselves to something else. Everybody, including the judge, who is the high priest in the temple of justice, amounts to nothing before them.

    For all they care, His Lordship can go to blazes. As long as they appear before him, they must do so on their own terms and in their own way, without recourse to the rules of court. Yet, they are in the temple of justice, where they should play their role as ministers with decorum, decency and civility. To them, the law must take a back seat for them to get their way. Their attitude is “what is the law where people like us is concerned?” They arrogate to themselves the power they do not have. They want to be the advocate and the judge at the same time contrary to the well known maxim that a man cannot be the judge in his own case.

    This is not in defence of Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) Chairman  Justice Danladi Umar before some people misconstrue my stand; it is stating it as it is since Senate President Bukola Saraki’s case started before him. The defence, from all indications, seems not ready for the case. It may have its reasons (or is it strategy?) for taking that position, but it should do so with utmost respect for the court. And the court, as we all know, is the judge. There is danger in disrespecting a judge and a lawyer who disrespects a judge is not worth his wig and gown. No matter how big or famous a lawyer is, he cannot be bigger than a judge sitting in his own court. Let that lawyer be a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and a Queen’s Counsel (QC) all rolled into one, he must respect the judge, no matter how junior His Lordship may be to him at the Bar.

    By respecting the judge, the lawyer is respecting the judicial institution which tie them together as ‘’learned men’’. After all, a judge is first a lawyer before being a judge. The way the Saraki trial is going is not good for the judiciary. Yes, judges and lawyers do disagree, but they do so with mutual respect; they disagree to agree and not disagree to disagree to disagree until everything becomes messy. The defence could have adopted a better strategy in  withdrawing  from the case last Thursday. Of course, there will always be better ways of doing things, but those options were not taken last week when the lawyers stormed out of court.

    In law, there is a procedure for a lawyer’s withdrawal from a case. Where there is disagreement between a lawyer and his client, in most cases over money, the lawyer will come by way of a motion to withdraw his services. He will state his reasons for doing so and the judge, after listening to him, will  grant his request and give the litigant time to look for another lawyer. But where a lawyer is dissatisfied with the court’s decision, he can excuse himself from the case without casting aspersion on the judge’s integrity as Saraki’s counsel did last week. It is not every time a judge rules in favour of a party and it is not every time the court also rules against a party. So, to expect a favourable ruling always will be asking for too much.

    Lawyers know where to go when a ruling does not favour them. They go on appeal, without storming out of court, mocking,  taunting and deriding the judge with such legalese as : ‘’I wish to withdraw from this case in view of what I call judicial rascality’’. Pray, who is the rascal here? The jury is still out on that.