Category: Thursday

  • Road rage and what to do about it

    Road rage and what to do about it

    Some days ago, a horrible and horrific accident involving two oil tankers laden with gasoline collided and exploded near the Sagamu junction on the Lagos – Ibadan expressway that has been under construction since the Obasanjo government in 2007. The cause of the accident, we are told, was because the drivers of the oil tankers were racing against themselves on a reasonably wide road and brushed each other before exploding killing instantly, the two drivers and other motorists who were unfortunate to be sharing the road with two mentally deranged individuals causing this terrible accident which careful driving and obeying the Highway Code would have prevented.

    This accident is one of thousands of accidents on Nigeria’s roads leading to high mortality and morbidity with consequences of trauma and economic ruin for those involved and untold collateral damage on others. I have sometimes wondered what kind of driving tests our people go through before getting their driver’s licenses. In other sane climes, particularly in Canada and the USA, a potential driver goes through two tests before getting a license. The first stage is computer based test on road signs and Highway Code. If you fail this test, you will be given some weeks and up to a month to go study the art of driving in a civilized country. There are books one can buy to learn the rules.

    Once you pass the test then one will be taken through a road test with a highway officer sitting with you in your vehicle to observe how you drive. You could be asked to stop and put the vehicle in reverse and your actions will be monitored. The way you make your turns will be carefully scrutinized. Your maintenance of your lane will be observed in terms of inner lane for fast driving and outer lane for slow driving. If one succeeds, a license will be issued but if one’s driving is bellow expectation, one will be asked to come back after some time in driving school. There will be no Nigerian fashion of begging and pleading. Compared with Nigerian system, we are nowhere yet and we need to begin a rational way of inculcating driving aptitude into our drivers.

    Are we therefore surprised that our terrible roads full of pot holes that can swallow small cars  is one of the reasons for constant human slaughter on our roads. The situation of our roads would require another investigation. Suffice to say that our roads are a disgrace to our country, the biggest concentration of black peoples in the world. The pot holes apart from being hazards for drivers are also where armed robbers and kidnappers wait for their victims.

    My readers may be wondering that what I am saying is not new and may even ask me what aspect of our lives can stand the test of comparison with life in sane places on earth.

    In the last two weeks, we have been inundated with so-called discovery of how millions of barrels of crude oil  amounting to several billions of dollars that could have changed the face of Nigeria have been stolen on yearly basis perhaps for the past nine or 40 years . There is no agreement about the length of time that pipes running for kilometres from main oil flow through pipes into seafaring oil tankers waiting off shore to spirit the black gold to ports in Europe, Asia and America and even to Brazil and Ghana. If one is not strong-hearted, some of these revelations could make one lose his or her mind because it seems we cannot manage our affairs as people of other races do. We are the only OPEC country still vegetating at this primitive level of development of no pipe borne water, no electricity, no security, poor educational facilities, poor housing and almost absence of health and social facilities.

    Our central bank which should be looking after our  country’s financial health has been hoodwinked by those in authority to print and print trillions of Naira that is neither backed by foreign exchange nor by production of goods and productivity in innovation thus leading to the virtual collapse of our sovereign currency. This total failure is due to the fact that those who have been governing us all these years seem not to have a sense of patriotism and are totally bereft of competence. It is therefore argued that pointing out the bad situation and carnage on our roads is just scratching the cancerous wound on the surface. Whatever the case may be, we just have to talk about one issue at a time!

    Many years ago a cousin of mine came to me asking me to find him a job as a driver. This was sometime in the 1970s. I said I would talk to my friends in the private sector. Without ever thinking my cousin could have purchased his driving license before knowing how to drive, I gave him my car key to go buy me some groceries some distance from my house. After about ten minutes of not hearing the whirl of the car, I went out only to see that the young man couldn’t drive. I was furious and he told me he bought his license and would learn on the job! I sincerely hope the situation has changed. I think it must have changed but it has not changed enough. I once saw the driver’s assistant of an oil tanker get down in traffic snarl, lit his cigarette and began to smoke. I was a few vehicles from him. This was at the ever-busy Western Avenue or Funso Williams Avenue. I quickly parked my car calling on passersby to join me in appealing to this apparently illiterate man who had no idea that cigarette fire could cause the fuel laden tanker to explode!

    There is need for massive road and transport education in Nigeria. Not everybody who wants to drive should be allowed to drive. Some of our drivers are partially blind and their eyesight needs to be checked regularly before being allowed to drive. Some drivers are absolutely insane! There is a need for regular test of all drivers specifically tanker drivers. Many tanker drivers because of the long distance they cover take hallucinating drugs to stay awake and to reduce the tedium and boredom of their jobs and because of not being totally sane, they kill innocent co-road users.

    I will always remember the late Professor Olakanpo, a distinguished professor of economics in the University of Lagos in the 1970s who was murdered on the road between Lagos and Ibadan. When the tanker driver who ran over his car was arrested, he was totally inebriated and mumbled that he did not see the car he ran over and  that the car looked like a rat on the road and yet this was a long American limousine that the professor brought with him while relocating to Nigeria. His life was cut short and Nigeria was denied the service of a man who could have helped shape the course of economic development of this much abused country. Several others have since died and are still dying on the moonlike cratered roads of Nigeria. This is the time to do something about it and let us begin from control of the process of licensing of those who drive on our roads. We can restrict long articulated vehicles to night driving as it is done in other countries. They should also be told to drive at the outer lane not the inner lane of the road. All drivers should also be literate and able to read and write and tanker drivers should be mature persons with families to avoid drivers turning their vehicles to racing toys or weapons of human destruction!

  • Adebanjo and Clark’s distortion of history

    Adebanjo and Clark’s distortion of history

    Culture and history are critical for the survival of any society.  The former with its social, educational and spiritual dimensions, allows us to understand ourselves and why things are the way they are while  the latter, as record of past events, allows us to find a pathway for the future.

    Unfortunately, the ongoing battle for Igbo presidency by the duo of Pa Edwin Clark and Ayo Adebanjo is at best a distortion of our recent cultural and historical experiences. Their repeated warning of imminent disintegration of the country if there is no Igbo presidency by 2023 is seen by many as a strategy to remain relevant even at 94 forgetting the world is a stage.

    Pa Clark has been reminded by many concerned Nigerians that if he so loves the Igbo, he should demonstrate such love by ensuring charity starts from home.  He was part of the Gowon cabinet that set up David Mark-led Abandoned Properties Committee after the civil war. Instead of issuing inciting statements to mislead our youths who have no knowledge of our history, he as leader of Ijaw nation, should prevail on his people to release Igbo properties confiscated since 1970 by Ijaws who rightly claim ownership of the land on which the properties were erected. After all, the Igbo returned to Lagos after the civil war not only to take possession of their properties, but rents collected for them by their Yoruba hosts including Pa Subomi Balogun who was said to have handed huge funds to the late vice president,  Alex Ekwueme   upon his return to Lagos after the civil war.

    Following Pa Clark passion and drive for Igbo presidency, many have also wondered when the love between him, his people and the Igbo nation started. I am sure concerned Nigerians just want to be sure Pa Clark is not driven by opportunism just to remain relevant because what we have on record is that he and his Ijaw nation, for fear of their more aggressive and resourceful Igbo neighbours, have since independence sought refuge under Hausa-Fulani in faraway north.  Not too long ago, I think it was Tanko Yakassai , one of the founding fathers of Arewa Consultative Forum, who  reminded Clark of this historical fact .

    As for Ayo Adebanjo, he apparently just couldn’t stand the success of his son. When he claimed ownership of the carcass of AD after Obasanjo’s deadly blow to the party in 2003, Tinubu left him with his trophy to form the AC that later metamorphosed into ACN, the platform he used to retrieve Obasanjo’s stolen governorship victories in Yoruba strongholds of Edo, Ondo, Ekiti and Osun. Adebanjo reluctantly praised his son for saving the West from Obasanjo.

    But Adebanjo became green with envy when Tinubu aligned his ACN with Buhari’s CPC and other parties to form the APC that took Yoruba mainstream political tendency to the centre for the first time since independence in 1960. Adebanjo vigorously campaigned against APC in 2015 just as he did in 2019 when he railroaded Afenifere to supporting Atiku and Peter Obi ticket against Buhari and Osinbajo, his son.  Pa Adebanjo lost out on both occasions precisely because Yoruba voters are never led by the nose.

    This is why many believe his current endorsement of Obi as the only man who would restructure the country will probably not count for much. This is because, unlike 2015 and 2019, the stakes are higher in 2023. For the Yoruba, “omo eni ki buru, kale f’ekun je”(your child cannot be so disobedient that you drive him to the lion’s den). That was the message of last Sunday’s public endorsement of Bola Tinubu by Pa Reuben Fasoranti, the respected and undisputed leader of Afenifere who believes Tinubu, his son, is better equipped and better prepared to tackle Nigerian problems than Peter Obi.

    Unfortunately, while trying to cry louder than the bereaved, Adebanjo and Clark have not clearly defined what they mean by Igbo marginalisation. If it is in terms of the breach of federal character principle as President Buhari has been accused of doing with his lopsided appointment into sensitive positions, Igbo maximized the same opportunity under Balewa and Ironsi 1959-1966 and between 2011 and 2015 when they hijacked Jonathan government.

    However, if by Igbo marginalization, Pa Clark and Adebanjo, meant exclusion of Igbo from the presidency, we also have no evidence Igbo political leaders have at any time expressed regret for the choices they have always made. What history tells us is that Igbo might have not been at the driver’s seat, they and Hausa Fulani jointly ruled Nigeria between 1959 and 2015. (General Alabi Isama “the Tragedy of Victory’)

    And we cannot escape history.

    In the 1959 election, Igbo dominated NCNC came first with about 2.6m votes, followed by AG with 2m votes and Ahmadu Bello’s NPC coming a distant third with 1.9m votes. Rather than form an alliance with AG and lead the country, Igbo leadership settled for NPC as an obedient beautiful bride. Their choice earned them juicy cabinet positions including the portfolios of Finance, Works, Transportation, Education, External Affairs, leadership of Nigeria railways, University of Lagos, University of Ibadan, University of Nsukka and Yaba College of Technology among others.

    In 1979, Igbo NPP came third after NPN and UPN. As it was in the first republic, Zik/NPP declared themselves the beautiful bride. NPP leaders including the revered rebel leader, Odumegwu  Ojukwu who returned from exile after the war decided the way forward for the Igbo was a working alliance with NPN.  Again the deal earned them the Senate presidency and speakership of the Lower house among other juicy cabinet portfolios.

    In 1993, Igbo supported Tofa against MKO Abiola. And when Abiola against all odds won the election, some Igbo leaders led by Arthur Nzeribe and others, fearing there will be nothing to ‘chop’, provided dubious intellectual support for Babangida to annul the election. And when Abiola was incarcerated for winning an election, Igbo leaders including the revered Odumegwu Ojukwu who served as Abacha’s envoy to Europe to de-market MKO Abiola on account of his many wives, kept demonizing him in the media until his mysterious death.

    In 1999, Igbo rejected Olu Falae , the Yoruba candidate to join the northern establishment and their retired military generals  to impose Obasanjo  who was roundly rejected by the Youruba, as president. And while vindictive Obasanjo marginalized Yoruba for eight years, the stars of his administration were prominent Igbos including Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Chukwuma Soludo, Oby  Ezekwesili, the Uba brothers and others. The joke among Igbo was with Obasanjo as president, Igbo nation needed no president of Ibo extraction.

    President Ebele Azikiwe Jonathan’s government 2011-2915, with Anyim Pius Anyim as Secretary to the Government of the Federation, like Obasanjo’s administration before it, was an Igbo government. Okonjo-Iweala, the de-facto prime minister, did not deny allegation Igbo took over her ministry and parastatals under her but tried to educate Nigerians that Igbo secured their positions on merit.

    For the Igbo political elite, there are no regrets for their preference to serve our nation as ‘the beautiful bride’.  The only people losing sleep over perceived Igbo marginalization are attention-seeking Pa Edwin Clark and his friend Pa Ayo Adebanjo who on Arise TV on Monday justified his support for Peter Obi by claiming that apart from him, there is no other living Yoruba that has so faithfully served the Yoruba nation.

  • Midterm blues  in America

    Midterm blues in America

    What has been called the most consequential election in recent American history will take place  on November 8, a week from today.  It is not a presidential election.  It is designed to elect or re-elect a one-third of the 100 members of the Senate.  But it has come to be seen as a referendum on the sitting president two years into his term, with two more to go.

    Traditionally, the President’s party loses seats in both chambers, altering the balance of power between the legislative and executive branches.  Sometimes the losses are so substantial that the president is reduced to a lame duck for all practical purposes, if not a hostage of the opposition.

    President Obama was prescient to have pursued his signature legislative accomplishment — the Affordable Care Act during his first term, when the Democratic Party controlled healthy majorities in both houses. Even so, securing it was a titanic battle in which he had to make many compromises that diluted it. 

    If he had scheduled the project for a second term, he would have in retrospect had little to show for his presidency.  For he entered his second term without the legislative majorities that had made the ACA possible, the Republican Party having taken control of the House and neutered the Senate

    The losses the President’s party usually suffers in midterm elections bear little correspondence to the actual policies and programs the president has pursued. It is the opinion polls that drive public perception of the president’s performance.  Public opinion, a protean creature, has no independent existence.  It is shaped by covert and overt propaganda, disinformation, an individual’s psycho-social makeup, so-called pocket-book issues, among them the price of gasoline, over which the government has little control, as well as intangibles.

    Take President Joseph Biden as a case study.  He restored a sense of normality after the armed assault on the Capitol designed to keep Donald Trump in office after his defeat, led the country through the ravages of Covid-19, steered it toward economic recovery and full employment, enacted an infrastructure programme to replace or refurbish America’s crumbling highways and railways, and set out to redeem a campaign promise to forgive or reduce student loans for by as much S20, 000.

    Yet, Biden’s approval rating has remained stubbornly well below 50 percent, except for a brief period.

    Meanwhile, he has had to contend daily for attention since taking office with his disgraced   predecessor, who seeks to disparage and undercut him at every opportunity.  It an extra-terrestrial were to land in America today, it would have a hard time figuring out who, between Joseph Biden and Donald Trump, is America’s President.

    For days, Biden may not figure significantly in the news.  But Trump is in the news all the time, every day, promoting policies that are flagrantly subversive of the U.S. Constitution              and election candidates committed to advancing not the uncoerced will of the people but his preferences and prejudices.

    To that end,  Trump has endorsed and campaigned vigorously for some of the most odious candidates for federal and state elections, persuaded that his support alone will override public aversion.   In this, Trump might well be taking a page from Roman Emperor Nero’s playbook. Didn’t Nero make his horse a Senator?

    Trump sees this way of doing business not as a mark of his contempt for the state institutions and all they stand for, but as a measure of his capacity to inflict his will on the self-same public with its approval. That capacity and the immense satisfaction he draws from it count for everything in his universe.

    Trump and his acolytes have  steered away the GOP from the pursuit of democracy, the rule of law, government based on the consent of the people as expressed in free and fair elections and all such noble precepts that undergird America’s claim to exceptionalism. 

    Inspired by Trump and drawing strength from his proxies in the Supreme Court which is at bottom the Republican Party in judicial robes, state legislatures have been enacting electoral laws that seek to curtail or trammel the right to vote – a right that generations of Black Americans fought and bled and died to win,

    Read Also: Will America’s midterms in 2022 replicate 1866?

    With a sense of urgency that should serve far nobler ends, they are enacting laws that make it harder and harder to vote.  In one state, it is an electoral offence to offer someone on the line a bottle of water or a sandwich.  In some states, you can show up to vote only to be told that your eligibility has been challenged, and you cannot vote until the challenge has been determined. 

    These who used to work the polls during elections have quit in large numbers, unable to put up with daily threats of violent assault or assassination from hard-right vigilantes.

    Trump and his acolytes claim that such measures are warranted to forestall electoral malpractices.  But malpractices on a scale that corrupts election outcomes virtually never occur in America.  The measures that Republican-controlled states are enacting at such a s furious pace nothing but solutions in search of a problem.

    But they can count on the super-majority in the U.S. Supreme Court to conjure up reasoning or doctrine that confers constitutional validation on the most restrictive measurers they can devise.

    A recent New York Times/Siena poll found that Americans regard the threat to democracy as an important issue, though not a threat they should do something about.  Political scientists, historian and philosophers tell us this is one of the ways in which democracies die.

    This, then, is the context in which Americans will be going to the polls next Tuesday.

    The Democrats hold a slender majority in the House, and a plurality of just one in the Senate if Vice President Kamala Harris deploys her casting vote to break what is otherwise guaranteed to be a 50:50 tie.

    Before the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v Wade, the 1973 ruling precedent that protected the right to an abortion, the  polls were unanimous that the Democrats faced nothing short of a wipeout in Congress, in the gubernatorial mansions, and in the state legislators.

    When women turned out in huge numbers to register to vote and vowed with the more liberal sections of the public to show their resentment at the midterms, the fortunes of the Democrats rose somewhat. They might not face a wipeout after all, the experts were saying.  They would lose the House for sure, but might just keep the Senate and stay competitive overall.

    Biden’s legislative accomplishments also gave Democrats a bump in the approval ratings

    But after a while, the poll numbers for Biden and the Democrats dissipated.

    At this writing, the indications are that Republicans will prevail in the midterms.  If they do, those on the other side of the political spectrum should be afraid.  For they will set America on a reactionary course that will, in practice, repudiate the exceptionalism that America claims.

    If the Republicans don’t win, those on the other side should be very afraid. Many of the GOP’s stalwarts have declared, following Trump’s example,  that they would not accept the  election results unless they won, and others have been perfecting the rules that would empower them  to certify losers as winners and winners as losers. 

    And they are foresworn to violence to achieve these ends.

    This rite is not going to make for a pleasant passage.

    It is a reflection of the present that an assailant broke into the San Francisco home of House of Representative Speaker Nancy looking for her, and not finding her, hit it her 82-year-old husband on his head and body with a hammer.  He is still in hospital at this writing, receiving treatment for serious injuries.  

  • The next apocalypse (2)

    The next apocalypse (2)

    This minute, Nigeria stews like a cauldron of scorching realities. Amid the sweltering pot, politicians, entertainers, social influencers, industry titans, the political hooligan, military chiefs, and the fabulous cabal, jostle to assert their stakes in the forthcoming elections.

    All bets are hot, whether plotted or not, as rival parties wager over political actors en route to the 2023 polls.

    Of the contending actors, however, none elicits as much dread as the boy thug; the child bandit, insurgent, and gangster personify our reality check. Each is a child cradling dreams that may never manifest even as he evolves to become our greatest nightmare.

    Childhood to the boy thug unfurls as flaming turbulence in which he plays puppet and pawn to treacherous puppeteers. As Nigerians march to the polls in February next year, there are worries in several quarters over what devious purposes Nigeria’s boy thugs would be deployed to.

    Consider the sad case of Aliyu Jatau. At my first encounter with him a few months ago, the 17-year-old pulsed with memories of hell bespoken. In Zamfara, Jatau disclosed to me, his dream to become “a very big rice farmer.”

    But he embraced banditry and strife, and his life transformed into a constant blur of anti-bullet charms, AK-47s, mindless rape of women and girls, and bloody raids on defenseless villages. Caught in the fast thrill of the forest, he often tells himself, that he’s on a mission to rescue his mother and sisters abducted by fellow bandits. A mission from which he remains far removed.

    The 17-year-old revealed that his gun is “occasionally for hire” to interested politicians. Jatau, tenting humanity beneath his whim, spooled a disconsolate yarn of Nigeria’s retreat to bestial nature.

    Like many boys of his age, he was robbed of his innocence by a “bandit god.”

    His childhood is an epic in which innocence plays little part. Jatau’s narrative evokes dual inspiration: he is at once a bright boy and a gun-wielding bandit.

    Life as a bandit oft becomes heated and extremely dangerous but child bandits like Jatau are ready to die with the gun. In their reckless, macabre life, peace is overrated and school is a terrible bore.

    Their loaded rifles spit nutriment to their malnourished minds. In their world, bullets glow like ‘dabino’ and a rocket launcher excites their thirst for mayhem. Strife has poured into them its metal and chaos in queer doses. And they will give them back, first, in bitty slugs of rampage. Then, in mammoth dispensations of carnage and bloodlust.

    More worrisome is their idolatry of terrorist leaders, bandit kingpins, and warlords; this sacrilegious worship of criminals by the teenagers represents a troubling heft of empathy for the wild and atrocious.

    The teenagers’ grotesque dreams, deliberate or accidental, are a manifestation of our failures. The boy thug sees in and sees out of our carnage of values and nationhood. But he is both the victim and villain. He is an innocent minor, orphaned, and abducted to the terror boot camps holding about 10,000 boy bandits and insurgents in Boko Haram and armed bandits’ campaign of terror across the northeast and northwest regions.

    He is the street urchin (omo osanle), gang-banger, and cultist terrorising Lagos suburbs. He is the impressionable boy prematurely hurled into toxic adulthood. He is the young adult frozen in the labyrinth of becoming. He is both poseur and voyeur, spectre and terror.

    Brainwashed, he unfurls in his puppeteers’ gloved palms like a half-blind marionette, seeing only what he has been taught to see. He learns to live by aspiring to terror.

    He is Nasir Kwatarkwashi, 16, who dreams of becoming a bandit kingpin. He said, “I don’t need to go to school. What will I be if I go to school? A teacher? Doctor? Engineer? Fighters make all the big money. They have all the power. Politicians fear them. The government fears them. See, my father was a politician. He promised to make me a councillor. He is dead now. Bandits killed him and my stepbrothers. Then they took my stepmother away to be their forest wife. Bandits have all the power today. I will become a bandit leader, make big money and retire very young.”

    Likewise, Aminu Badarawa, 18, “would like to be a bandit,” in order to live largely. “I will be rich. I will make money and live in Dubai. I will keep one family there and one family in Nigeria. When I am away, my boys will work for me and collect,” he said.

    Down south, in Lagos to be precise, teen gangs including the One Million Boys, Fadeyi Boys, Ereko Boys, Akala Boys, Ijesha Boys, Awala Boys, Shitta Boys, Nokia Boys, No Salary Boys, Japa Boys, Koko Boys, the much dreaded Awawa Boys, lay siege to various parts of the coastal city. These teen gangs maintain a strong presence on the mainland and Lagos Island.

    What started innocently as groups of minors begging people for money eventually metamorphosed into gangs of fearsome teenage cultists, rapists, and armed robbers terrorising Agege,  Iyana-Ipaja, Sakamori, Ibari, Ashade, Dopemu, Ogba, Ifako-Ijaiye, Abule-Egba, Ifako-Ijaye, Agege, Isale Oja, Ibari, Akerele, Papa Ogba Ashade, Aluminium Village, Ibeju Lekki, Ajah and other parts of Lagos Island.

    They rob with guns, machetes, daggers, and weaponised cutlery, forks in particular. They also rape young girls and women. Most of the gangs nurse a morbid fascination for raping women old enough to be their mothers and young girls.

    Rape is a crucial part of their initiation rites. It helps to groom fearlessness in even the youngest member. Prospective initiates are ordered to rape a certain number of girls or a particular woman they intend to shame.

    If there is another storm that Nigeria should be worried about, it’s the influx of teenage boys into terrorism, armed banditry, and cultism. There are too many boys pretending to be hard men.

    In my previous encounter with Mustapha, a child insurgent in Borno, I learnt that many boys from Zamfara, Kaduna, Sokoto, Katsina, Borno, and Yobe States are taken for training at Boko Haram’s forest boot camps in Chikungudu.

    There is a reason Boko Haram and armed bandits’ creed of violence and wanton genocide is resonant among brainwashed minors. The compelling nature of the grievances articulated, and the pervasiveness of poverty justify the boys’ rationale for embracing a creed of carnage.

    A history of corruption and neglect at the federal, state, and local levels of government, among others, is a major source of widespread dissatisfaction towards politicians, the legal system, and law enforcement.

    These sentiments thrive in greater depths and concentration in the north, where armed bandits, insurgents, and their sponsors, cash in on the situation. Boko Haram offers them a passport to paradise, telling them that their religion is under threat; together, with bandits, they manipulate the sentiments of little boys and teenagers, luring them with food, money, and freedom to abduct and rape girls of their choice and women old enough to be their mothers.

    Government and law enforcement agencies explore ambitious themes of amnesty and deradicalisation for repentant insurgents but the jury is out on whether such templates would resolve the scourge of boy bandits of the northwest and the teen gangs prowling down south.

    As Nigeria heads to the 2023 polls in a few months, the following measures may be taken to address the problem of the boy thug.

  • Lagos, Port Harcourt, Kaduna and Enugu: Tale of four cities

    Lagos, Port Harcourt, Kaduna and Enugu: Tale of four cities

    There has been so much controversy on who owns Lagos in recent times between the indigenes and the non-indigenes, between “omo Eko” (indigenes) and ”ara Eko” (residents) that a little knowledge of the history of Lagos may remove the blinkers from our eyes. The indigenes of Lagos have a saying “Awori lo l’Eko” meaning Lagos belongs to the Awori. The Awori were the original settlers of Lagos and their settlements still exist in various Awori settlements from Iddo, Iganmu, Apapa, Isheri and so on up to Otta. These Awori settlements were founded around the 12th century during the evolution of similar political entities in Yorubaland.

    It was not until the 15th century that Oba Ewuare the Great sent an expedition to the island now known as Lagos for the purpose of making it a slave port for evacuating war captives to Europe through the Portuguese, the first Europeans to make contact with the Benin Empire. The Bini settlement or camp (Eko) was separate from the Awori villages and settlements and there was no attempt by the Bini camp to lord it over the Aworis. Waves of people from neighbouring Ijebu, Remo and Egba territories came to Lagos virtually overwhelming the Awori and the Bini camp. But since they were all of the same culture, there was no acrimonious contention about indigenous rights and the rights of new comers.

    The Bini Group hunkered around their settlement at Igha Idugaran (pepper farm). The prestige of the Benin Empire made the settlement to be respected and the place grew into a kingdom replicating in a small way the royalty of Benin and its palace chiefs. On the island the Portuguese named Lagos but which the Yoruba’s appropriating the Bini word for camp called Eko. The independence of the Awori settlements on the mainland continued to be respected even until today and throughout the colonial period.

    The sister empire of Oyo also put down a toehold at Ajase, west of Lagos, which the Portuguese called Porto Novo for the same purpose of the slave trade. Benin influence on the island of Lagos is an historical fact, but this does not mean Lagos is not part of Yorubaland. The Benin influence extended to  the dynasties of such places in eastern Yorubaland like Ado, Ikere, Ita Ogbolu, Igbara Oke and Akure. This does not make the people from these towns Bini. The fact, for example, that the ruling monarch in England is German does not make England part of Germany. Also the Bini inspired monarchy in  places like Onitsha  and the western periphery of  Igboland does not remove the fact that Onitsha and kingdoms west of Onitsha are part of Igboland neither does the replacement of the Ogisos in Bini by an Oduduwa dynasty make Bini part of Yorubaland. What is important to note is the dynamic relationship of people in the Bight of Guinea in the past and that the whole area shares a common cultural similarity.

    When the British took over Lagos and its mainland in 1861 after naval bombardment of the town, it signed a treaty of cession with the Oba who surrendered his suzerainty to the British crown. From that time onwards the people of the crown colony became British subjects while the rest of what later became Nigeria was “terra incognita “at least for a while until the heydays of European imperialism of the 1880s to 1900s. 

    At amalgamation of all British territories in Nigeria with the colony of Lagos in 1914 with Egba land remaining still independent until its independence was abrogated at the outbreak of the First World War, Lagos became the capital of Nigeria. 

    The then Governor General hated Lagos with its “insalubrious climate and seditious press “and its “trousered niggers, dressed in Bond Street attire who send their laundry for  dry cleaning in England” and decided to build a new capital in the Centre of the country. He found this centre on the river infested with crocodiles named Kaduna which gave the new capital its name. Lugard embarked on feverish development of Kaduna using the same tax on “trade gin” banned from the north as well as revenue from custom levies and proceeds from palm kernel and palm oil and cocoa trade. The development of Kaduna continued during the Great War at a less frenetic speed as before. The whole idea of moving the capital to Kaduna was ended by Sir Hugh Clifford, a different kind of Governor from Lugard. Sir Hugh Clifford the successor of Sir Fredrick Lugard said he was not prepared to administer Nigeria from “specially fabricated isolated centre in the middle of the country”. Development of Kaduna was however never quite abandoned and its effect is the well planned Kaduna city compared with the chaos of Lagos. Hugh Clifford tried to improve Lagos by developing the so-called “Ikoyi plains” in the 1920s.

    Contemporaneous with the Kaduna project were two other new towns built by Nigeria. Port Harcourt was conceived by Sir Fredrick Lugard as an alternative if not an outright replacement for Lagos. Lugard felt Lagos Port was too shallow and its development constituted a drain on Nigeria’s exchequer. The principal officers in the Colonial office in London were not persuaded about Lugard’s project and to outwit them Lugard named the port after the Secretary of State for the colonies, Sir Lewis Harcourt. Sir Lewis fell for it and action for the new port began in 1913. The city around the port was well planned by British architects which accounts for the town’s sobriquet as “Garden city”. Any visitor to Port Harcourt before the deluge of people from the hinterland would have described it as “little Lagos”.

    With the outbreak of the First World War, it became difficult to get British ships to bring coal from New Castle to Nigeria. Coal was absolutely necessary to run the railways which crisscrossed the country from Lagos to Kano and from Port Harcourt to Jos. Coal was also needed to fire the generators to light up the European Government Reserved Areas (GRA). It was in this circumstance that the colliery in Enugu was developed. The native Wawa people were too primitive to work in the mines so people were recruited from all over the country to work in the Enugu coal mines. Enugu owes its well-planned lay out to its colonial origin. Another town that developed around the tin and columbite mines in the plateau was Jos. In fact the European impact was such that a certain part of Jos was known as “Anglo Jos” perhaps until recently.

    There is no doubt that our British colonial heritage brought together heterogeneous population many of who had very little in common.

    Now to Lagos the big elephant in the Nigerian room. Lagos is like New York big apple which everybody wants to have a bite of. Lagos since 1861 up to the amalgamation of all British territories to form Nigeria became a frontier of opportunity for Yorubaland and others immigrants from all across West Africa as well as the returnees from Brazil and Sierra Leone. After the amalgamation, Lagos was opened to all comers from the whole country. The colonial and post-colonial governments have spent considerable amount of money to make the place liveable.  Facilities such as new port, new airport and housing estate to decongest the unwieldy urban sprawl of Lagos sprang up. Those who were displaced by the civil war and other ethnic conflicts up country always found home in Lagos. Incredibly, people tend to find a way of living together in spite of differences in socialization from urban to village type of life.

    Now this seems to be coming under severe strain by those who want to use the force of population to seize control from the owners of the place using spurious arguments about how one can move from one state to another in America to contest election. Africa is an old continent and not like America that is a recently settled country. Until recently you couldn’t become a German except by blood! It is foolish to deny the power of ethnicity in African politics as much as we deprecate it. It will be unreasonable for me to enjoy the right to contest in Lagos and in Ekiti at the same time or as Igbo propagandist TV has been threatening that an Anambra man will be the next governor of Lagos. Ideally that should be wished for through evolution but not by threat of unproved superiority of one ethnic population and tax contribution over those of the quiet majority who have been very generous to non-indigenes whose properties were preserved for them  during the civil war with accumulated rents collected unlike what happened in neighbouring states.  We need to build on trust that existed in the past and respect each other. There is no need for ethnic bellicosity and jingoism because at the end of the day, it is the poor people who are merely eking out an existence who will suffer. We need to preserve the past civility and not rock the boat because of electoral politics. “A ki je meji l’aba Alade”. Nobody disputes the ownership of Kaduna, Enugu and Port Harcourt; why is Lagos different?

  • Beyond EndSARS second anniversary

    Beyond EndSARS second anniversary

    The siege on Lekki tollgate (LTG) in October 2020 by EndSARS protesters, the massive destruction of Lagos State economic interests that followed, the disobedience of lawful court order by Peter Obi’s obedient supporters that seized the LTG during their October 1 Lagos rally to mark the second EndSARS anniversary when the youths have to be dispersed  by the police with tear gas, are all indication of how those who have an axe to grind with Lagos believe attack of the LTG in view of its contribution to the prosperity of Lagos  is a legitimate weapon of war.

    Yet, Lagos is the only state that gives succour and hope to millions of Nigeria youths whose future was mortgaged by the same set of politicians that sold to themselves and their cronies Nigeria’s total investment of over $100b for a paltry $1.5b just as they sold off through dubious monetization policies, properties kept in their care as national patrimony for our the youths.

     EndSARS October 2020 protest against  SARS which Amnesty International said was involved in over 82 cases of brutality  including ‘hanging, mock execution, beating, punching kicking, waterboarding and other violent tactics’ enjoyed massive support of Lagosians.

    That perhaps explained why Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu was able to secure the president’s consent through The Presidential Panel on the Reform of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad, which according to a Punch report promptly “approved the five-point demands put forward by EndSARS protesters”. However, when the governor on October 13 went to address the youths where there was an ongoing “sharing of weed, food and drink” according to Odumosu, the Lagos State Police Commissioner, they were pelted with pet bottle and pure water sachets. Lionized by politicians and their sympathetic media, the youths started to make other political demands.

    The governor declared a curfew leading to a confrontation between the youths and the enforcers. Despite Governor Sanwo-Olu denial of a massacre after visiting hospitals and mortuaries after the confrontation, the media continued the false claim of a massacre, of military truck ferrying dead bodies away and of “Lagos State Waste Management Authority (LAWMA) that cleaned up the Lekki toll gate scene immediately after the incident of October 20, 2020”. 

     The false narrative by the media only inflamed passion leading to further arson and looting of police stations and sacking of banks and malls in the Lekki and Surulere areas and public lynching of six policemen. To show the war was against Lagos, the hoodlums ignored old Lagos buses and went after new ones burning 23 big ones 57 medium size buses costing about N3.9b.

    Those exploiting the EndSARS protest to wage political war soon revealed themselves with Bode George, former PDP Deputy National Chairman at a press conference attended by PDP party chieftains and members calling for the dismantling of the toll gate.

    As if to confirm the target of those egging the youths on, the  TVC and The Nation owned by an APC stalwart were torched by  arsonists just as Lagos based media concerns of PDP stalwarts  such as Ben Bruce’s Silverbird TV, Dokpesi’s AIT, Nduka Obaigbena’s Arise TV, James Ibori’s Daily Independent newspaper and Kalu Uzor Kalu’s Daily Sun newspaper were all spared. One of the PDP sympathetic channels soon offered its platform to Oba Akiolu’s political opponents who was opposed to his ascension to the throne to literarily justify the burning, looting and desecration of the Oba’s place.

     The panel of investigation set up by the government was undermined by some members of the panel. Thus government white paper on the investigative revealed that “The inconsistencies and contradictions in the entire JPI report concerning the number of persons, who died at LTG on 20th October 2020, and their cause of death rendered the JPI’s findings and conclusions thereon as totally unreliable and therefore unacceptable.”

    For instance even while the JPI attested to the fact that there was nothing contrary to that of Professor Obafunwa, that only one person died at LTG of gunshot wounds on 21st October, 2020, names of  nine protesters allegedly killed sprang up on pages 297-298 without the JPI offering  explanation regarding circumstances of their deaths.  And the JPI Report also went on to award compensation to only one (1) out of the alleged nine (9), listed as ‘deceased’. But precisely because the report did not uphold their false claims, it was a matter of “we told you so”

    The LTG was also the target during last week’s second anniversary of EndSARS protest. For the media the enabler, it was the same game of subterfuge. First they failed to tell Nigerian that the group was dispersed with tear gas because the youths reneged on their undertaking not to cause traffic gridlock under the bridge. They claimed a journalist was brutalized only for us to discover it was not true. Viewers were misled to believe there was a gunshot with the reporter later claiming he only spoke of a shot.

    More than this, for the benefit of their viewers, one of the demonstrators, a woman who was interviewed at the LTG ground zero claimed she came with her other children to pick the body of her son from the same LTG on the morning of October 21, 2021.  It is either they forgot the tale about “Three trucks with brushes underneath brought to the Lekki Toll Gate in the morning of October 21, 2020 to clean up the scene of bloodstains and other evidence” or they believe we are all suffering from collective amnesia.

    For the youths, I don’t think much lesson has been learnt. Their focus seemed to be about re-occupying LTG while expecting a different result from their past effort which ended in ruins. Rather than repeating the same folly, I think, a better way of remembering youths who paid the supreme sacrifice for a better Nigeria, whether 1, 6 or 9, in numbers, would have been to present to the public, their pictures, that of their parents and siblings with a short stories . Unfortunately, this was where those TV stations that for two years insisted on their massacre narrative, have failed the youths and the nation.

     One also expects our youths, to have come to terms with the limit of street demonstrations and the social media, as weapons of social change with the experiences of the Arab world. Arab Spring started in Tunisia. Today Tunisia is ruled by a dictator. Libya, Gadhafi’s paradise has become a land where life is nasty brutish and short. Egypt is ruled by a modern day pharaoh. Syria is at war. So is Yemen. Demonstrations and protests have been going on in Sudan for over a decade.

    Our problem, the youths must know, is political. With the help of the British and in spite of our own self-serving leaders, we were able to overcome this with the 1957 constitution.

    At the London 1957 Conference, Zik who could not get his unitary system had insisted 17 state be created right in London insisting that “the smaller the states the better for the federal unity of Nigeria” with Awo, saying “it will be a backdoor reversion to a unitary system. The weak state will be subordinated to the federal government and nothing less than glorified local governments” (Awolowo’s Autobiography P.190)

    The picture painted by Awo is what today haunts us. To return to 1957 or ‘Path to Nigerian freedom” we need an elite consensus. The route is not through LTG or the streets. For a guide, our youths to whom tomorrow belongs, can take a cue from our founding fathers. Ahmadu Bello disbanded his Mahaukata (madmen) violent group, Zik abandoned his violent Zikist Movement and Awolowo called to order his  Remi Fani-Kayode-led violent Mosquito Squad and embraced dialogue.

  • The next apocalypse (1)

    The next apocalypse (1)

    There is an apocalyptic drift to the scourge of minors – mainly boys – and young men, who have laid siege to Nigeria’s suburbs and rural areas.

    Nigeria’s intelligentsia and political class perceive them as fractions of the country’s disposable human trash. They believe that there are more pressing political and economic problems to address. This is a mistake. A grievous one.

    These boys are products of Nigeria’s dysfunctional system. Inured to mayhem, they are forbiddingly dangerous. Their personalities, shaved of compassion are sculpted to project strife by their maleficent benefactors.

    Brainwashed, they become puppet personae, stunted in growth, and unquestioning of their puppeteers’ malicious intent.

    Amid their benefactors’ toxic patronage, they manifest like soulless dummies, casual workers in a Nigerian carnage factory.

    As victim and villains, they are both exposed and enclosed, behind their coarse faces and masks.

    Each boy is naked yet armoured, premature yet ritually experient. They are impervious to morals because they have become soulless; their defiled innocence screams for urgent help and yet remains closed to redemption.

    Their naivete is deceptive – not to be toyed with. Military officers in Nigeria and neighbouring countries claim these minors are fearless on the battlefield. In Cameroon, a local commando unit dispatched helicopters and artillery against waves of Boko Haram’s child insurgents, who appeared to be drugged, some armed with no more than machetes, said Col. Didier Badjeck , a former Cameroonian army spokesman.

    During a recent battle between Boko Haram and Cameroonian gendarmes, in northern Cameroon, more than one hundred screaming boys ran towards a fortified position, many of them barefoot and unarmed, said Badjeck to WSJ, and most were swiftly gunned down. Soldiers found in many of their pockets packaging from the opiate, tramadol.

    “It’s better to kill a boy than have 1,000 victims,” said Badjeck. “It’s causing us problems with international organizations, but they’re not on the front lines. We are.”

    While the world focused on Boko Haram’s mass abduction of women and girls, the terrorist group was stealing an even greater number of boys. Over 10,000 boys were abducted by the group since its campaign of terror across the northeast and the Lake Chad Basin began in 2009.

    These boys are trained in boot camps in forest hide-outs and abandoned villages, according to government officials and the Human Rights Watch (HRW), a New York-based advocacy group.

    With no formal database for the missing, it’s impossible to know how many boys were abducted by Boko Haram and forcibly conscripted as fighters.

    In the northwest, teen bandits prowl with menacing ardour, posing a serious threat to the anti-banditry military campaign in the region. Worried by the situation, Zamfara Governor, Bello Matawalle, recently sounded the alarm that teen bandits were terrorising his state.

    Ultimately, they constitute a scary outcrop of the region’s insecurity scourge even as their individual tragedies blend into the hobbling footprints of the region’s failed agricultural economy.

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    Amid the mayhem, it’s harder to digest, the glowing admiration by northwest minors, of bandit personae, who harnessed their hitherto mundane, promising lives with strife.

    Collectively, their fates resonate a tragedy so intense it manifests as a protracted wail. Before many of them fell in love with bullets and guns, they had dreams, like any normal child their age. In Zamfara, 17-year-old Aliyu, told me that he dreamt of being “a very big rice farmer.”

    But he embraced banditry and strife, and his life transformed into a constant blur of anti-bullet charms, AK-47s, mindless rape and bloody raids on defenceless villages. Caught in the fast thrill of the forest, he often tells himself, that he’s on a mission to rescue his mother and sisters abducted by fellow bandits.

    Down south, in Lagos to be precise, teen gangs including the One Million Boys, Fadeyi Boys, Ereko Boys, Akala Boys, Ijesha Boys, Awala Boys, Shitta Boys, Nokia Boys, No Salary Boys, No Mercy Boys, Aguda Boys, Night Cadet, Black Scorpion, Red Scorpion, Akamo Boys, Omo Kasari Confraternity, Japa Boys, Koko Boys, and the much dreaded Awawa Boys, lay siege to various parts of the coastal city. These teen gangs maintain a strong presence on the mainland and Lagos Island.

    What started innocently as groups of minors begging people for money eventually metamorphosed into gangs of fearsome teenage cultists, rapists and armed robbers terrorising Agege,  Iyana-Ipaja, Sakamori, Ibari, Ashade, Dopemu, Ogba, Ifako-Ijaiye, Abule-Egba, Ifako-Ijaye, Agege, Isale Oja, Ibari, Akerele, Papa Ogba Ashade, Aluminium Village, Ibeju Lekki, Ajah and other parts of Lagos Island.

    They rob with guns, machetes, daggers and weaponised cutlery, forks in particular. They also rape young girls and women. Most of the gangs nurse a morbid fascination for raping women old enough to be their mothers and young girls.

    Rape is a crucial part of their initiation rites. It helps to groom fearlessness in even the youngest member. Prospective initiates are ordered to rape a certain number of girls or a particular woman they intend to shame.

    Several women have been raped on their way to and from work by those boys in parts of Pen Cinema in Agege, but victims have learnt to keep quiet, hiding their pain for fear of being stigmatised by their communities and loved ones.

    Though predominantly a cult of boys, females including prepubescent girls are recruited into these gangs too. They move in pretty large squads and pride themselves in their numbers. Often times they operate as a flash mob of close between 100 and 150 but for smaller missions, they move in squads of between 20 and 50 boys and girls. Sometimes, they operate in rag-tag squads of four, five, seven, 10 to 15 boys bearing deadly arms including baseball bats, clubs, meat cleavers, daggers, crude metal bars, ‘two by two’ (wooden planks with nails) and forks.

    Members of the cult are drug dependent. They binge on psychotropic substances including omi gota (gutter juice), colorado, pamilerin, codeine, cannabis, rohypnol and tramadol.

    Just recently rival gangs terrorised Agege in a protracted turf war that lasted almost one week. After establishing their dominance in any neighbourhood, they engage in a peculiar brand of hustle by which they perpetrate scams, bullying, political violence and armed robberies.

    Several gangs are linked to criminal operations across Lagos. They commit house burglaries and armed robberies and the stolen valuables are often sold at ridiculous prices.

    These gangs are composed of mainly young males, aged seven to 25 years. Despite their dangerous proclivities, they provide young people with a sense of belonging and social identity, and as they operate in shadow economies, they make up for the lack of educational and job opportunities afflicting young boys.

    Within gangs, young boys have found camaraderie and a way to make a living. Many of them commit serious crimes such as robbery and burglary with the intention of exchanging stolen goods for cash. The money earned from such crimes is invested in hard drugs, commercial sex workers, gambling and other guilty pleasures.

    In Lagos, many gang members and area boys act as violent brokers in parallel structures, having created an income for themselves via forced extortion and narcotics peddling, playing guard of individual property or public space in situations of inadequate or ineffective police presence.

    Over time, they have become an accepted part of the urban landscape even as they become mercenaries for various forms of criminal contracts in the process.

  • The strength of Lagos

    The strength of Lagos

    Lagos is Nigeria’s richest state, producing about $90 billion a year in goods and services, making its economy bigger than that of most African countries, including Ghana and Kenya”. (The Economist). The transformation of Lagos started during the tenure of Bola Tinubu, Lagos State governor from 1999 to 2007. (Kingsley Ighobor, United Nations Journal, ‘Africa Renewal’ April 2016 edition).

    The glory of Lagos belongs to Tinubu’s illustrious forebears who in the time past often turned every adversity to an advantage by thinking outside the box. What Tinubu as a noble descendant of illustrious forefathers has done in recent times was to build on the solid foundation laid by his predecessors.

    The 1861 take-over of Lagos by the British, according to Coleman perhaps explains the reason why  “European civilisation had an earlier impact of magnitude on this Yoruba town than any other traditional community on Nigeria”. But that act of British banditry itself, was what energized successive Elekos, his white cap chiefs land owners to embark between 1895 -1913, on protests against British obnoxious laws such as on water scheme (1909), the sedition act (1910) and the decision of supreme court of southern Nigeria that “ownership of Lagos land had been transferred to the crown by treaty as at the time of annexation”.

    While with the proclamation of the Protectorate of Northern and Southern Nigeria in 1900, the northern emirs and chiefs ceded their right to the land to the British, the act only galvanized “educated Lagosians and chiefs from Abeokuta, Ibadan, Ijebu- Ode, Ilesha and Ife to lead a protest over land to London in 1913. (Coleman P 181)

    Tinubu’s forefathers,  whose culture according P. C. Lloyd was far superior to that of British, at the point of contact, using urbanization as index of measurement, having lost the battle (because of division among Yoruba according to Professor Banji Akintoye), adopted the British weapon, politics and diplomacy for the new phase of the war over their seized country.

    In 1921, the People’s Union was formed by Dr. J. K Randle, Dr. Orisadipe Obasa, Sir Kitoye Ajasa  Dr. Akinwande Savage and Sir Adeyemo Alakija. By June 24, 1923, Herbert Macaulay had inaugurated his NNDP which was to become the first political party in Nigeria with Egerton Shyngle as president, Thomas Horatio Jackson, Bangan Benjamin, Adeniyi Jones, J C Zizer  and Eric Moore. The party won all Lagos seats in the elections of 1923, 1928 and 1933.

    Lagos Youth Movement (became Nigerian Youth Movement in 1936) was formed in 1934 by Dr. J C Vaughan, H O Davies, Samuel Akinsanya, Dr. Kofo Abayomi, Caxton Martins, Jubril Martins, Obafemi Awolowo, S L Akintola and some others, including two non-Yoruba,  Ernest Ikoli and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe,  who joined in 1937, withdrew  in 1939 and finally opted out in 1941 over conflicting business interest between his paper and the Daily Service, the organisation’s newspaper mouthpiece.

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    Obafemi Awolowo built on their legacies by carrying the battle against re-colonisation by Lagos fortune-seekers, to the London 1957 constitutional debate in the run up to independence.  Mobolaji Johnson with the help of Gowon built a greater Lagos by expanding the territory of Lagos beyond Iddo to Mushin, Ikeja  Agege, Ikorodu and Epe.

    Knowing that the well-being of immigrant settlers is the wellbeing of their chief hosts, Lateef Jakande constructed low income houses, rebuilt collapsed primary and secondary schools and a university for Lagos residents without discrimination. He initiated a metroline line project which according to him, was derailed by President Shehu Shagari, his friend.

    Then Lagos fell under the dark days of Nigerian military adventurers. Bungling Buhari lumped together for punishment, northern and eastern politicians who betrayed their people with Prof Ambrose Alli of Edo, Adekunle Ajasin of Ondo, Bola Ige of Oyo, Olabisi Onabanjo of Ogun and Lateef Jakande of Lagos who channelled contract commissions towards building of social infrastructures including universities for youths resident in their states.  Ibrahim Babangida annulled the most credible election in our nation’s history won by MKO Abiola.  Abacha turned the streets of Lagos to a killing field of prominent Yoruba leaders. And under Abdulsalami Abubakar’s watch, MKO Abiola died a mysterious death for winning a pan-Nigerian mandate.

    Besides sharing Lagos priceless plots in Lekki, Osborne foreshore and Banana Island, Babangida/Abacha’s military prefects left behind a legacy of collapsed infrastructure, chaos, anarchy and insecurity with Lagosians routinely assaulted in traffic or gunned down by phone thieves as was the case with a retired general killed under Ketu bridge or the newly employed young doctor mindlessly gunned under the Maryland overhead bridge.

    Yours truly had two narrow escapes. At the foot of Oworonshoki Third Mainland Bridge, a young boy pretending to be hawking drinks, moved towards my car and pulled a gun ordering me to handover my two phones. I once gave one thousand naira to a man who had approached me for help inside traffic while approaching Maryland Bridge only for him to pull out a gun ordering me to bring out everything in my pocket. It was as if he knew I withdrew some money before driving out of University of Lagos campus.

    But let me remind journalists as agents of fortune seekers who today pretend not to remember yesterday, the hypocritical human right lawyers who railed against Babatunde Fashola for not providing alternative to immigrants who turned beautiful Lagos Lagoon shorelines to urban slums with indiscriminate erection of wooden structures, or against Sanwoolu for banning okada riders  what Lagos was before 1999 and up to 2002.

    Lagos then was like today’s Anambra or Imo State ruled by armed gangs. In my estate, it was not uncommon to see as many as 15 AK-47- wielding armed bandits attacking houses. The most frequently attacked house back them was one owned by a business man rumoured to be fronting for Okadigbo, the then senate president. The day they struck at my place, all I had on the following morning was the pant I was wearing. It was a neighbour we fondly called “Emir’ that came to give me something to wear.

    Like many others, I tried to sell the house and flee. But when I got to the flat in what looked like a sinking house near Dolphin Estate which a concerned friend in Ikoyi Club had arranged for me, my heart sank. Then remembering  how I was personally involved in procurement of cement from WAPCO,  sand from Ikorodu, wood from Ijebu and roofing sheets from Nigerite , I chose to return to my house.

    Indeed when Tinubu came in 1999, and met utter chaos, anarchy and the ‘dirtiest city in the world, he knew he had to think outside the box. His first step was to create new local government development areas to the chagrin of President Obasanjo, the apostle of centralization.  He then went on to create CDAs to allow communities manage their own lives by taking government off their backs.

    Our CDA under our resourceful Tobi Oduyale got the Lagos best CDA awards for two consecutive years. His predecessors have built on his laudable legacies. We today have regular electricity supply, paved roads through self-help efforts and chips in our cars for seamless entry. Visitors who are given advance codes by their hosts can be monitored from the security gate to their destination. A residential estate no one wanted a couple of years ago is now an estate of first choice for rich young musicians and even overpaid senators.

    If journalists, who forgot yesterday, replicate the above experience in over hundred estates spread around Lagos, they will probably come to terms as to why Tinubu, who beyond building on his grandfathers’ legacies also institutionalised ‘competitive federalism’ to make Lagos a state of first choice, deserves some respect.

  • The joy of being a grandfather

    The joy of being a grandfather

    When I was a child, I never had the chance or the opportunity to enjoy the company of my grandparents. My father, David Osuntokun, died before his father, Sapoloso Ojo. Papa Ojo was too old when I was young. My paternal grandmother died young. But on my mother’s side, I had the privilege of knowing my grandparents. My grandmother, Omotara, was very old when I met her and she was really too old to be interesting company to me. She was inherited by my grandfather, Adeosun, when Bolarinwa his brother and Omotara’s husband died as was the custom our people in the olden days.  Pa Adeosun was equally too old to be of any use as company to me in my youth. I also was not born in my home town of Okemesi but rather in Ilawe where my father had a depot as a business man, an Osomalo selling stuff in places like Ikere, Awo, Oye, and Egosi now Ilupeju.

    This means I was physically removed from my grandparents and I never benefited from the rich stories they told my cousins who lived close by In Imesi. Even my father was an old man when I was born as the last child of eight children of my mother Elizabeth Ootoola. l write all these to show that I am a lucky man because I have seen my grandchildren growing up and they are benefiting from my being around just as I am benefiting from seeing and interacting with them. They may not know how much joy I derive from them. The most important aspect I benefit from them is their innocence, simplicity, naivety and trust in the fables I sometimes entertain them with. Of course they sometimes pose difficult questions to me which I mumble through without their satisfaction.

    When I am with them, I try to bring them up in the way of the Lord as Christians. Even though they go to church once in a while but the coronavirus pandemic has in recent times made them home-bound most of the time which makes house worship very important. Secondly, some of my grandchildren live in the United States where violent racist  attacks on predominant black churches    are common and this have struck fear into my children who should have been taking their own children to church. This means the church has not been playing an important role in the lives of my grandchildren as it should have. The grandchildren are not very familiar with the Biblical stories of creation and the salvation credo of our Lord Jesus Christ.

    Religion is not taught in American schools and in most schools in the western world. I remember teaching my American grandchildren the Lord’s Prayer beginning with “Our father who art in heaven, Hallowed be thy name …” My granddaughter who seemed to be more interested  in our morning prayers once asked me “papa what about our mother who art in heaven?” Well, I was caught unaware and I started telling the poor child the story of Adam and Eve and the young child then said she understood then that Eve was our “mother in heaven”. I said no that she was not and I suddenly remembered how venerated our Lord’s mother, the Virgin Mary was and I tried unsatisfactorily to equate Mary with “our mother in heaven”. Hopefully this girl as she grows up will find the right answer to her enquiry . This made me feel that referring to God in the masculine sense may not be right because God is neither a man nor a woman. God is divine being above sexual classification of man or woman. I think the young girl had picked up the demand for equality between men and women in America and she logically felt “Our father in heaven” must be complemented by our “mother in heaven”. She was right logically!

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    One day, as one of my grandsons rummaged through my travel bag, he found my wallet and opened it and lo and behold, she saw my wallet and brought it to me that he didn’t know I was a millionaire! This was because I had N50,000 in my wallet.  He thought our N500 was the same as $500 dollars. Seeing the bundle of N50,000  in N500 notes  made him think his grandfather was rich. He then asked if I was rich. I answered in the affirmative. Then to rub it in I said I had a solid gold wristwatch. I brought out a shining gold-plated wristwatch which somebody gave to me and I was looking to give it to someone but not a child. The young man told his father “in confidence” that his papa was a zillionaire! His father asked him how he found out a secret that I had kept away from my children, then the young man told his father about the golden wristwatch. My son later asked me to do his son a favour of wearing the wristwatch to bed that night. This was a request that I had no problem obliging my son. The young man slept very well that night and the following day handed over to me the “gold watch”.

    I finally found an old student of mine to offload the golden wristwatch to and I hope nobody finds out the genuineness or otherwise of the “golden wristwatch”. This same little boy once asked me “papa were you born in the olden days?” I had no problem in answering in the affirmative. But this kept me feeling that I must look like Neanderthal to my grandson who could only imagine what it would have been in the olden days when his papa (grandfather) was born. These and more are some of the interesting life I am having when I see some of my grandchildren.

    Sometimes I am challenged to swim along with them in some cold lakes as was the case in Lake Huron, one of the deepest of the Great Lakes straddling the United States and Canada. Or when I am asked to go for walks or to buy school supplies during which they will make me walk tens of kilometres while I am telling them how old I am. Then they will encourage me by saying that as far as they were concerned, I don’t look too old to them. Despite the compliments from my grandchildren, I suffered from the pain and aches of long walks or vigorous swimming the following day.

    Anyone of my age would have problems manipulating the computers at the airports. In Canada, one hardly sees any immigration officers checking passports because one has to put one’s passport through electronic gizmos which when a print comes out, that’s what you wave at the immigration officers as you go into the country. God knows I have travelled to many countries in my life and in these days one has to flow with the new innovations coming out of the brilliant brains of young people making lives better for young and old people without knowing that those of us old people sometimes find the new things difficult to understand. This is why when I am arriving where I have children or former students, I always like to see them welcoming me and seeing me off at airports.

    I remember going to Heathrow Airport recently and one of my granddaughters asked her mother why they were seeing me off and why I couldn’t just check myself in without apparently bothering them. She then asked her mother whether it was because I am old. The mother was beating about the bush so that I wouldn’t feel offended. I told the young girl plainly that she was correct and that I needed help because of old age. I get asked the same question by my grandchildren all the time why I needed assistance at airports. I suppose these young people do not understand that old people may look well; they are certainly not as fit as they used to be.

    One day, I challenged five of my grandchildren to a short race. I knew of course I could not beat them. As soon as we began, they all one after the other flew past me giggling. I enjoy such occasions tremendously and I am sure my grandchildren will remember all these occasions when my time is up!

  • Gathering fire storms in Eastern Ukraine

    Gathering fire storms in Eastern Ukraine

    The Putin war on Ukraine which began on February 24 has gone on for the past seven months and there is no end in sight. It is actually getting to a stage where President Vladimir Putin because of military reverses is openly talking of using nuclear bombs to stop the newly invigorated Ukraine army from throwing out the beleaguered and suffering Russian troops out of Ukraine. The dramatic bombing of the newly constructed bridge linking mainland Russia with the Crimea, a part of Ukraine, which the Russians seized from Ukraine in 2014 and annexed to Russia recently, has raised the tempo of the violence in Ukraine. This bombing of the Crimean Bridge is a personal humiliation for Putin and a national embarrassment for Russia.

    The Russian army has also been thrown out of some of the territories they have occupied in the Donbas region which the Russians have declared part of Russia on the basis that the ethnic Russians there want to join  the Russian motherland. This response to the force of irredentism if allowed can unravel the post-Second World War peace of Europe. This is because almost all the countries formerly behind the “Iron curtain “ in Eastern Europe have ethnic nationalities whose main nations  are outside their current countries of location. Thus there are for example Russians in all the Nordic countries of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. There are Hungarians in Slovakia and Ukrainians in Poland and Rumania and Bulgaria. There are Russians in Moldova and Georgia and several Russians in all parts of the former Soviet Union which are now 14 independent states. Western Europe itself has national minorities within existing nation states of Italy where German minorities (Sudtirol) exist and Denmark, Holland, Belgium and France where there are ethnic Germans just as there are ethnic Danes in the Federal Republic of Germany. The Second World War was precipitated by Adolf Hitler’s desire to bring all Germans in Poland, Austria and the then Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia together with the German Reich.

    The feeling in Europe is that if Putin is not resisted in Ukraine, he may be tempted to invade on the same pretext of “Russia abroad” other territories in Europe with substantial Russian minorities. History will thus be tragically repeating itself. This is why NATO wants to stop Putin in Ukraine by assisting the country through supply of weapons of defensive nature which will not be used to attack Russia. The problem is that Ukraine may legitimately see attack as a form of defence by attacking military convoys heading from Russian borders into Ukraine. This must have been the reason for Ukraine’s attack on the link bridge between the Crimean peninsula and Russia itself on October 7 which has elicited violent and unrestrained missile attacks on Ukraine particularly on civilian targets all over Ukraine particularly in the capital of Kiev and also several cities in the western part of Ukraine far removed from the centre of military operations in the Donbas region.

    Read Also: Ukraine: No peace in sight

    The most dangerous and sinister of these attacks is the attack on Zaporizhzhia where the biggest nuclear power station in Europe is located in Ukraine city currently under Russian occupation. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), an agency of the United Nations has raised its red flag of a possible nuclear explosion of the magnitude of the Chernobyl nuclear explosion of April 26, 1986 which led to the death of several people and caused many more to die of cancers caused by radioactive fallout. Despite these warnings by the International Atomic Energy Agency and the United Nations Secretary General, Antonio Gueterres, the Russian president has remained unconcerned on the possibility of an atomic disaster as a result of his missile attacks.

    President Putin and some of his top aides have also been threatening to unleash a nuclear attack on Ukraine and in the words of the Ukrainian president “to wipe out his country from the face of the earth”. Apparently, the Russian president may be considering the use of neutron bombs that kill people but will leave most of the country’s infrastructure largely intact. The use of any kind of nuclear bombs has been declared unacceptable by the United States. In fact, President Joe Biden has said this will lead to Armageddon, a total war of nuclear holocaust in which those who will survive it in the words of a former president, J.F. Kennedy, will envy the dead! This has raised the spectre of total war between NATO and Russia. The question to ask is whether two elderly men, Putin who has just turned 70 and Biden 80, will risk the lives of the people of the world over territories in Eastern Ukraine and over their personal egos.

    Ukraine must be regretting giving up its nuclear weapons in 1994 as part of the negotiations towards the breakup of the Soviet Union following which Ukraine’s sovereignty was guaranteed by the international community particularly by Europe and the United States. The situation of constant threat of nuclear annihilation of Ukraine is a disincentive to any nuclear weapons state to disarm.

    Is there nothing the rest of the world can do to end this war through diplomacy and negotiations knowing fully well that after every war come diplomatic negotiations to end conflicts? Countries around the Black Sea which are maritime neighbours of Russia like Turkey, even though an important member of NATO, should be induced to wave a peace flag to both Vladimir Putin and Volodymyr  Zelenskyy the president of Ukraine. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan had previously played a significant role in negotiating a provisional agreement between Russia and Ukraine to allow shipment of Ukrainian wheat and vegetable oil to countries particularly in North Africa that were suffering as a result of Russian blockade of Ukraine’s ports. Definitely the Turkish president is the only member of NATO that maintains constant contact with both Putin and Zelenskyy. He should be prevailed upon to help start a peace process. Perhaps America can call on China with which it has strong economic ties despite disagreements over Taiwan to facilitate peace process in Ukraine in a win -win situation for everyone. India also has reasonably strong ties with both the United States and Russia and perhaps under the now moribund Non Aligned Movement, both China and India can rescue the world from a slippery slope to Armageddon. Whatever it will take to have peace in Ukraine will be welcomed by the whole world. Western Europe is suffering because of unprecedented inflation, so also is the Americas particularly Canada and the United States although not on the scale of Europe. Africa, especially North Africa and the rest of the continent that import wheat and vegetable oil from Russia and Ukraine are also seriously affected. The comprehensive economic sanctions imposed on Russia by the West are not only hurting Russia but are hurting the West too. The calculation that these sanctions will lead to the collapse of the Russian economy has not happened. Even though its economy has been hurt, the country has shifted its energy trade to the Asian countries of China and India and the Rouble the Russian currency which crashed initially has rebounded and it is now one of the strongest currencies in the world. Of course, Russia will breathe a sigh of relief if and when its war on Ukraine ends without national humiliation.

    The war in Ukraine has now clearly demonstrated how intricately linked the whole global economy is and when humanity hurts a little somewhere, the whole world hurts as well no matter how tangentially. This is the lesson of the war in Ukraine, in which the whole world is feeling the impact, demonstrating the fact that no country is an island sufficient unto itself. When war is raging in any particular part of the world with the possibility of confrontation between global powers, the whole world suffers.