Category: Thursday

  • Soludo v Obi: Truth is bitter

    Soludo v Obi: Truth is bitter

    When Anambra State Governor Chukwuma Soludo appeared on a television programme in  Lagos on November 10 to answer questions on the appropriation bill he just presented to the House of Assembly for the 2023 fiscal year, politics was probably far from his mind. He came to discuss the budget, a subject in which he is well grounded. But, in the course of his conversation with the presenter, they veered into other matters, majorly politics.

    Now, politics and economy go hand in hand. When you talk about one, the other invariably pops up. This was what happened in this instance. There was no way Soludo could have escaped a question on the politics of his state, especially as one of his predecessors, Peter Obi, is among the 18 presidential candidates contesting the February 25, 2023 election.

    Soludo is governor under the banner of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), the platform on which Obi was elected governor in 2006 and 2010. Shortly after he left office in 2014, he defected to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and played some roles in the Jonathan administration. He was the running mate to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who contested for president on PDP’s ticket in 2019.

    With the controversy surrounding some of the things Obi did as governor, such as investing public funds in family business and saving billions of naira amid lack of critical infrastructure and grinding poverty in the state, it was certain that the presenter would not allow him go without taking a question on the former governor’s tenure. When the question came, Soludo was frank and direct in his response.

    “There was something I read about somebody speculating about the value of whatever investments. With what I have seen today, the value of those investments is worth next to nothing. So, let’s leave that aside”, he said. He touched a raw nerve in the raucous Obi-Dient crowd. The Obi-Dient as those supporting ‘Obi for President’ call themselves wasted no time in descending on Soludo. The governor, they claimed, overstepped his bounds. They accused him of envying Obi and asked him to stop badmouthing the Labour Party (LP) standard-bearer.

    That is their stock in trade. They confront anybody that challenges Obi, yet they are all over the place ranting and abusing other contestants. Unbelievably, many of them are young, urbane and educated, but these attributes count for nothing when the issue is Obi. They lose their heads in the heat of the moment. They can harass and torment others, but nobody dares look at their man, Obi, not to talk of criticising him around them. Soludo called their bluff on Monday in a lengthy statement titled: “History beckons and I will not be silent (1)”. The governor wondered why the Obi-Dient never like to hear the truth about themselves and their candidate.

    Read Also; Peter Obi knows that he can’t and won’t win, says Soludo

    He said he only responded to a question and did not go out of his way to attack Obi. To the Obi-Dient, Soludo should have played the dumb instead of shedding light on the much-talked about investments. Pray, if a sitting governor cannot talk about the financial status of his state, who can? The Obi-Dient would have preferred that Soludo kept mute instead of clearing the air over the vexed issue. They would have hailed him if he had said the $12.5 million investment in SabMiller, a brewing firm, was making enormous yield.

    Unfortunately, it is not. For now, the investment, according to Soludo, is worthless. If it is worth anything, Obi should say so now or forever keep silent. The problem with us as a people is that we politicise everything. Many Obi-Dient, who know next to nothing about economic matters, just go with the mob and do whatever they are told like zombies. They believe that it is their noise in social media and at road marches that would get Obi into office. They should wake up and smell the coffee, as Soludo advised. Elections are not fought that way.

    To win an election, a presidential poll for that matter, the contestant must be well prepared. He must have people in place and the wherewithal to run things. The people must be organised and not operate as loose cannons. Obi may have some good men and women with him, but how strong are they politically? How many electoral battles have they fought, won or lost? The political turf is slippery and it requires the skills of battle-tested gladiators to walk and work on it. Obi does not have such gladiators. I am not putting him down by saying this. It is the bitter truth which Soludo couched in another manner.

    Noise-making is one thing, but planning and co-ordinating a serious presidential campaign is another. Skilful people and a well-oiled machinery are needed to run the campaign, not a bunch of rabble-rousers shouting: “see structure”, “see structure” on the road of a city. Besides, governance is an art and has nothing to do with the gift of the gab. The latter could be added advantage for those so blessed. But no matter how oratorically endowed a contestant is if he cannot think fast on his feet and cannot, in a matter of seconds, react to a national emergency and show leadership, the Presidency is not for him.

    Soludo’s preliminary remarks, as he puts it, should be food for thought for Obi. We all know that power belongs to God and only He decides who gets it at any point in time. Soludo is not playing God by saying that Obi is not in the 2023 presidential race. Truly, he is not. Soludo is simply stating the obvious. Come to think of it, what does Obi have to offer? What is the political antecedent of those backing him?

    Which community can he go to and say these are the people working for him? He will soon know the truth and be set free of his delusions. May it not be too late for him to realise that he is being goaded by politically irrelevant people who are only interested in using him to attain their selfish ends. As Soludo said: “the brutal truth is that there are two persons/parties seriously contesting for president: the rest is exciting drama! Let’s be clear: Peter Obi knows that he can’t and won’t win…”

    Soludo spoke from.the heart and it will do Obi a world of good to listen to his “elder brother” as he called the governor at a forum in Lagos on Tuesday and end the drama now. To borrow a popular cliche: Obi should wait for his time!

  • The president Nigeria needs

    The president Nigeria needs

    There is the temptation to make the tragic sense of things the touchstone of Nigerian politics. This desire to daub life dire, has for a long while, defined the tide of political partisanship and the transience of hope as a national ideal.

    In the fracas of faith and filth, the negligible attains significance while the essential gets consigned to the fringes of awareness.

    The moral and ethical issues of misgovernance, predatory corporatism, treasury looting, the toxic assets amassed by politicians and civil servants, to vulturine lending, to self-serving legislation, to anti-growth economic policies, insecurity and sky-rocketing inflation appear to be irrelevant in the arena of public discourse en route to the 2023 elections.

    Instead, the partisan press, in fulfillment of its role as courtier, unfurls to the ungloved palm of doubtful patriots and dubious ethicists, hurling rant about which candidate may contest the presidency or not. Amid the noise, barely any news medium examines the aspirants for other political offices.

    Consequently, the latter enjoy a free ride to power, heedless of the electorate’s wishes, and markedly detached from the sense of purpose and responsibility attached to the public offices they occupy.

    As rival parties campaign across the country, politics gets intense as the major actors flout the rules and skirt around ethical tropes. Arise TV’s frantic broadcast of Bola Tinubu’s rumoured disqualification by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and its subsequent retraction few minutes afterward, on the same day, is incantatory of its partisan mind and nature.

    It’s subsequent apology to Tinubu and the N2 million fine handed out to it by the National Broadcasting Corporation (NBC), however, resound like a pat on the wrist to many a supporter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential candidate.

    But this piece is hardly about Arise TV’s curious practice but more about the tenor of engagement in Nigeria’s heated political space. The scalding rhetoric and venomous attacks on political personae exemplify the tragic sense of things in our heated spaces.

    This tragic sense of things is a response to the Nigerian experience and it manifests in the electorate’s detachment from patriotic endeavour. As we approach the 2023 polls, the electorate must unlearn the apathy of the herd reengage progressively in the ongoing transition. They must ask the crucial questions.

    Read Also: Leadership that Nigeria needs

    Of the prospective candidates, whose politics echo our heartbeats? To what do they owe our reverence of them? By their citizenship, do they furnish pathways to empower disillusioned, jobless youths of Umukegwu, Akokwa, Urualla, Borno, Apongbon, Idumota, Agege, Agbor, Sango Ota, Sankwala, to mention a few?

    Do they teach the youth to abhor greed, selfishness, god complex? Do they impress that, in the end, only Nigerians get to choose what becomes of Nigeria, not  a coalition of shady friends from abroad and black ops-activated humanitarian agencies?

    The answer resonates in each candidate’s utterances and deeds. Transcendent moments and deeds are manifestations of an exalted intelligence. Who among the candidates possesses the  loftiest acumen? Whose antecedents in private or public office – or both – elicits the passionate tribute of a cheer? Whose past and present exploits incite the passing tribute of a sigh?

    Despite the youths’ dissatisfaction with the status quo, do they project the moral character, strength, political literacy and intelligence required to make the right choice?

    The ongoing jostle for political spoils is overtly ritualistic. Duplicitous analysts and the political class relentlessly pursue their selfish interests amid widespread suffering and bloodshed.

    Even the self-appointed progressives have shunned the lilies and languors of virtue for the raptures and roses of vice, as Dolores would say. Amid our suffering, they reconstruct Nigeria into a narrow commune, beholden to their selfish interpretations of power and political office.

    Their virtues are short, and their vices extensive and implacable. Their lips, full of lust and laughter, attach to the country’s bosom like curled serpents that are fed from the breast. Every dispensation, they press with fanged lips where their reptilian predecessors have suckled.

    Nigeria thus becomes the doomed Cleopatra giving suck to their asps. When kicked out of office, they grudgingly recoil – but never quitting the corridors of power – to accord Nigeria the affliction of deadlier asps in the successive administration. Nigeria would never be rid of them until we set our grief’s needlepoint astride the prick of pain.

    Of the aspirants, I see a true progressive, a patriot, and misunderstood titan. I see men enslaved to power and god complex. I see voyagers hampered by baggage from a past and present that would forever haunt them. Even the ‘new kids on the block’ come forged as minnows and bathetic ogres.

    I see a colossus whose handlers paint a ravishing portrait of him even as critics dismiss him as yet another genome of leadership, dastardly and base like the Casanova lost in the folds of the bearded meat.

    I see an electorate wrought of two extremes: cynical and apathetic. Very few candidates excite passion and hope, save the dangerous fits thrown by their pawns and puppets on the social media.

    It’s about time we identified the contender jostling to handle our heartfelt yearnings as his tuberous burden. Who among the candidates is best equipped to resolve Nigeria’s economic woes and most pressing conflicts?

    Many Nigerians are probably living through one of the worst decade of their lives. They read of bloody genocides at dawn, poverty and strife in the next city – many more live through such. And as usual, an economy patched with foreign loans, fleeting growth and duplicity.

    It took a perfect gathering of bad leadership to get to this moment. It would take an imperfect cannonball of a man to lead us through, to survival. Who, among the candidates is wrought of such fibre?

    What we should be interested in is a president-elect capable of fostering the type of education and skilled force Nigeria needs to power her industry. We have no need of a big and egocentric President in hard times; what we need is a humble man of great depth.

    We need a president who would be forever indebted to Nigerians, for giving him the opportunity to serve. We need one now as today is spitting out monsters and tomorrow portends the birth of a thousand trolls.

    We are done believing in the dignified duplicity of treacherous men. We need a president who acknowledges that today, everything is broken, and that the very system that produced him needs to be fixed in a way that wouldn’t make deity of him and sacrificial lambs of the Nigerian people.

    We need a president capable of speaking gently and intelligently too. A president who listens. Nigeria deserves a man who internalises the citizenry’s griefs in order to end them.

    We may identify such a leader by his antecedents and present conduct. Let us seek the candidate who would become the blank screen, on which Nigerians of vastly different stripes may rally and project their agonies and wants. And he wouldn’t lose his head.

    The president we seek believes in justice, equality and the rule of law. He is pious without being self-righteous. He is responsible, tolerant, and in many ways, more evolved.

    We need such a character to drive a practicable and all-inclusive plan of national rebirth; a proposal of shared targets and intentions with broad based support and the moral and political will to implement its mechanisms and ends with profound understanding of law, governance methods, economics and social organisation of humane statehood.

  • Insecurity in the country and role of governors

    Insecurity in the country and role of governors

    Last week, I called the attention of our governments to the growing banditry, kidnapping for ransoms and rampant killing of innocent travellers on our roads. As a regular user of the Lagos – Ibadan so-called expressway under what seems an unending reconstruction since 2007, I noticed with much appreciation and gratitude particularly to the Oyo State government that has taken action by deploying Amotekun and federal police on their own section of the expressway. This leaves Ogun State government to do the same. The Oyo State government must also be complimented for action on other roads in their state.

    The federal police must be ordered to the roads all over the country by the state governors who are constitutionally the “chief security” officers of their states. Any state police commissioner refusing to follow orders permitted by the constitution should be reported to the Inspector General of Police and the president as well as the House of Representatives and the Senate of the Federal Republic. We need to force this issue until a clear cut definition of who is responsible for the protection of the people’s lives and property is made. If the police cannot secure us then the army must be called for assistance. These are not normal times for prevarication.

    As taxpayers, we deserve to call on the appropriate authorities to do their jobs.  We should all say something when we see something is wrong.

    The issue of state and local police have been debated ad nauseam. It seems there is a consensus of opinion that the time has come to decentralise policing in the country. This is what happens even in unitary states not to talk about a so-called federal state like Nigeria being run as a unitary state. Even in Great Britain with centuries of being a state has not only metropolitan police force in its capital but also county police forces as well as regional forces in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland.

    In Canada apart from the federal Royal Mounted Police, each province and city has its own police forces. In the United States, states, cities, counties and even universities have police forces which work in concert with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). In Germany, each state has its own police while the federal police is largely responsible for securing the federal republic against subversion.

    Even small federal states like Switzerland and Belgium have state and federal police forces working in concert to secure the state.  Even in our history as a country we have had before federal, state and native police forces.

    Read Also: Food insecurity and inflation in Nigeria

    The argument that state or local police forces could be misused by state and local authorities does not hold water. Are those in charge of the federal police in Nigeria not human beings susceptible to the same impulse as those in the states? There are so many instances in the past when the federal government has used the federal police to intimidate state officials including state governors in the past. The point to make is that a few bad eggs in the past cannot derogate from the utility value of local policing. Local people speaking the same language and knowledgeable of the geography and history of their locality are definitely going to be more useful in keeping and maintaining the peace of their area than people posted from other parts of the country who do not speak the local language and who have no respect and sympathy for those they are supposed to be policing. The argument for local policing is so evident that every reasonable person should support it. Those opposed to it are those having secret agenda. If it is a question of funding, many of the states already donate millions of naira to federal police posted to their states in addition to federal budgets.

    The Lagos State government previously put in place the mechanism for additional security funding through the security trust fund actively supported by the private sector which has a stake in the maintenance of law and order as a necessary environmental condition for business. It seems the government either has not enough funds for this because not much has been heard about the security fund in recent times. May I suggest that a state law needs to be passed to streamline the procedure for collection, investment and use of this fund on a regular basis.  Other states in the country can follow suit. Perhaps Lagos State government needs to be reminded that it has not constituted its own Amotekun and joined in the defence of the homeland. It should borrow a leaf from the vigorous example of Ondo State in this regard.

    The protection of the Lagos-Ibadan expressway should be a joint effort of Oyo, Ogun and Lagos states. Disruption of flow of traffic on the road will have severe effect on the economy of the Southwest in particular and  it will also impact negatively the economy of the northern  states and  the South-south and the Southeast because this expressway is the nerve centre of Nigerian economy, linking every part of Nigeria to the ports of Lagos.

    The Ogun State government needs to take the security of Owode Local Government Area (LGA) much more seriously. The section of the expressway from the Redemption City to Lagos has been taken over by motorcyclists whose identity and nationality are not clear. What is clear is that the hundreds of thousands of them constitute a danger to the people of this area and to themselves.  These people have no respect for the laws of the land which they flout recklessly. They drive recklessly against the traffic colliding with each other and law-abiding motorists. Any foreigner visiting Nigeria and seeing this will think our country is a country of lunatics. Motorcycles have been weaponised to cause mayhem in the northern parts of Nigeria and one hopes these wild motorcyclists are not an advance wing of an incendiary force in the making.

    The police should find out who these people are and from where they came by registering them so that if something untoward happens in the future, we will know what to do. I am sure the government of Ogun State knows that their state is being overrun by foreign elements on motorcycles. Most of those banned in Lagos have simply moved to Ogun State. There should be no problem if these people would behave well. But one witnesses hordes of them speeding against oncoming vehicles on the expressway while the Federal Roads Safety Corps appear to be overwhelmed. When one of these lawless people is killed or wounded by motorists driving according to the road regulations, the motorcyclists usually embark on retribution on all other motorists by smashing their windscreens and wounding them in what usually takes the form of class war and a free for all fight in which innocent people are overwhelmed or killed by apparently insane drug addicts riding wildly on motor cycles. One hopes this expressway will soon be completed so that Lagos and Ogun states can jointly solve this lawless situation by running buses on the route profitably because of the growing population of this area.

    We are in the 21st century and we should be able to provide means of transportation for our people. The sight of five or six people each on commercial motorcycles (Okada) is not a good advertisement for our country. These are the little things foreigners see and come to the conclusion that we are not part of civilised humanity or that we are a shade below homo sapiens. What will it cost to provide enough buses to move people from one part of the exploding suburbs of Lagos to the city? Do we need foreign technical advice to point out this absurdity of using motor cycles as mass transit? This is happening in a country where the Accountant General of the Federation is standing trial for looting N109 billion. Imagine the number of buses this humongous amount will buy for distribution for the whole country. A country that permits this kind of crime needs a lot of soul searching. We have arable land and yet millions of young people are riding motorcycles as means of mass transportation. Lord have mercy.

  • Cost of Zamfara’s tribal war

    Cost of Zamfara’s tribal war

    One important value of a federal arrangement as a social system is that it liberates groups and individuals from the tyranny of the state. No one therefore needs to be ashamed of his tribe because by nature we have dual citizenship. The problem has always been our self-serving hypocritical leaders, the major beneficiary of our current state of anarchy who demonise tribes to give a false impression that we are one.

    This was why until BBC’s airing of Bandit warlords of Zamfara on July 25 which finally revealed what has been going in Zamfara in the last one decade as a tribal war, the ruling hegemonic power in Zamfara and their supporters in Abuja refused to admit that the sources of social dislocation in the state as well as in many other parts of the north is ethnic rivalry over control of political and economic fortunes of their different communities.

    Today after over a decade of playing the ostrich, except those that constitute the hegemonic ruling group in Zamfara, everyone is a loser: the Fulani warlords who attributed  mindless killings of subsistence farmers to closing down of traditional grazing routes and systematic exclusion of Fulani from government jobs and other economic opportunities; the  Hausa farming community vigilantes of Kurfa Dunya who swore “If allowed, we will kill every Fulani man, even in the town, because they killed our mothers, our fathers, our children, and dumped their bodies here”;  and of course  the people of Zamfara regarded as the poorest people in the north despite the state political elite and retired Generals’ exploitation of the state’s  huge gold deposits which they selfishly deployed to fund their intra elite wars.

    But for the hypocrisy of Zamfara ruling political elite and their Abuja backers, the only people benefiting from the Zamfara tragedy, what has always defined the state is distributive injustice.  Farmers have no access to their land without paying tax to their Fulani overlords.  Indeed   Ibrahim Dosara, one time Zamfara State’s Commissioner of Information long ago struck the nail on its head by declaring that the “genesis of rural banditry in Zamfara started with a conflict between the Fulani and Hausa communities in the state leading to 2,619 deaths, 1,190 abducted and 14,378 livestock rustled with 100,000 people displaced from their ancestral homes between 2011 and 2019.”  He went on to indirectly call for community policing on the premise that “Zamfara lacks enough security forces from the Federal Government to secure the lives and properties of the people in the state”.

    But the president’d men, Shehu Garba, Abubakar Malami and defence minister Major Bashir Salihi Magashi, pretending to know what the people of Zamfara needed without listening to them, opposed state and community policing not controlled from Abuja. For them to “rout-out, arrest and prosecute armed bandits, vicious kidnappers for ransom and cattle rustling gangs operating in Zamfara State”, what Zamfara needed were: a full battalion of special forces; “Operation Maximum Safety with 510 police personnel and 40 patrol vehicles”, “Joint Intervention Team of about 1000 police personnel, counter terrorism unit (CTU), federal special anti-robbery squad (FSARS), anti-bomb (EOD) squad, and conventional policemen” and Air force indiscriminate bombing from the air.

    Read Also; 10 keys to tackle insecurity, by Afe Babalola

    Besides the fact that this was not how to bring irreconcilable inter -ethnic hostilities into conciliation, there were tell-tales of internal sabotage within state security apparatus. The Hausa subsistence farmers alleged dropping of arms for bandits by helicopters at nights. Then Aileru, a notorious Fulani gang leader who was on the run  after leading a massacre in the village of Kadisau in June 2020   was turbaned in an open ceremony and given the title ‘Chief of the Fulani’ by an Emir in Zamfara State. And if government needed more evidence to prove what was going on was a tribal war, both governors Aminu Masari and Nasir El-Rufai confirmed the killer  herdsmen are Fulani while Sheik Gumi went a step further by going into the bandits’ den to obtain their demands which include- amnesty and re-integration into our security services and larger society.

    And still if further evidence as to the ethnic nature of the crisis was needed, Shehu Garba and Abubakar Malami and Governor Bala Mohammed of Bauchi who saw nothing in bearing of arms by Fulani herdsmen and their illegal infiltration of south western reserved forest embraced Gumi’s bitter pill which was an affront to families of victims of herdsmen killings and those in IDP camps following confiscation of their land by the rampaging immigrant Fulani herdsmen.

    There are however other Fulani opinion leaders who understand that the well-being of other Nigerian is the well-being of Fulani tribe and eschewed ethnic sentiments to pitch their tents with Nigeria. Abdullahi Ganduje of Kano for instance embarked on massive construction of ranches for herdsmen who threaten Nigerians peaceful coexistence.  Masari of Katsina having been serially betrayed by the bandits not only embraced ranching but also called on his people to arm themselves against killer Fulani herdsmen. Nasir el Rufai of Kaduna did not only see ranching as the future of cattle farming in Nigeria, he called for summary elimination of killer herdsmen who find kidnapping for ransom too profitable to return to cattle farming business.

    But perhaps, the greatest scourge of people of Zamfara remains their successive governors since 1999. In 1999, Ahmed Sani Yerima did not just betray his people, he chose to exploit their religion sentiments by introducing sharia law in October 27, 1999 in breach of the country’s constitution. Today Zamfara and the country are reaping fruits of Yerima’s weaponisation of religion with some of the young men some northern governors sent for indoctrination under Osama Bin Laden in Sudan returning  to form the nucleus of terror groups in the north.

    Abdulaziz Yari Abubakar governed mostly from Abuja while his state burned.  He was not in the state on November 2016, when gunmen overran a mining camp in the Maru district of Zamfara State and killed 36 people. He was dragged to court by Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission (ICPC) where he lost N700m on  January 24 this year, when the court “held he could not prove how he got the funds while or before serving as governor of Zamfara State between May 29, 2011, and May 29, 2019.”

    Last week, 29 duplexes in different estates in Jabi, Maitama, Kaduna, Zamfara and Abuja were placed under interim forfeiture by ICPC which declared them products of corruption by Yari, it accused of allegedly diverting Zamfara State’s funds, using some companies, including Kayatawa Nigeria Limited and B T Oil and Gas Nigeria Limited.”

    As for Bello Matawalle, besides asking people to denounce bandits by swearing by the Quran and his war with his predecessors over the sum of N970 million ransom payment to “the 30,000 identified bandits, operating in more than 100 camps” ,  embracing Masari and El Rufai’s long abandoned failed bandits amnesty policy is not likely to bring relief to his people.

    Although the major victim of alleged crime, by Zamfara’s leading light according to ICPC, “is the Zamfara State Government”, I think we can add the thousands of children who according to Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) died in mining villages and hundreds more suffering from lead poisoning in the villages of Dareta and Yargalma according to United States Centres for Disease Control (US CDC). And the biggest loser of course is Zanfara, “a state of three million population, with 23 hospitals and 23 doctors, 300 public primary schools manned by a single teacher each while many others in remote rural have no teachers”

  • 2023: Placebo aspirant as mob therapy

    2023: Placebo aspirant as mob therapy

    For those enthralled with the placebo aspirant, the 2023 elections will end in a splash of spittle and a curl of the tongue inwards.

    Yet en route to the polls, Nigerians fondle splinters of fury into fragile fictions of change. Many a placebo seeker reenact the parable of the frantic electorate who would burn Nigeria to charred rubble to birth nirvana out of rage.

    Their passion connotes spurious purpose. What Paglia would liken to the still heart of a geode rimmed with crystalline teeth. Their bromidic chant resounds as a soothing lullaby; it’s akin to rubbing a lantern to make a genie appear.

    Amid the racket, dreams of progress bloom like a fictitious retreat. An emotive simplicity. It’s a  Nabokovian invention of rarefied detail, as Gardner would say.

    Incensed by the fiery mantras: “Sustain the Change!” and “Change the Change!,” citizens march to both real and taught indignation. At the 2019 polls, many submitted their mandate to a leash of cash, bigotries, and incoherent sound bites. Three years on, they are still howling from dawn through dusk, threatening tumult atop soapboxes of rage, forgetting that the storms they incite consume Nigeria’s bliss.

    Some make good their threats, anyway, deploying hate speech, kidnap for ransom, armed banditry, internet thuggery, and terrorism, while the press sensationalises the tragedies they incite in reportage that stretch beyond the photographs of trodden deaths.

    It’s all part of a recurrent script. Some would call it the Naija-theory of things. I would call it the therapy of the mob; the deputation of evil from one social class to the other.

    The heathen dialectic of Nigerian politics depicts the electorate’s mind and nature en route to the 2023 polls. Many Nigerians will vote for tribes, money, and random bigotries. Many would vote to actualise established and latent hostilities, using their voter’s cards as a weapon to torment a rival ethnic group or religious divide. 

    Both the 2015 and 2019 general elections fulfilled such horrid stereotypes. The electorate, severely divided along ethnoreligious divides, voted for Muhammadu Buhari and Goodluck Jonathan, and then Muhammadu Buhari and Atiku Abubakar respectively, in fulfillment of the ugliest sentimentality.

    Few voters could convincingly articulate their reasons for choosing their candidates. True, a depressed economy, sky-rocketing inflation, and embarrassing corruption across tiers of government substantiated the debate for and against each contender.

    For most voters, however, the decisive factor was the religious affiliation and ethnic root of the contestants. The malady subsists to date. As Nigeria prepares for the 2023 polls, the electorate separates into two factions, spawned by ethnic and religious bigotries. Whatever their frantic narratives, they are inmates of familiar mental jail cells.

    Education is the key out of such captivity. Such enlightenment must, however, be tempered by native intelligence, knowing that intelligence could be morally neutral. It can be used to further the exploitation of the electorate by predatory leadership, or it can be used to defeat the forces of oppression.

    Where intelligence is docile, the educated man evolves like a bitch; a scrawny, sheeplike mutt, led only by wild instincts and subservience to a crafty, self-seeking shepherd. Political tyranny is bodacious and corruptive of intellect thus the unstated ethic of sheepish intelligentsia to amass a fortune while justifying the dominance of their oligarch masters.

    Come 2023, Nigeria must elect competent leadership or resume foraging in the desert end of our green pasture. At the moment, youthful segments of the electorate display political illiteracy that is embarrassingly far-flung and sentimental. In response, rival parties re-invent a political devil in each other, to exploit voter ignorance and intolerance.

    The youth rant that they have been excluded from power at the state and federal levels even though they have populated Nigerian politics for 62 years as rhetoricians, thugs, murderers, arsonists, vote buyers, and sellers.

    There is an urgent need for the country’s enlightened youths and elder statesmen to seek each other out in wisdom and coalesce into more definitive roles. True change can only be driven by true patriots vying on dependable platforms. Platforms matter as much as the candidates. Failure to get this right has often foisted on the electorate, limited choices.

    Our situation demands urgent, proactive steps by progressive change-makers. Nigeria must choose the candidate with the most visionary and realistic manifesto. The one whose candidacy furnishes a foundation for the unity of ideas; the one whose social agenda strengthens the ideals of progressive enlightenment, common progress, commonwealth, and moral autonomy.

    Nigerians must shun the placebo aspirant. Like the fictional child character of  James Barrie’s 2015 fantasy film, “Pan,” his passion is borne of illusion, cunning, and pixie dust. Nigeria must shun such a fantasist because no matter the tenor of his rhetoric, he is impervious to authentic humane experience. He is an emotional cripple whose passion to serve is driven by frantic delusions of self-worth and an overvalued realism of his grandiloquence.

    In truth, he weaponises a dark sentiment, luring the masses into a dark cycle of duplicity. His exaggerated gestures and confessions of love are an assertion of dubious lust. He moots no self-sacrifice, only refinements of domination.

    Beneath his artifice subsists a frantic hankering for unearned privileges and spoils of power. He is the manipulative candidate using ethnic bigots and embittered segments of the electorate as pawns. The latter by default are inclined to furnish his pseudo patriotism by playing the role of a systems manager.

    Revolutionary movements fail in Nigeria because the arrowheads continually cloak their measures and homilies in hostilities and platitudinous rants – such hackneyed dialect is a barrier to effective communication and progress.

    It is the same dialect adopted by political, and corporate players to cheat the electorate of their votes and rig the financial system in the obscure, cryptic language coined by their propaganda labs.

    Education, I reiterate, is the key out of such a mental jail cell; more realistic learning divorced from the pricey occupational training by which tertiary schools turn several youths into mindless certificate-seeking machines.

    If the ongoing transition has revealed anything, it is that vast segments of Nigeria’s youths share kindred spirits with the political class whose oppressive leadership they seek to unseat.

    It’s commendable, however, that they have summoned the courage to demand better leadership and a higher quality of governance. Yet constraints of savage origins hatch into their midst courtesy of the demons within and outside.

    As Nigeria approaches another definitive moment in her history – the February 2023 general elections – the electorate should be wary of ideals that are deemed beneficial simply because they allow them to defy established power.

    Such misappropriated sentiment is currently being weaponised by separatists turned accidental patriots; many of whom have adopted their presidential candidate on the strength of his cunning and predisposition to tell lies for applause.

    Through the mayhem, the privileged are perfecting their Plan B to ‘Jakpa’ or relocate abroad. Thus this message is for the millions without the luxury of an overseas refuge: it is about time we cautioned our youths to desist from inflaming the polity be it as internet warmongers or cannon fodder for physical carnage.

    We need a peaceful country to successfully fight and defeat corruption, governance failure, power outage, infrastructure collapse, and substandard health, and education among others.

    If we truly seek change, we must achieve a unity of mind and common purpose by constructive participation in the political process.

  • Society, government and the media

    Society, government and the media

    Thomas Hobbes, an English philosopher born in 1558 in his 1651 book titled Leviathan, painted a picture of a state of nature where life is “solitary poor, nasty, brutish and short”. A world where, man who is predatory, cruel and inhuman “is a wolf to another man” ((Homos Homini est). Today, not much has changed. Life is still about the survival of the fittest. Globalisation, today’s reigning god is in itself another form of slavery in a world where only about five percent controls the resources of the world.

     The world remains an organized anarchy where the privileged wants an unfettered freedom to preside over an empire of slaves. The laws are their laws and by extension also our laws. They install government of their choice to implement their laws (every government has the imprimatur of the business class). After cornering a disproportionate share of the resources, the owners of society establish the newspaper publications and TV broadcasting stations to protect their loot by legitimizing their worldview no matter how warped. They insist, the media is a market place of ideas. But it is their dominant ideas and not our own ideas. They then employ intellectuals who humour themselves as editors, news anchors and gate keepers to fight their intra elite wars. 

    There is therefore no independent media. But rather than hearkening to the admonition of Babatunde Jose, the doyen of Nigerian press that journalists must learn how to walk the tight rope while fighting their masters’ wars, Nigerian journalists humour themselves with false sense of importance.  They latched on to freedom of the press which stemmed from John Milton 1664 ‘Areopaqitica’s argument that ‘rational beings are capable of using reason to distinguish right from wrong and good from bad’. But we momentarily forget we are dealing with an insane few who feed on the sweat and blood of others while telling us that journalism serves as a watchdog over private and government action. It is as if such freedom can change our relationship with greedy media owners and the government they install to implement their laws?

    And precisely because journalists often miss the link between government and the owners of society, government is always seen as Leviathan- a huge fearful sea dog who must be brought down. Newspaper proprietors and TV station owners, driven only by profit motivation only pay slave wages to journalists. Gratuity is considered gratuitous. Many journalists retired into penury and die as a result of health challenges. Instead of fighting evil men in government, and they are plenty in Buhari’s government, both the newspaper and the electronic media are obsessed with bringing down government, their only ally.

    Stranded with a colleague between Ogun State and Lagos during the EndSARS misdirected aggression of anger and frustration by youths in 2020, I had called about four of my former colleagues in the media houses to offer some advice. Their reaction was Buhari must be taught a lesson. Some of them later became victims.

    The truth is that there is no independent media anywhere in the world. Media owners are not interested in changing society and contrary to the grandstanding of some current media stars, media are never set up for ethical revolution. Every publisher or proprietor has an agenda.

     Thus the demand of Lagos Times, Anglo Africa and Nigerian Pioneer, established between 1881 and 1914 from the colonial administration was ‘increased participation of blacks in politics and the economy’. Of those established between 1922-1947, the Nigerian Daily Times was pro-establishment for commercial gains, Nnamdi Azikiwe’s West African Pilot and Obafemi Awolowo’s Tribune were critical of colonial masters but were tied to political fortunes of their founders.

    Of those that came between 1979-1982, the National Concord established by MKO Abiola, a military contractor spoke of “harmony justice and progress for all Nigerians” but was on a personal vendetta against Awolowo and his papers while The Guardian set up by Alex Ibru, another military contractor spoke of a need to “uphold  justice and probity in public life and equal protection under the law” was in fact established to protect his family business empire.

    Of course ThisDay, and by extension, ARISE Television were not set up to change society but as commercial enterprise driven by profit. That perhaps explain why it pioneered news commercialization by selling its ‘solu’s and ‘semi-solus’ positions in the name of ‘wrap around’, for cash, gave ‘governor of the year’ trophies to serving governors they were expected to hold accountable and bankers who were later indicted by the courts for misapplication of depositors’ funds to buy properties in Dubai and private jets in the name of their children.

    Were AIT set up to promote the health of the nation, its  chairman would not have partaken in the ‘Dazukigate’ to the tune of N2b which his lawyers claimed were bills for media consultations he claimed to have carried out privately for ex-President Goodluck Jonathan. And indeed if Channels and TVC stations were set up to sanitise Nigerian society as some of the young journalists serving them would want us to believe, they will have to first reconcile ‘news-commercialisation’ through which prime times are sold allegedly for as much as N10 million to notably state governors who dish out propaganda materials that assault peoples sensibilities.

    Journalists who give the impression their stations are engaged on a mission for a national rebirth should give Nigerians a break. It was not a surprise that Major General Haruna, a former Federal Commissioner of Information and Culture (1975-77) rudely interrupted and heckled endlessly by Rufai Oseni while condemning  some western countries over the manner the alarm about elevated risk of terror attack in Abuja was managed, had to remind him his proprietor has an agenda for setting up the ARISE platform while also advising him to be less judgmental as a journalist. I am not sure if Oseni ever came across a book written by  General Haruna’s  back in 1979/80 where he admonished Nigerian journalists to put Nigeria first because there would be nowhere to practice their  trade if the country implodes.

    But that did not stop irrepressible Rufai Oseni from declaring last Monday that refusal to participate on debate organized by ARISE by any presidential candidate would amount to a disrespect for Nigerians. Apparently he forgets ‘the medium is the news” His principal Prince Nduka Obaigbena is a staunch member of PDP, under which he once contested for a senate seat. It is impossible even to the nonpartisan not to see the ceaseless assault, disrespect and disparagement of the person of Asiwaju Tinubu by Oseni and some ARISE crew as an hatchet job to please a principal who from his creative and commercial exploits referred to above has abundantly demonstrated he did not set up his platforms for ethical revolution.

    Utter insensitivity to the feelings and rights of invited guests, insults and disregard for professional ethics can only lead to trust deficit while self-righteous indignation and daily lamentation about insecurity, corruption economic stagnation which are mere symptoms of our unresolved national question only betrays lack of understanding of how society works and the nature of our own crisis of nation building.

  • Will he go with G5?

    Will he go with G5?

    ON paper, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has 13 governors. The figure shows how bad the party has fallen from the height it hitherto occupied on the governorship ladder. In its glorious days, all you needed to do was to reverse the figure 13 and you will get the number of governors in PDP’s kitty.

    We are talking of 15 years ago when the party held sway in the country, with 31 of the 36 state governors, leaving the remaining five for the other parties to share. Faced with a shrinking number of governors, an affliction brought upon itself by its internal wranglings, the party is heading to the 2023 elections sharply divided.

    Its Chairman, Dr Iyorchia Ayu, and presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, are fighting a battle of their lives for the support of the party’s governors – five of whom have since parted ways with them. It can be safely said that it now has only eight governors left and of this figure, one may be on his way to team up with the Group of Five, otherwise known as G5 led by Rivers State Governor Nyesom Wike.

    Wike is the party’s nemesis and by extension that of its presidential candidate. He has made up his mind to work against Atiku against whom he contested for the ticket in May. Wike fought a good fight and if things had gone as he planned, he would have upset the apple cart. But the owners of PDP had other plans which they did not reveal to him as a leader of the party.

    Until then, he did not know that the owners of the party are different from the leaders. Wike thought that because he had often bailed the party out of financial mess in the past, he was in the inner caucus of PDP where the elders rule the roost.

    The scale fell off his eyes at the convention, where at the 11th hour, his friend, associate and ally, Governor Aminu Tambuwal of Sokoto, dumped him for Atiku in line with a northern agenda, which is against the party’s principle on zoning. The party had always ensured balancing in its leadership positions.

    Since its inception 24 years ago, its chairman and candidate had never come from the same geopolitical zone. If the chairman comes from the north, the candidate is picked from the south and vice versa. But at its May convention, it broke with this tradition. What is more, Ayu, who had promised to resign if a northerner emerged candidate, reneged on his promise. This marked the beginning of the rift between him, Atiku and Wike.

    Ironically, Wike had worked for the emergence of Ayu as chairman, with Benue State Governor Samuel Ortom standing as his guarantor in the governors’ calculation to smoothen the path for a southern candidate. Their plan misfired. With Wike’s presidential ambition aborted at the convention, he, Ortom, Governors Seyi Makinde (Oyo), Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia) and Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu) took to the trenches to fight what they perceived as injustice.

    Before the primary, the PDP governors from the south had made a case for a Southern president. But they did not get the buy-in of all their northern counterparts, who feel that power should remain in their region. With other southern governors like Ifeanyi Okowa (Delta), Emmanuel Udom (Akwa Ibom), backing out of the deal, the north’s hand was strengthened in its quest to hold on to power. 

    Okowa was compensated with the running mate slot and Udom, director-general of the presidential campaign council (PCC). In all of this, the G5 was a mere onlooker. It watched as events unfolded. Even in their states, the governors claimed that they were not consulted before people were conscripted into the PCC. According to them, the message being sent across was that they were irrelevant in their own states.

    To show that they are relevant, they have vowed not to work for Atiku. Their main condition is that Ayu must go. But it has got to a stage that even if Ayu quits today, the G5 may still not support Atiku. Its tribe may increase soon, with Bauchi State Governor Bala Muhammed being wooed by the group. The G5 did not go out of its way to get Muhammed. He may be brought in through fortuitous circumstance.

    Muhammed, who also contested for the presidential ticket, is embittered that Atiku is sidelining him. Atiku, he claimed, did not visit him after the primary to seek his support for the main election. Besides, the governor alleged that Atiku is against his second term bid. It is a dicey situation for Atiku and PDP. The party knows the implication of Muhammed’s statement. The governor is not happy with Atiku and may be forced to go the G5 way. Although, he has visited Atiku, that is no guarantee that he is happy with the candidate.

    Politicians have a way of wining, dining and dancing together, as if all is well, only to stage a coup against themselves the next hour. Ask the late Chuba Okadigbo or Audu Ogbeh and they will tell you what became of them shortly after their feast with former President Olusegun Obasanjo. 

    Between now and February 25, 2023, when the presidential election holds, anything can happen. Muhammed is now a beautiful bride being wooed by G5 and Atiku. Will he join his brother-governors or accept Atiku’s plea not to jump ship?

  • Terrorism on the increase in the Southwest

    Terrorism on the increase in the Southwest

    A Nigerian-American, Tope Owolabi, was in August abducted near Ogbomoso by kidnappers. The young man came to Nigeria to invest in the hospitality business in his ancestral home of Ogbomoso, Oyo State before he was kidnapped and subsequently murdered even after a ransom of N5 million had been paid to the kidnappers. The criminals have not been caught, as I write. The body of the murdered Owolabi was taken back to the United States for internment by his American family. 

    Neither the Oyo state government nor the Nigerian government has said anything about their determination to catch the heartless criminals responsible for terminating the life of this young and enterprising Nigerian-American. Yet the federal government and the president went with a huge delegation to the United Nations General Assembly, UNGA, in October with the justification of attracting American direct investment without doing anything to tighten the security loophole in Nigeria.

    Judging by the country-wide insecurity with the situation in the north, a great concern for everyone expecting foreign direct investment to increase remains a pipe and delusional dream. The economic situation in the rural areas of the country is dire indeed. Farmers in many parts of the country dare not go to their farms for fear of being murdered. There is little incentive to sow seeds that they will not be permitted to harvest. The Middle Belt which is the bread basket of the country has been rendered a no-go area by herders and other criminally minded kidnappers and killers on the prowl. Whatever food that is harvested in the area cannot be moved to the centres of consumption in the south and the far north because of virtual blockade of the highways by kidnappers and killers who after collecting ransom kill their victims for apparently no reason but for the joy of killing and bloodletting.

    The situation is becoming incomprehensible to many observers. The question being asked is what do these criminals actually want? What is their plan after bringing the country down after the success of their campaign of terrorism? As it stands today, many people cannot visit their homes outside the big cities which are now armoured stockades. Essentially, people are marooned in places like Lagos, Ibadan, Abeokuta, Osogbo, Akure and Ado Ekiti in the southwest. Outside Benin, Asaba, Warri, Yenagoa, Port Harcourt, Uyo and Calabar, only intrepid travellers dare venture out. The situation in the Southeast is not better and most of the people are cowering in their homes in the  state capitals and trying to avoid being killed by so called “unknown gun men”, armed herders and kidnappers and some renegade members of the IPOB (indigenous people of Biafra).

    The story is the same all over the North. Not even Abuja is safe.  There is neither safety nor security outside such fortified capitals like  Jos, Makurdi,  Lafia, Minna, Ilorin, Bauchi, Sokoto,  Birnin-Kebbi, Katsina, Kano, Dutse, Damaturu, Maiduguri, Yola and Jalingo. The entire Zamfara is a no-go area and this has been the case for almost a decade and internecine war between the Fulani and other tribal minorities and Hausa has been going on and life has become short and brutish. It is amazing that the Nigerian state and economy soldiers on when in fact it is no exaggeration to say the Nigerian state has failed. The responsibility of government is to secure peoples’ lives and property.  People like me can no longer go home to pray at the graves of our parents. We now send money to strangers to keep the resting places of our loves one clean and not become eyesores. Yet in our culture, this is the only honour the living owes the dead! People who still make interstate and intercity travels do so at the risk of their lives .Yet life must continue.

    Two weeks ago, Professor Adigun Agbaje and four students, two girls and two boys and a middle aged man were kidnapped along Lagos – Ibadan expressway, just some few kilometres from Ibadan. Reports have it that the terrorists were apparently looking for a foreign investor in some kind of avian industry in the area. The inability of the terrorists to locate their target led them to blocking the high way and kidnapping and killing at random of innocent and unsuspecting travellers who are trying to make a living in the collapsed economy of this benighted country of ours. At the end of this tragedy, the highly cerebral political scientist, Adigun Agbaje and others were kidnapped and spirited away into the forest between Ogun and Oyo states. A demand of N50 million was placed on their heads. 

    Where on earth will a poor teacher find such a humongous amount of Naira? After the intervention of concerned people, the professor was released and some of the other victims were released after apparently paying a huge ransom. One of the encouraging side effects of this tragedy was the instant mobilisation of funds by his colleagues at home and abroad to save the life of the unfortunate professor who narrowly, as it turned out, escaped from being shot on the head. This would have been the second high profile killing in Oyo State in recent times while both federal and state governments lie prostrate.

    Yet we have policemen, soldiers and the Amotekun self-help irregular force which the federal government has decided to render almost useless because it has refused to let the states arm them while herders and criminals carry Kalashnikov precision rifles and yet state governors, according to the constitution, are the chief security officers of their states.

    Why can’t the governors test the meaning of “chief security officer” in the law courts? We are hopefully still in a state of laws and not yet under a dictatorship. Why should we put all hopes for our lives on a poohbah distant from our day to day security concerns as if we are slaves?

    In the 1970s, our highways had highway patrols mounted by the police on a 24-hour basis. Is the hand of the police force shortened that it can no longer protect us? What is the use of having a police force that cannot keep the road arteries of Nigeria protected and safe from ragtag armed irregulars? The Ibadan-Lagos expressway under construction since 2007 is the lifeline linking the North and the main port  of Lagos and also connecting the same ports with the East, the South-south and the western hinterland with Lagos. If this road is rendered useless by the action of kidnappers and killers, then Nigeria is finished!

    The police should be ordered to reintroduce the highway patrol on all major roads that worked in the past and if needs be, they should be supported by the army. We are at war and the country’s security forces should be put on war footing until this countrywide state of siege is lifted. Habeas corpus should not operate in the tackling of the terrorists and summary punishment including capital punishment should apply to kidnappers until the situation subsides. The governments, both state and federal, should not allow the insecurity to deteriorate to a level where people will resort to self-help.  We are rapidly approaching the tipping point .Enough is enough.

  • 2023: Hate is  everybody’s torment

    2023: Hate is everybody’s torment

    Hate looks like other people’s torment until it glares at you. Sometimes, it glowers in the eyes of a bigot, and the scowl of a predator; sometimes, it seethes in the quiet glances of their prey.

    These days, it shrieks in the rant of the wild – Nigeria’s virtual wilderness to be precise. In our wild, we relive the infernal crud of frantic personae: the political animal, apolitical pacifist, hyperbolic ‘influencer,’ data-fabulous millennial, and the defiant Gen Z, scud to the shore of national consciousness on the world wide web – all hoisting tribal banners and interests –  in support of one presidential candidate or the other.

    Whatever the bent of their politics, they cuddle one candidate and cringe at the other as their vanities dictate. They call it value-based politics even as they clash in defense and furtherance of random bigotries, like pitiless hooligans. Ultimately, they afflict the social space.

    Like all decadent archetypes, social media hooligans mistake lava for wit and molten banality for intellect. Their voices weigh like a thundercloud; whether debating celebrity scuffles or their preferences for Nigeria’s next president, their passions sparkle and flit from fetid intelligence to brilliant witlessness.

    Venom runs in their veins. In their hearts, love and hate are seductive caverns brimming with hate and relative truths, and then death – the death of decency, civility, and humaneness.

    There is a cult of ignorance knifing through Nigeria right now, ripping all that should bind us apart – particularly in cyberspace. This cult thrives on anti-intellectualism and base sophistry – derogatorily dismissed as otellectualism in Yoruba parlance, to connote the presumed intellectual’s acquiescence to be corrupted by what the Yoruba term as ‘ote’ translatable as ‘perfidy’ or ‘treachery.’

    This strain of anti-intellectualism blows by a constant storm, rifling through our sociopolitical and cultural lives, nurtured by the false notion that freedom of speech means that ‘my ignorance is just as good as your knowledge’ or that ‘my malevolence is just as good as your benevolence.’

    The malady manifests in cyberspace in real-time. In this public space, everybody becomes a wilding, trading bitter realism, infantile whim, and pseudo-idealism with awful relish.

    The guts and sinews of every stereotype and theme-park hatred are validated via mind-numbing sloganeering, toxic bigotries, sophistry, and outright lies.

    A casual visit to Facebook or Twitter manifests as a pilgrimage of sorts; the esplanades of public discourse unfurl to a sordid, cutout version of anarchic thinking, replete with ethnoreligious bigotries and the hassle of incomprehensible logic. Then, there are the strange movements and morbid ideologies – all fostered and marshaled from bizarre platforms.

    In this public wilderness, everybody pontificates. Everyone mutates from philosopher to savage pawn and vice versa; they all speak impressive and atrocious lingo. Call it our patois of rebuke and immoderate assemblies.

    Here you encounter Nigerians of vast mental stripes: the BATIFIED, ATIKULATE, AND OBIDIENT. Once you get past the facade of slogans and artifice, it’s mostly the same defiant, virulent passion driving the mob.

    As the bickering persists, we see the savage mutations of the political Nigerian: persons of presumed higher learning, persons afflicted by poverty, persons of affluence, authority, and high glamour. The lambent complexion turns muddy; the aura vanishes. Integrity is innately borne and espoused as a kernel of character but respect is a gift under no one’s control. It peaks and ebbs as spectator mood at a crunch soccer tie.

    A familiar decline from admiration to disillusion, hope to disenchantment festers in the citizenry’s public engagement with each other and their elected representatives

    But our greatest undoing would be our inability to douse the flames of bigotries and hatred incited by our utterances and cutthroat politics.

    As we approach the 2023 polls, our politics must be rid of rancour. There is no excuse for maligning an individual, group, or social divide for its political choices and preferred candidates.

    Where such mayhem subsists,  everybody gets burnt: the ruling class, opposition parties, the entitled elite, and the rich upper class. At the bottom of the cauldron, however, roasts the incorrigible hordes of the boondocks, or the electorate if you like.

    Through the inferno and chaos, we seek a redefinition of the Nigerian patriot. Strikeout patriot; it’s about time we redefined the Nigerian.

    Again, I reiterate that Nigeria must learn from the Afghan experience. In the wake of the United States-backed NATO’s sudden withdrawal from Afghanistan, Gaisu Yari, an Afghan refugee, now grantee of the Open Society Foundation (OSF), recalls his flight from his homeland as his darkest hour.

    As the U.S. and NATO commenced their hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan, he had just four hours to pack up every personal item in his apartment. He had to decide, without wasting time, what to take and what to leave behind—knowing that he might never see anything left behind again.

    “One rule kept circling through my mind: Pack the life you have created here in Afghanistan into one suitcase and never forget the dreams of the people of this land,” he recalled.

    Thus on August 19, in barely four gruesome hours, he anxiously stuffed a few belongings in his bag and parted with his life, his work, and everything that made him Afghan. In a pain-filled memoir, Yari revealed that he cried all through his perilous trip to the Kabul airport. He hadn’t enough time to say goodbye to loved ones.

    “And as much I tried to conjure ways to plan, resist, and fight to stay in Afghanistan with each passing moment, it was gut-wrenchingly evident that we had lost our chance,” he said.

    One year after his painful departure from his homeland, Yari relives the agony of his flight; he relives the pain of saying goodbye to his tearful mother on the roof of an old house, where he had been hiding from the Taliban for three days.

    He eventually evacuated to Poland, landing with his family in a refugee camp with scarce food or resources. Even so, Yari is luckier than fellow refugees and Afghans who fled to Poland, France, Canada, and the U.S. At least, he enjoys the momentary boon of an OSF grant thus he might not have to really worry anymore about the quality of his provisions, living space, and food supplies.

    Yet every day he rues the misery of refugee life, the pain of sudden flight, those stolen moments with his mom, and the aching feeling of being abandoned.

    Every new dawn he spends abroad lacerates him to the bones and leaves a thick welt on his psyche. He realises that he is living some of his “darkest days a year after leaving” his homeland.

    Would Nigerians learn from the sad fate of the Yaris of the world?  Yari and fellow Afghan refugees never imagined that their country “could fall back into the hands of the Taliban—and that no one could save it.”

    As they fled, many of them took with them, what they thought was important. “A prosecutor told Yari in his OSF-sponsored documentary, “Afghan Voices” that he brought his knowledge and experience to the U.S. “But does that matter here in the United States? No,” he said. Quite instructive.

    And despite their initial patronage by the bleeding heart press, Afghanistan has faded from global news headlines.

    As we approach the 2023 elections, let us be guided by the Afghans’ experience. Nigerians must avoid rancorous engagement with each other. We must scorn chaos and poisonous interventions by aliens, whose major interest is to abolish our sovereignty, plunder our resources, and strip us bare to devious elements.

     

  • Tinubu: A father’s blessing

    Tinubu: A father’s blessing

    What politicians crave most is the endorsement of people or groups who matter to their ambitions. They know the importance of such endorsement because of its accruing benefits. The benefits are a given once the endorsement is pronounced. But it must be properly pronounced.

    Proper in the sense that the person issuing the blessing must be the right person. Once it is done by the wrong person, it is not an endorsement but an encumbrance. Those who know the implication of this get jittery when the endorser is a man of authority and power. Why? They know that the blessing is signed, sealed and delivered.

    A father’s blessing cannot be bought. Those who acquired it through such means never ended up well. A father’s blessing comes from the depths of the heart and is reserved for a beloved son. Every father desires a son that will run with the legacy of the family or their race while he is still alive or even dead. This was the message that was put across in Akure, the Ondo State capital, on October 30.

    That historic day, Pa Reuben Fasoranti, the undisputed leader of Afenifere, the Yoruba socio-cultural and political group in the Southwest as well as Kogi and Kwara states, received the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential candidate, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, in his Akure country home. For Tinubu, it was homecoming –  a son coming to see his father. The visit was to keep his promise to come back after he wins the APC presidential ticket.

    Tinubu has always been a process person. He does his things by following protocols so that he would not be accused of not according respect to whom respect is due when the chips are down. Before the APC primary, he came to Fasoranti to seek his blessing. He got it and he won the ticket. He came back to say ‘thank you father, your prayer for me has been answered’. So, the Presidency is as good as won now that he has got the leader’s blessing for the February 25, 2023 election!

    In African culture, there is something about being grateful and that gratitude Tinubu came to express that day in order to receive more. As the Yoruba will say, if a child expresses gratitude for past favours, he gets more. It was a full house as Tinubu and his entourage arrived to a rousing welcome in Fasoranti’s home.

    The sitting room brimmed with the leading lights in Yorubaland. From one elder to the other, Tinubu bowed in respect as he inched towards Fasoranti. He prostrated for the leader, who without wasting time, placed his hands on Tinubu’s head after the candidate sat beside him, in the well known way of blessing people. As he prayed for Tinubu, others in the room chorused: ‘amen’.

    Someone then whispered: Eyi te wi, aro aran mo, meaning ‘all what you have said will come to pass’. What did Fasoranti say? He said Tinubu would become president and that it would be in his lifetime. The 96-year-old Asiwaju Yoruba prayed from the heart for the 70-year-old Asiwaju Eko. But some people are not comfortable with the development because they feel they have the sole right to anoint who should become president in 2023, on behalf of Afenifere.

    In Afenifere’s hierarchical structure, Pa Fasoranti is the apex leader, but because of his age, he appointed Pa Ayo Adebanjo, who is next in line to him, as acting leader. Adebanjo, 94, has misconstrued this to be that he is Afenifere leader. With the substantive leader still alive and his faculties intact, Adebanjo cannot usurp his functions. He can only carry out Fasoranti’s instructions. He cannot on the basis of delegated authority become an authoritarian leader. Delegation of duty does not mean abrogation of power and authority. For the record, this is not the first time Afenifere will be having such an arrangement.

    During Pa Abraham Adesanya’s leadership of the group, Bola Ige acted for him when he (Adesanya) was ill-disposed. At no time did Ige usurp his leader’s functions nor acted ultra vires (beyond) his (Ige’s) power. For long, Adebanjo has been carrying on as if he is Afenifere leader just because Fasoranti is not a noise maker like some people that we know. With Fasoranti still alive, Adebanjo has to wait for his time to become the group’s leader; he should not be in a hurry to take up the position for now.

    There cannot be two captains in a ship. This being so, Afenifere cannot have two leaders at the same time. If a king does not pass away, another is not crowned. This has always been the Afenifere practice and politics should not be allowed to disrupt this age-long tradition. With due respect, Adebanjo overreached himself when he adopted Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP) as Afenifere’s candidate in the 2023 election. There is no better time to say this than now when the rightful Afenifere leader has, at last, spoken up on the matter.

    From all indications, Adebanjo did not consult his principal, Fasoranti, before he took that authoritarian action. Adebanjo, like any other person, may have issues with Tinubu, but that should not be allowed to affect the collective interest of their group.

    As an individual, Adebanjo is free to support whoever he likes as presidential candidate, but he should not be seen to take Afenifere’s name  to do so when he does not have that power. As a lawyer, he knows that nobody can give what he does not have. His endorsement of Peter Obi on  September 26 was a private and personal decision which he cannot couch as Afenifere’s position.

    The world now knows Afenifere’s position, which flows from its leader, Fasoranti’s laying of hands on Tinubu on October 30 in Akure. Adebanjo should learn to live with this decision. He was invited to the Akure meeting, but he stayed away for reasons best known to him. His absence cannot vitiate this historic endorsement of the Jagaban Borgu for the nation’s top job.

     

    • Our sincere appreciation to all those that called while this column was on break.