Category: Thursday

  • The monsters we made (2)

    The monsters we made (2)

    Filial love is ambivalent, to be precise. It is neither here nor there. Art may run riot with romantic projections of its aspects but reality presents the push and pull of its perverse fascination – often uncensored.

    Consider for instance, 32-year-old Afeez Olalere’s confession to operatives of the Lagos State Police Command that his mother encouraged him to kill his younger brother for money rituals.

    Olalere revealed that his mother took him to a witch-doctor, who told him that if he wanted to be successful as an internet fraudster, he would have to sacrifice his blood sibling.

    The witch-doctor said he would prepare a concoction with the severed thumbs, hair, fingers and passport photograph of Olalere’s sibling. “So, we went back home and thought about it; then my mother suggested that we used my younger brother since he was just 21 years old. She also brought the poison which we gave him to eat. He died within 20 minutes after consuming the food. I was the one who cut out the body parts needed. We then wrapped his dead body and headed to the mortuary,” said Olalere.

    The duo were eventually arrested by the police along Itamaga, Ikorodu Road in Lagos.

    The pursuit of money and self-actualisation fosters a deceptive labour and happiness ethic; assertions of selfhood simply release the amoral chaos of lust and materialism.

    There is little difference between the Olaleres and the Bayelsa boys: Emomotimi,15, Perebi, 15, and Eke, 15, who plotted to “hypnotise”13-year-old Comfort, for a similar money ritual. At their arrest, last week, the boys revealed that they hypnotised Comfort and led her to Emomotimi’s apartment, where they cut her finger and sprinkled her blood on a mirror for ritual purposes.

    The Olaleres and Bayelsa boys, like Boko Haram and armed bandits, are kindred spirits with public officers looting the treasury to gratify private lusts. The latter’s brazen embezzlement of state funds often manifests in citizenry deaths on bad roads, substandard public hospitals, and rising insecurity.

    They are all failures of the Nigerian family as a social unit on one hand and the vagaries of the new socioeconomic order on the other hand.

    Toxic families produce toxic citizens. Toxic citizenry becomes poisonous to nationhood in the long run. The interplay of toxic materialism, misandrist-feminism and the absence of an exemplary father figure has foisted upon us a generation of ill-nurtured boys.

    Economic forces aggravate their sense of disenchantment and futility and changing gender roles and the denouement of masculinity afflict them with greater confusion.

    Masculinity flows from nature as an aspect of the birth mother, no doubt, but it is sculpted by society and a father figure into humane and effective manhood. The boy-child learns by instruction, counselling, and imitation. In an ideal setting, the father moulds his character by careful nurturing, awarding punishment for vice and reward for virtue. So doing, he teaches him to be a man within acceptable precepts of culture and society.

    Where the father is absent, or feckless, the boychild suffers exposure to degenerate blooming, like Olalere, who was encouraged to use his younger brother for money ritual by his mother – to encourage him, she fed poison to the said brother (her younger son) and watched him die.

    The lust for money has become endemic; fostered across societal divides, it is symptomatic of boondocks rebellion against bourgeois society and aspiration to it in the same breadth. It is the ultimate resort of increasing hordes of teenagers “hustling” as Yahoo Boys, gang-bangers, or masquerading as musicians, bitcoin traders, to mention a few. Beneath their pretensions to honest labour or the “hustle”, if you like, many of them are murderous felons.

    Fetish diabolism, comprising the ubiquitous money ritual has become one of their vehicles of offensive against the odds. These boys are done doing hard, honest work; they have become estranged from the universe’s romanticised culture of industry and rewards.

    More worrisome is society’s tacit approval and brazen celebration of their exploits. Musicians, public officers, prominent politicians, business leaders and law enforcers have been seen to hobnob with them and patronise them, as indicated by international fraudster, Ramon Abbas aka Hush Puppy’s patronage by prominent Nigerian politicians and crime-fighters.

    We must acknowledge the amoral cleavage of outlaws and supposed custodians of the law, like the wedlock of light and darkness, and the resultant eclipse of catholic morality by chthonic lust.

    Savage Nigeria,  can only be cured by farming our loins for the hidden cowries of a nobler race, no doubt. The absence of a father figure in a child’s life is often problematic. If a boychild, the consequences could be intense. The family is the building block of society and civilisation. When it disintegrates, the responsibilities of raising a child are borne by a single parent, oftentimes, the mother. Where the woman is left with the sole responsibility of raising a boy, shades of dysfunction manifest in the boy’s blooming.

    If money is her problem, she may encourage her child to use a sibling for money ritual. If money isn’t her problem, she makes sure her ward lacks nothing. If care is not taken, she would raise a child as a glamour pet, ensuring, for instance, that her son grows up to become “nothing like his father.” So doing, she may infect him with gall and virulent fits. She overcompensates and splurges to make her child miss nothing about his “deadbeat father.”

    That is hardly child-grooming, it’s called child maintenance; keeping a child, like an expensive pet. Yes, orthodox families may fail at child grooming; and this is not about the ‘prominent’ or ‘successful’ few, who “made it” despite being raised by a single mother. It’s about the many who grew up broken, partially or completely damaged, because they were denied a father – be it their mother or the absentee father’s doing.

    The dominant role of fathers in preventing delinquency is well-established. Over fifty years ago, this phenomenon was highlighted in the classic studies of the causes of delinquency by Sheldon and Eleanor Glueck of Harvard University. They described in academic terms, what many children hear their mothers so often say: “Wait till your father gets home!”

    The benefits a child receives from his relationship with his father are notably different from those derived from his relationship with his mother. While the mother nurtures and provides emotional healing, the father contributes a sense of paternal authority and discipline which is conveyed through his involved presence.

    The additional benefits of his affection and attachment add to this primary benefit. Albert Bandura, professor of psychology at Stanford University, observed as early as 1959 that delinquents suffer from an absence of the father’s affection.

    In recent years, there has been a sudden rise in the phenomenon of single mothers, mostly depicted by misandrists as ‘victims of deadbeat fathers.’ While some are, in truth, victims of scorching romance and irresponsible male partners, some naively got pregnant after orchestrating a one-night stand with the random ‘superstar’ or criminal, most especially Yahoo Boys, hoping to get pregnant and the baby would be their anchor into their target’s world of opulence.

    The situation is aggravated by modern society’s commodification of love, and consumer culture’s inflation of our expectations of relationships to an unmanageable degree. Many consider partners as wish-list fulfillers and when they fail to do so, as disposable.

    The toleration of uncertainty and compromise necessary for sustaining intimacy and providing a platform for parenthood has become inconsequential – often to the detriment of the child.

  • Date with destiny

    Date with destiny

    He does not do things in half measures. He cannot also be stampeded into action. Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Tinubu (BAT) is his own man. He carries himself with confidence and he is never afraid to speak his mind. For long, speculations were rife about his presidential ambition. The speculations started after he left office as the Last Man Standing  governor of Lagos State in 2007.

    Last Man Standing! That is another story in itself. It is the story of a man who outplayed a foxy former president in his own game. President Olusegun Obasanjo had set a booby trap for the former Alliance of Democracy (AD) governors of the Southwest states of Oyo, Ogun, Osun, Ondo and Lagos in the 2003 polls by seeking their support for his return to office, while assuring them of his own backing for their election too.

    They lowered their guards, not knowing that it was a ploy to get them out of office by stealth. Only Tinubu saw through the plot and he came out of the election unscathed. Thus, he became the Last Man Standing (on AD platform) in the midst of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governors in the Southwest.

    It has been 15 long years since then and in that length of time, speculations about his presidential ambition spread like wildfire. He watched bemusedly as those who believe they know him well politically and others who did not, went to town about his aspiration. The ‘he will contest’ group and the ‘no he will not’ camp have been shouting themselves hoarse for years on Asiwaju’s political future. Those who want him to contest know that he has something to offer. Those in the other camp do not want him to run because of their own personal agenda.

    Yet, others simply hate his gut. They bristle at anything Asiwaju. “Is he the only one?” “Must he control everything?” “Look at how he has turned himself into the Lord of Manor”. They are wont to complain. But they forget one thing: that Asiwaju did not attain his political heights by being sheepish at pushing the causes he believes in. He is a fighter politically and a man you can follow to battle with your eyes closed. Asiwaju trusts his loyalists completely, but what has he got in return?

    They speak ill of him behind his back and come before him to genuflect and assure him that ‘we remain loyal sir’. They know that they are lying. In their sub-conscious mind, they know that what they are doing is wrong. No man is a saint and Asiwaju does not see himself as one. Despite his human foibles, he has remained loyal to his belief and members of his political camp. What he demands is loyalty and all who showed that trait are the better for it today.

    Read Also: Shonekan: He tried his best to unite Nigeria, says Tinubu

    His ambition is no longer a secret. On Monday, he spoke on his political future after visiting President Muhammadu Buhari. “I have informed the President of my intention, but I have not informed Nigerians yet. I am still consulting… I have not set a parameter of limitation to the extent of how many people I will consult”, he said of his interest in the 2023 Presidency.

    “You have got the truth from me that I have informed Mr President of my ambition… The President did not ask me to stop; he did not ask me not to attempt and pursue my ambition. It is a life-long ambition. So, why will I expect him to say more than that…”

    His informal declaration, as it were, has elicited a chain of reactions. Is it not Asiwaju that we are talking about? You should expect no less. Whatever some people may have against him, they should not go for the man, but look at the issue critically. Is he qualified to be president? Of all the aspirants that have so far come out, who is better than him? It is not about where the aspirant comes from or the faith he professes, it is about his ability. Does he have the capacity to do the job?

    That question was answered here in a piece entitled: The lion and the crown last October 14. If he decides to run, many will back him. Many too will not support him. That is politics for you. No matter where you stand, one thing is certain, though, Asiwaju has what it takes to lead Nigeria…

    Asiwaju too knows that his detractors will come for him in the “if you miss the ball, don’t miss the leg fashion”. This should be the least of his worries. It is a measurement of his political standing. He should just concentrate on selling himself and his agenda to the electorate who will determine contestants’ fate at the polls.

     

    Tony Idigo (1952-2021)

    Chief, that was what those of us younger than him called him at the Daily Times. Some of his age mates too referred to him as such. Chief Anthony Idigo was a man of culture. Though, he was a Catholic, he never joked with the culture of his Aguleri people in Anambra State. Our paths crossed at the Times at the time the Aguleri-Umuleri skirmish was intense. We often wondered how the ‘brothers’ fight’ would end. Idigo, who was Ikolo Aguleri, always assured us that the feud would be resolved. It was eventually settled, but at enormous cost.

    Lively, lovely and down-to-earth, Idigo was grounded in the best tradition of journalism. He worked for many years with the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) before joining Daily Times. He died last November 16, at the age of 69. He would have been 70 on Saturday, January 15, on which day his remains will be buried. May he find rest in the Lord’s bosom.

  • Akinwande Bolaji Akinyemi at 80

    Akinwande Bolaji Akinyemi at 80

    Professor Bolaji Akinyemi deserves all the encomiums that have been poured on him to mark his 80th birthday. He has marked his birthday in a classy way befitting an academic of exceptional brilliance. I was glad I was able to make it. I wouldn’t have been able to do it but for the intervention of my friend Ambassador Dapo Fafowora who was lost by academia to diplomatic bureaucracy. It was he who called my attention to the virtual celebration of Bolaji’s birthday.

    We are all very proud of Akinyemi for his stellar achievements in the realm of foreign policy and diplomacy in both theory and practice. In the academic study of international affairs in Nigeria, Akinyemi comes second to the late Ambassador Lasisi (Lawrence) Fabunmi whose thesis on the Anglo – Egyptian condominium administration in the Sudan, a Ph.D of the University of London in 1959 blazed the trail of academic studies in international relations by Nigerians. Oxford University’s D. Phil in 1969. Our friend Olajide Aluko followed suit with a doctorate at the London School of Economics (LSE) with a dissertation on Ghana and Nigeria’s relations around the same time with Bolaji’s completion of his Oxford doctorate. Several other scholars have found their niche in one area of Nigeria’s or Africa’ place in the international arena. It is however incontestable that Akinyemi brought the study of international relations the high profile it has now acquired in the Nigerian universities.

    Akinyemi comes from a solid middle class background. His father, the Reverend Canon Akinyemi, was a graduate of the famous Fourah Bay College, Freetown Sierra Leone, a college of the University of Durham. He was the principal of Ilesha Grammar School and was a cleric of the Anglican tradition.  He was a parliamentarian representing the rural area of Ijesha land in the Western House of Assembly. He was a member of the Action Group, led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Ijesha land at that time was dominated by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe-led NCNC (National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons/Citizens) the town of Ilesha in those days was dominated by the NCNC titans of Babatunji Olowofoyeku and Joseph Odeleye Fadahunsi.

    Bolaji’s father was a strict disciplinarian of the old school and he did not spare the rod. Bolaji grew up in a large family of five boys and a girl. As can be expected, he had to fight for his lebensraum, to use a loaded German word in a very competitive family. He was number two in the family coming after his older brother Akinwunmi who schooled at Christ’s School Ado Ekiti and later became a physician. I believe Bolaji wanted to be like his brother. This probably accounts for why after leaving Igbobi College in Lagos, he came to Christ School in 1960, following the footsteps of his brother to immerse himself in studying the basic sciences of Chemistry, Biology and Physics for the Higher School Certificate. Growing up in political environment led him to develop avid interest in politics and world affairs. It was in this circumstance that he took part in an essay competition conducted by the embassy of the USA and won. His mastery of the subject attracted the attention of the embassy officials who then arranged for Bolaji to participate in a youth forum in the United States in 1961. This was how a young man studying to become a medical doctor became eventually a doctor of political science.

    He studied at Temple University in Philadelphia USA (1962-64) Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Medford Massachusetts USA (1964-66) Trinity College, Oxford,England 1966-69).

    On returning home obviously at the end of the civil war in Nigeria, he joined the University of Ibadan as a lecturer in political science. It was from here that he was appointed Director- General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs in 1975 after the coup d’état against General Yakubu Gowon whose regime after nine years had become fat and corrupt. The General Murtala Muhammed’s regime became extremely involved in the politics of African liberation. Akinyemi provided the regime with the intellectual power necessary to mobilize not only Nigerians, but Africans behind the nationalist fervor behind the new Nigerian assertiveness in dealing with not only South Africa but even its traditional allies in the West that were not used to the kind of dynamism seen in Nigeria. It was like there was no foreign ministry at that time and even the foreign minister, Brigadier Joe Nanven Garba relished being at the NIIA and being seen with Bolaji Akinyemi and his academic colleagues. Bolaji was a mere 34 years old young man. His energy knew no bounds. He had as his administrative secretary, Abubakar Muhammadu Rimi who later became the tempestuous governor of Kano in the 2nd republic. Akinyemi organized seminars around the issues germane to Nigeria’s development such as Nigeria and her neighbors, federalism and politics in Nigeria, economic integration of West Africa, the liberation struggle in Southern Africa, Nigeria and Brazil, Nigeria and the commonwealth, Nigeria and European economic community, Nigeria and OPEC and so on and so forth. He turned the NIIA to beehive of policy discussion and began the practice of the head of state annual policy statement on our country’s diplomacy. He held the post of Director General until he was replaced by Ibrahim Gambari under the NPN-led government. He was appointed professor of political science by the University of Lagos in 1983. It was while he was at the University of Lagos that Babangida sought him out in 1985 and appointed him foreign minister at the age of 43. Babangida could not have made a better choice because while Bolaji was Director- General at the NIIA, he had been visiting professor in European and American universities.

    It was as foreign minister that he really made his mark. His legacies includes starting a Technical Aids Corps (TAC) modeled after the peace corps program of the young president J. F. Kennedy which tried to make young Americans go to the developing parts of the world to share their knowledge and thus build up support for America in the world . Bolaji saw Nigeria as the ultimate power in Africa and the black world. At that time Nigeria was awash with petro-dollars and he felt we could share our fortune with the rest of the black world in Africa, the Caribbean and Oceania. This proved to be very popular with young Nigerians and the program has endured till today. His development of the concept of a Concert of Medium Powers in which a group of countries in Africa, Latin America, Asia and Europe could come together as mediators in international conflicts was seen as a duplication of the Non-Aligned movement which Bolaji apparently found unwieldy. Needless to say this didn’t fly amidst withering criticism.

    As minister, he was directly involved in facilitating peace between Libya and Chad and between Mali and Burkina Faso in 1987. He was seized with the issue of liberation struggle in Southern Africa, a carryover from his Murtala Muhammed/Olusegun Obasanjo days of the late 1970s. It was under him that Nigeria became a frontline state in Africa’s struggle for the liberation of Southern Africa.

    In spite of his stellar performance as foreign minister, he was summarily dropped in a cabinet reshuffle two years after being made minister. Only Babangida can give reasons for this but rumors had it that his intended rapprochement with Israel was not favorably looked upon in the north of our country. Some in ABU, the hotbed of northern academic radicalism led by Bala Yusuf Usman erroneously said Bolaji’s wife who is a Catholic was Jewish and that this accounted for Bolajj’s softness towards Israel. After his tenure as minister, Bolaji went back to academia but continued his engagement with politics until the  Moshood Abiola  conundrum when he was so involved with the revalidation of Abiola’s mandate that when Abacha’s tyranny began, he had to flee to Britain and joined forces with NADECO to see the end of Abacha’s tyranny. He narrowly escaped from being kidnapped in Benin Republic by goons sent after him and his colleagues in Benin.  In 2007, President Umar Yar’Adua chose him as deputy chairman of a committee to make recommendations for a reform of the electoral system. They worked very hard but no radical reforms were instituted. When President Jonathan set up a national body to give the country a new constitution after he took over from Yar’Adua, Akinyemi was one of those called to offer his expertise and the recommendations they made remain locked up in the archives to gather dust.

    Akinyemi’s contribution to the history of modern Nigeria remains imperishable. This contribution was most time undermined by petty jealousies, envy by his colleagues who did not have the same opportunities that Akinyemi had. In retirement, Akinyemi seems to devote his immense ability to nurturing the development of  a virile Yoruba movement within the overarching Nigerian search for unity. During most of these times I worked with Bolaji Akinyemi and his NIIA sponsored my research on Nigerian/Equatorial Guinea relations which became a blueprint for Nigeria’s policy to that neighboring country.

    My readers should permit my use of the familiar Bolaji in referring to this great man that I have known for close to 70 years! Bolaji is a fine and handsome man but under the beautiful exterior is steel. Bolaji when young had hot temper which only age has tempered. He served his country with absolute honesty and integrity with little material acquisition to show for it unlike many people who had less opportunity to serve and made little or no contribution to the nation as Bolaji did. He can at least rejoice that a grateful nation honored him with the highest civilian accolade of Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR).

  • Igbo and Fulani zero-sum struggle for power

    Igbo and Fulani zero-sum struggle for power

    Professor George Obiozor, President of Ohanaeze, and former envoy to US, while making a case for an Igbo presidency in 2023, last Friday on Channels TV’s Morning Ride identified  “power sharing as the greatest Nigerian problem”. While the call was timely, he, like our many of our other leaders chose to play the ostrich by not just admitting that the problem with Nigeria is ‘Igbo and Fulani political elite’s zero-sum struggle for power.’

    Professor Obiozor more than anyone else knows that  the problem of power-sharing among federating units in the country was settled  by the departing imperial powers through the Lyttleton 1954 Constitution from which the 1957 Lancaster debate and the 1960 Independent Act were derived.  What obtained therefore at independence was a working federation with autonomous regions, revenue sharing formula based on derivation and regionalization of public service, judiciary and marketing boards with provision made for the federal government to operate from a neutral ground.

    Igbo political elite and their northern counterparts, made up of the Fulani hegemonic class and a few favoured individuals among the conquered Hausa and minority groups in the north, integrated through either marriage, political appointment, or business share some parallels. These include socio-economic political philosophy on how Nigeria must be run, manipulation of the ethnic and religion sentiments of their people for profit and glorification of a few who built their ‘palaces of the people’ among the squalor of their exploited masses whose welfare they had capacity to lay foundation for just as Western Nigeria leaders did between 1952 and 1962.

    But sadly the two rivals who like the departing imperial powers view Nigeria as a no-man’s land that can be freely pillaged chose otherwise. Out of sheer greed for power, they destroyed the superstructure bequeathed on to us by our founding fathers when in breach of the letter and spirit of the constitution, they interfered in the affairs of Western Region in 1962, by sending Awolowo to prison and boasted  he would be too old to question how they jointly manage Nigeria by the time he returned from prison.

    In their zero-sum struggle for power, the more educated group with citizens spread across the country predictably, campaigned for a unitary system which their rival believed was a recipe for re-colonisation of the north. The other group from 1950 subscribed to a unique federal arrangement in which their population advantage and geographical land spread, twice the size of other federating regions, guaranteed for them the power to decide the fate of the country.

    The winner-takes all struggle assumed a new dimension after independence with each group attempting to take control of the military, regarded according to Richard Sclar as one institution that would one day determine power equation. To challenge the domination of the middle rank officer cadre by Igbo, their northern rivals forced the outgoing imperial powers to lower entry standards to accommodate northern youths. The lobby to control the military became so intense that pressure from Dr Azikiwe,   forced Balewa to ferry Dr Mbadiwe and Mathew Mbu to Kaduna to persuade  Ahmadu Bello to drop his choice of Ademulegun for Ironsi, a decision he took with a prophetic warning that Nigeria would regret Ironsi’s choice.

    Read Also: Has Southeast found answer to Igbo question?

    What we had by January 1966 was therefore a military predominantly controlled by the East and the North with the West unable to boast of more than 50 foot soldiers. For this reason, when Lagos became the battle ground in January 1966, unchallenged Igbo military officers had a smooth operation, eliminating all senior northern military officers and northern political leaders. Similarly in July 1966, it became a balance of terror as Murtala Mohammed took control of Lagos and Abeokuta, eliminating every Igbo military officer on sight while Danjuma in a night of many knives in Ibadan effortlessly had Aguiyi Ironsi, the head of state and Adekunle Fajuyi his host, captured and murdered.

    At the outbreak of the civil war, Ojukwu still lusting over Nigeria instead of defending the rebel enclave ordered the invasion of Mid-West region, imposed an Igbo administrator and immediately started sharing booties of war even before securing victory.  In a letter to Banjo, the head of the invading Biafra Army, he was promised the administrator of a liberated Oduduwa nation instead of military head of his Yoruba country after the crusade while he Ojukwu would decide who  to be appointed administrator of Lagos after  liberation.

    In 1979, the defeated Igbo swallowed their pride and went into an alliance with NPN, a reincarnation of NPC of the first republic. Ojukwu himself returned from exile to join his former tormentors in NPN. Again history repeated itself with NPN dumping NPP.

    In 1983, NPN went nuclear  with what Walter Ofonagoro described as ‘landslide and sea-slide victories in opposition strongholds’, including  Modakeke quarters of Ile-Ife which returned  more votes for NPN than its total population

    The Igbo political elite know Hausa/Fulani suitors are the best. In 1993, after flirting with MKO Abola’s SDP and Tofa’s NRC, they settled for the latter.  Abiola won only Anambra losing Abia, Imo Ebonyi and Rivers to Tofa, their northern suitor.  And prominent among those who fought like slaves to support Babangida’s annulment of the most credible election in our nation’s history were Igbo leading lights including Arthur Nzeribe, Walter Ofonagoro, Uche Chukeumerije  and Clement Apamgbo with the biggest masquerade, Dim Odumegwu Ojukwu who, as Abacha’s   envoy to Europe, was mandated to de-market MKO Abiola  he claimed could not be president on account of his many wives.

    Igbo political elite always know where their bread is better buttered. In 1999, when Yoruba rejected Obasanajo as Hausa/Fulani imposed candidate,  they joined their Hausa Fulani rivals to secure victory for Obasanjo and for 16 years (1999 and 2015), did what they do best – sharing our national assets in the name of privatization and monetisation . There was neither talk of marginalization nor quest for Igbo presidency. If there were voices at all, it was muffled because everyone had something in his mouth.

    Some of the suitors’ achievement within those years include ‘labourer born labourers, almajiri beget almajiris and children of the poor condemned to nine months in the bush grazing from Kano to Lagos with cattle owned by political elite that have their own children in the best schools in the world. The ever alluring beautiful bride can also take credit for the collapse of our budding  industries that once sustained a stable exchange rate with their dumping of substandard  goods notably electronics, ceramics, automobile accessories, textile, pharmaceutical products, shoes, champagne and wine on the country

    It is true Buhari has not met the expectation of Nigerians. He has also disappointed Yoruba on the issue of restructuring just as Obasanjo their own son deceived his fathers to win a second term in 2003.  But for now the Yoruba is trapped precisely because their culture posits that “the pigeon does not dine and drink with the owner of the house only to abandon his host on the day of adversity”.

    Since Yoruba don’t pull down governments, political enemies of President Buhari who want Yemi Osinbajo’s head for displacing them from spare-tyre position should for now join  “Obiozor’s  crusade for the return of the  beautiful bride alone or with her serial suitor in 2023.

    It will be a new day again in 2023 for those General Alabi Isama in his ‘Tragedy of Victory’ claimed jointly ruled the country between independence in 1960 and 2015.

  • The monsters we made (1)

    The monsters we made (1)

    January 2022 dawned with a chill. Police Superintendent Asinim Butswat, spokesperson of the Bayelsa State Command’s confirmation of the arrest of three teenagers for attempted ritual killing knelled a jarring note.

    Butswat, on Friday, identified the suspects (surnames withheld) as Emomotimi,15 years, Perebi, 15 years, and Eke, 15 years. They are all boys and natives of Sagbama in Bayelsa.

    The trio allegedly accosted one Comfort, 13, “hypnotized” her, and afterwards led her to Emomotimi’s apartment. There, they reportedly cut her finger and sprinkled her blood on a mirror for ritual purposes. The ritual was supposed to make them rich. But for vigilant village youths, Comfort would have been history, perhaps.

    The vigilant youths noticed the suspicious movements of the suspects and raised alarm, said Butswat. “The suspects were subsequently arrested and some substances suspected to be charms were recovered from them. The suspects have confessed to the crime,” he said.

    The pagan dialectic of the teenagers’ ritual misadventure is sweepingly comprehensive and accurate about Nigerian mind and nature. The boys are the products of a culture and value system fostered by materialism, and lacking in compassion and model filial ties.

    Their actions aren’t accidental; from plotting to execution, a hideous smattering of bestiality manifests as the teen girl’s misfortune and society’s just deserts. Yet the boys are neither freaks nor social accidents, they are simply karma coming home to roost.

    Emomotimi,15, Perebi, 15, and Eke, 15, are some of the monsters we made. They are casualties of our toxic materialism, cutthroat gender politics, and treacherous celebrity culture. They are what we get from society’s virulent remoulding of gender, and the precepts of becoming, of the sexes.

    Hitherto unacknowledged, today, they manifest as society’s dirty secret. Some would call them the shame of the male gender. The misandrist-feminist would label them as sick manifestations of “toxic masculinity” and the “very evil patriarchy.”

    Now, running loose and untethered, characters like the trio are not much of a secret anymore; like their kindred spirits among child bandits and Boko Haram’s child soldiers, they are wildly miseducated and fair game in a smorgasbord of spurious labelling.

    In their misadventure, however, we encounter afresh, the grotesque evolution of the Nigerian boychild. Culturally benumbed to maleness, he loiters at ethical crossroads. He is stuck at being a man while juggling moral and amoral precepts of his becoming. Through his dilemma, he is thought to scoff at traditional notions of maleness and embrace modern redefinitions of masculinity.

    The Nigerian boy’s enthrallment with easy riches is a fallout of the get-rich-quick syndrome afflicting the country’s societal divides. This malady perpetuates a fable, not of hope, but disintegration. It resonates in wildly covetous youths’ frenetic cry: “Mad o!” in admiration of pestilent quests and attainments by fellow youths – their celebrity heroes and Yahoo Boys (internet scammers) inclusive.

    The situation is aggravated by the frantic fostering and cues from mainstream and new media. For instance, several editions of scripted “reality shows” celebrate the pre-adolescent mind mired in a grave of delusions.

    Musicians, actors, cross-dressers, and the now ubiquitous “social influencers”

    Participants in such shows personify a deep cry for help, like Hoyle’s misdirected mortals, they will learn from avoidable mistakes, not from example.

    But why would 15-year-old boys engage in diabolical money-making rituals? What would they do with stupendous wealth if they had it? It is an open secret that the self-identified “Game Boy” (internet fraudster or Yahoo Boy) – be he a young adult or in his teens – oft acquires “a beast of a car,” pays for expensive sex with often older females, and lodges in the presidential suites of five-star hotels until he exhausts his ill-acquired fortune. When he goes broke, he simply recommits to the hustle, hoping that “Maga will always pay.”

    The former Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ibrahim Magu, lamented in 2019 that mothers of cyber fraudsters, popularly known as Yahoo boys, are now organising themselves into an association.

    Several mothers, in truth, claim to give their sons moral and “spiritual” aid with the intent to protect them from getting caught by the EFCC and the police. Where the father disapproves, he gets sidelined.

    The irony is that such boys are expected to fulfill the role of Nigeria’s future leaders. Woe betides such future.

    As you read, the Nigerian youth regresses into a fleeting fracture of the hope he ought to represent. Asides from engaging in fraud and “money ritual,” several youths seem to develop mental arteriosclerosis 40 or 50 years before they get the physical kind from chain-smoking, binge drinking, gluttony, and mental indolence.

    Even teenage boys have learned to perpetuate that sly, sharp instinct for self-preservation that passes as “street smarts” in social parlance. They have no patience for the vagaries of honest industry.

    Too many live and thrive on a perversion hence amid the clamour for a progressive, youth-friendly nation, they dream of a more permissive and corrupt society that will aid their frantic dash for unearned wealth or what they deem to be their share of the Nigerian dream.

    This is their Nigerian dream: a lush, breathtaking future that de-emphasizes honest toil and accords their vanities a caressing glance. They dream of strings of bank accounts at home and abroad; they hope to drive the best cars, live in palatial mansions in highbrow areas, and enjoy the most lucrative contracts and job offers even when they do nothing to deserve such.

    If prosperity gospel, reality television, and motivational literature won’t make them instant celebrities, then crime and “money ritual” will as reflected in the case of the Bayelsa teens.

    Their vanity cramps the growth of the human spirit: it restricts the resuscitation and positive engagement of their productive faculties. Thus their inability to subscribe to the hard-earned perks of education and honest toil.

    A societal pandemic has begun to occur: lost souls, mostly boys, wandering the streets of Nigeria’s major cities, day and night, like loose molecules in an unstable social fluid have begun to ignite. Thus our cities have become covens of immense cruelty where teen boys are taking desperate steps to become rich.

    The interplay of toxic materialism, misandrist-feminism, and the absence of an exemplary father figure has foisted upon us a generation of ill-nurtured boys.

    Economic forces aggravate the sense of disenchantment and futility among them, changing gender roles and the denouement of maleness afflict them with greater confusion.

    Masculinity flows from nature as an aspect of the birth mother, no doubt, but it is sculpted by society and a father figure into effective manhood. The boy-child learns by instruction, counselling, and imitation. The father moulds his character by careful nurturing, awarding punishment for vice and reward for virtue. So doing, he teaches him to be a man within acceptable precepts of culture and society.

    Whatever the bent of the boychild’s evolution, his resultant blooming reflects the quality of guidance he received as a child and his experiences through adolescence. Thus the maxim: The child is the father of the man.

    Of course, there would be no man without the pivotal nurturing from the womb through lactation by the priceless sacrifice of a birth mother.

    Hence the boy child is caught in a swirl of historical indebtedness to his mother. Fathers earn such allegiance by the magnitude of their immersion into the role of father, breadwinner, protector, provider, and hero, in ideal circumstances.

  • Nigeria’s hypocritical leaders

    Nigeria’s hypocritical leaders

    When the issue is Nigeria, former President Obasanjo is never afraid of controversy.  It is the oxygen he effortlessly manufactures using the distillation process.  Last week he took his battle with Pa Edwin Clark to another level by insisting “No territory in Nigeria, including the minerals found therein, belongs to the area of location. But except in Nigeria where military adventurers redesigned our federalism through arrogance of ignorance, we know of no other federation in the world where Obasanjo’s thesis has been validated.

    Obasanjo also insisted the tribe has no role in a modern state. Again that has been settled after Europe debilitating tribal wars, often described as ‘world wars’ with a federal arrangement which confers dual citizenship  on everyone  and also prevents the tyranny of the state against individuals and groups.

    The tragedy of our nation however has been this display of arrogance of ignorance by our successive leaders who equated their brainwaves to brilliant ideas to be imposed as government policy thrusts on the nation resulting in such aberrations as federal government-funded LGA that is accountable to state government, quota system aimed at lowering standard instead of building capacity for excellence, decreed political parties and decreed constitutions fraudulently foisted on Nigeria. Ironically these are the celebrated achievements our leaders bandy around to justify their statesmen, foremost patriot and father of modern Nigeria – titles.

    But our leaders know themselves. It is therefore a relief that it was Pa Clark who last week dismissed Obasanjo in spite of his chest-beating as a hypocrite attracting Obasanjo’s response of I am ‘nobody’s lackey’. But what history, whether as record of our self-proclaiming heroes or summation of their quest to render selfless service to our nation has shown is that all our past leaders were lackeys to the two major political tendencies that have held Nigeria hostage since independence.

    Tafawa Balewa was a minion of Ahmadu Bello who, as leader of victorious NPC, was expected to be crowned prime minister in 1959. He however in a deft political move picked as his lackey Tafawa Balewa, of Sayawas ethnic group of southern Bauchi, marginalized by their minority Fulani immigrant rulers.  Indeed Trevor Clark, the biographer of ‘Tafawa Balewa: The Right Honorable Gentleman’, reminded us how his grandmother had agonised on her death bed over the presence of Fulani on their land and wanted all of them killed if they refused to leave.

    And as Ahmadu Bello’s lackey, Balewa fought his master’s wars like a slave.  In 1962, he imposed a state of emergency on the West over the throwing of chairs by Remi Fani-Kayode, leader of NCNC in the Western House and a few other Akintola supporters while he did not think Northern Region where Benue/Plateau’s armed insurrection had to be suppressed by the military required declaration of state of emergency. And then in 1965 while the ‘wild wild west’ burned following the resolve of the people  to make Akintola and Fani-Kayode that had sowed the wind reap the whirlwind, Balewa writhed his hands waiting for his principal to return from hajj in Saudi Arabia until he was consumed by the crisis.

    Similarly, Ironsi was a pencil in the hand of Igbo power-hungry elite who pressurized him to take over power following the disappearance of Tafawa Balewa instead of swearing in the most senior surviving minister as acting prime minister in line with constitutional provision. If there was any doubt that he was in government to serve Igbo interest, his decision to turn Nigeria into a unitary state, an NCNC/ Igbo agenda until 1959, following pressure from the Ibo politicians he surrounded himself with, laid such doubt to rest.

    Gowon, the son of a Christian cleric is Angas from Lur in Kante Local Government of Plateau State was put in power by the surviving Fulani power-wielders instead of Murtala Mohammed, of Genawa Fulani clan of Kano State, the leader of the vengeance coup of July 1966. The 33 months war he led was termed ‘war of unity”.  But since there is no perfect crime, Obasanjo’s latest Freudian slip that federal government victory in the civil war prevented Biafra from colonizing Niger Delta with its oil deposits was an admission the war was over ownership of   Niger Delta oil.

    It was obvious whose interest Murtala Muhammed, the leader of the vengeance coup that sought to sink Lagos with dynamite and secede after ferrying northern children and women back to Kaduna in a hijacked British Airways, was serving. Obasanjo who seized and centralized all regional interests from economic investments to education and health served the same interest as Murtala Mohammed. Since one good turn deserves another, Obasanjo was in 1998 brought out of prison and imposed as Yoruba candidate. He went on to literarily climb the palm tree from the top by winning the 1999 election despite his total rejection by his Yoruba people.

    Of course Pa Clark and his Ijaw people on their part have since independence been lackeys to the Fulani ruling hegemonic class.  Following Clark’s disagreement with northern elders over sponsorship of Boko Haram insurgency in 2012, he was quickly reminded by Alhaji Lawal Kaita, a fiery  northern political commentator that he, Clark “used to be a very good friend of the north”.

    It was not just that these lackeys served their principals, one thing they have in common is their contempt for Nigeria and Nigerians. Only last week, Wole Soyinka in his ‘forward’ to Pa Bisi Akande’s latest contribution to the literature on Nigerian  leadership,  “My  Participations”, called our attention to “the repetition of the military opportunism that dons the wily garb of neutrality as it organizes an elaborate rituals of constitutional making with a predetermined outcome”, an assault he describes as “a contemptuous  form of conduct that even the departing colonial powers did not impose on their fiefdom during their own rites of departure.”

    One example of this, according to Bisi Akande was Obasanjo his junta’s ‘insertion of 19 amendments to the 1978/79 Constituent Assembly report to whittle down the authorities of the federating unit in their relationship with the central government”. But contemptuous treatment of Nigerians only got worse with the Babangida’s decreed political parties, Abacha’s hilarious constitution and “five fingers of a leprous hand”  and Abdulsalami Abubakar 1999 constitution described by Professsor Akin Oyebode as ‘a military decree masquerading as a constitution’.

    But while we were held in contempt by our leaders, we got better deal from the imperial powers as constitution making umpires. If they intervened, it was to protect Nigerians against self-serving politicians as when in order to stop the mischief of those canvassing a unitary constitution for a multi ethnic and multi-cultural Nigeria, they   took side with protagonists of a federal constitution which they said would allow each group to develop at its own pace without interference from others. They also did the same at the 1957 Lancaster House debate when Zik and his allies lusting over Lagos land found a willing ally in Ahmadu Bello’s opposition to boundary adjustment in order to forestall losing Yoruba populated provinces in the north to the west by reneging on 1950 settled issue of status of Lagos. While the West did not get all they wanted, Zik and Ahmadu Bello’s motive to renounce a 1950 agreement was queried by Lord Milverton.

    It is nothing but a sardonic humour that lackeys who have been confirmed to have served other tendencies instead of Nigeria, continue to pontificate, chair Bishop Kukah’s ‘National Peace Committee’ or preside over’ Nigeria Pray’ group as we search for the way forward.

  • Forbiddden cow

    Forbiddden cow

    ‘There are cows and there are cows…it took the ban on certain breed of cows by IPOB for me to know this…What is in the name or breed of a cow?’

    N a movie, viewers will take it with a pinch of salt. They will marvel at what the director is trying to portray. But, this is not a film. It is for real. Until now, I never knew the difference among the cows I often see on the road. To me a cow is a cow. To distinguish between one cow and another does not need special skill, so I thought, until the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) removed the scale from my eyes.

    The colour of cows varies. It could be black, white, brown or spotted. I now know better that there is more to a cow than its colour. There are cows and there are cows. Due to my benign ignorance, it took the ban on certain breed of cows by IPOB for me to know this. IPOB is the group led by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, which is campaigning for the return of Biafra.

    In so doing, it is not bothered by the accident of history: the botched attempt by the late Chief Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu at such a republic between 1967 and 1970. Kanu believes strongly that his people are marginalised and that the only way to go is to pull out of Nigeria. It remains debatable whether our unity is settled. Kanu belongs to the school of thought that it is not.

    But, how does the ban on ‘Fulani cow’, as IPOB put it, helps its cause? Will that hasten the birth (or is it rebirth) of Biafra? The ban, contained in its New Year message, is laughable, but in matters concerning IPOB,  one must tread gingerly to avoid trouble. The group has directed custodians of Igbo culture, the clergy and town unions to enforce the ban, which takes effect from April.

    Why April? Is it meant to be an April  Fool’s prank? IPOB advocates that “our native cows be used instead for any social or ceremonial events and festivals in Biafraland”. So, the Igbo have “native cows”? Why have they not been rearing them in commercial quantity long before now?

    Explaining the rationale for the ban, IPOB claims that “the zone cannot continue to bring curse and damnation upon its land by consuming cows used for bestiality”. Really? What is in the name or breed of a cow? Will it not become beef when cooked and taste as such when eaten?

     

    Parting shot!

    •Odumosu

    MAGODO, the posh community across the road from the Lagos State Secretariat at Alausa, Ikeja, has known no peace of late. First, was the issue of the Shangisha landlords led by Pa Adebayo Adeyiga, who sought to enforce a 2012 Supreme Court verdict vesting them with the right to the disputed 549 plots in Magodo Estate Phase 2.

    Then came last Saturday’s incident between the state’s  outgoing Commissioner of Police, Hakeem Odumosu, and Magodo Brooks Residents Association (MABRA). What really transpired between Odumosu, who has just been promoted to Assistant Inspector-General (AIG), and MABRA’s security operatives remains hazy. Both sides are relating different versions of what occurred. Of course, each party is claiming to be right. Who then is wrong? The public cannot say.

    But, the public is disposed to believing the residents, who accused Odumosu of using his high office to subdue the guards and a female resident, who tried to intervene in the matter. That is not true, says Odumosu, who accused the guards and the woman of disrespecting him. It is unfortunate that he finds himself in this bind. This is not the way to end his tenure in Lagos and his career in the police.  No matter what he says people will find it hard to believe him.

    That, unfortunately, is the image public officers have cut for themselves. It will cost him nothing to get this matter resolved amicably so that he can quit office in peace. Discretion is the better part of valour.

     

    Greek gift

    It was the last thing I expected from DStv after my December 25 experience with the Pay TV station. It is something they do once in a while though. On January 1, they sent me this message: Congrats! Your DStv has been upgraded from Compact Plus to Premium. You can now stream the best shows online with Showmax at no extra cost on DStv Premium. A week or so later, they will, as they usually do, send a follow-up message, asking the subscriber to switch to Premium by paying the price for the boutique.

    If they keep records, they should know that I started out on Premium before I changed to Compact Plus. I took that decision since all I wanted on Premium, which is football, I could easily get on Compact Plus. I do not need their patronage. All I demand is value for the bouquet that I regularly pay for. The records are there.

  • A new year with old and new challenges

    A new year with old and new challenges

    How I wish all our problems of yesteryears would have disappeared and expired with the just ended 2021.  Of course nothing of this sort will happen. It is the nature of man and our misfortune that national problems are not easily solved as we would wish. It is not our fault that our languages and cultures differ. In any case, we played no part in bringing the multitude of tongues in Nigeria together as one country. The British obliged us with the problems. They were not ignorant of what they were doing. They were possibly motivated to either create a problem that would forever hobble us down so that their controlling hands will ever be needed in our national affairs as “neutral umpire” for the foreseeable future, or they genuinely believed that a nation could be formed out of the crowd of languages in our embryonic country. That former plan of theirs, on later evidence, proved to be true. Wherever the British went in the centuries of creating problems all over the world, they always left legacies of knotty problems of disunity. It had nothing to do with racism, at least not initially. The British learnt this great lesson of divide and rule from their former rulers the Romans. “Divide et impera” became a useful strategy in the hands of most imperial powers all over the world, in Europe, Asia, and Africa, the old continents, before Europe spread its conquest all over the world. This strategy proved useful to the British in its conquest of India between the 17th and 20th centuries. The same strategy was used by them in the carving out and conquest of their colonies and protectorates in Africa. Even in their former colonial empire in America before the 13 American colonies broke away from them in 1776, they favored the Southern states with their slave holding economy over the industrializing and free enterprising Northern colonies. From Ireland just across from the United Kingdom to Canada, it was the same divide and rule strategy that prevailed.

    On coming to Nigeria, the strategy of divide and rule had been tested and there was no point deviating from what was tested and proven method of control of subject peoples. They had ample opportunities to so divide the country using the Niger and the Benue rivers into two relatively equal parts but they chose the evidence of unfinished and evolving history over geographical, administrative tidiness and ethnic consanguinity. In this way, they created enduring divisions between peoples in Nigeria which has unfortunately manifested in the present political imbalance and north – south dichotomy. A neater division of the country would have facilitated quicker integration and possibly lessen the political division in the country and a more balanced federal system among equals in terms of territory and population would have been much easier than the lopsided so-called federation we have where one section overwhelmingly dominates the rest put together.

    The question can then be asked that if Nigerians understand this problem, why can’t they do something about it? Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a man before his times, had in 1947 suggested that in order for the unity of the country to endure, the administration of the country must be along federal lines. The rising elite in the northern part of the country led by Ahmadu Bello arrived at the same conclusion. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe the leader of the people of the Eastern Region by 1951 was of the opinion that the daemon of language separatism could be tamed, and he favoured a unitary form of government. Azikiwe’s point of view was based on his own circumstances of birth and where he grew up. He was born in Zungeru and did not know his father’s region of birth until he was nine years old and also spent his teenage years in Yorubaland in Lagos. He therefore saw the language barrier as not unbridgeable because he spoke and understood Hausa and Yoruba along with his own Ibo language. His childhood friends were Yoruba people and it took him quite some time to realize that in politics blood is thicker than water. Awolowo and Ahmadu Bello were more realistic about our situation. Both felt that Azikiwe’s Ibo people who had little resources in their homeland were naturally driven to move out to other areas of the country that were better endowed. In doing this and to the annoyance of their hosts, they paid little attention to their local sensibilities. The British stoked the fire of ethnic divisions by pandering to northern views over those of their southern compatriots by sometimes being more “northern” than the northern leaders themselves.

    Sir Hugh Clifford, the successor of Sir Fredrick Lugard said in 1921 that if war were to break out in Nigeria, it was likely to have been between British officials in the North against their counterparts in the South! Throughout the process of negotiations towards sovereign independence in Nigeria, the northern view always triumphed over the divided southern views. The southern division was based on the inability  of Azikiwe  to rise above immediate gains in his political alignment with the North and a more forward looking assessment of the situation would have made him to force the issue of inequality by aligning with his southern political colleagues even though temporary opponents.

    It was not that Nigerians were not aware of the dissonance in the national harmony. The struggle for creation of states which Chief Awolowo and his political party, the Action Group, championed before and after independence was all about building a balanced federation to take care of the permanent fissiparous tendencies afflicting the nation. Critics of Awolowo would say he was driven by enlightened ethnic interest of reversing the fact that unless the country was divided into its natural ethnic units he and his largely Yoruba supporters had no way of gaining power and that the geographical location of the Yoruba gave them the advantage of success if the country was restructured along ethnic parameters as advocated by Awolowo and his Action Group political party. When the previous three regions became four, it was the West with the lesser population that was broken into two to deny the proponents of states creation the chance of ever coming to power at the centre since their home base had been whittled down to a smaller size than before.

    When the civil war broke out in 1967-70, 12 states were created in Nigeria, six in the North and six in the South synchronizing the division roughly along fairly discernible ethnic fault lines. The division was not perfect but it for the first time attempted to remove the deadweight of ethnic domination in the centre to the point that some cabals around General Yakubu Gowon, the head of state, began to have the idea of minority ethnic rule as the panacea for solving the problem of ethnic struggle among the major ethnic groups of the Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba. This romanticism did not last long before the majority groups struck back under General Murtala Muhammed and later Olusegun Obasanjo. Since 1979, politics of ethnic domination came back with a willing southern group playing the role of a horse to the northern jockey! Nothing has changed since then despite the series of civilian and military regimes that has ruled the country. Where under Obasanjo and Jonathan the south provided the leadership of the country, it was at the sufferance of the north which was the puppeteer while the southern leaders remained the puppets. Yet it is clear that a lasting and enduring polity would exist only when there is equality of political power equitably distributed. The recent agitation for “resource control “true federalism”, “fiscal federalism”, “restructuring” are harking back to the warped origin of the country. It will not be easy to find an acceptable way of distributing power within the regional and ethnic formations in the country but there is no alternative. The only alternative – “to thy tents oh Israel” is too ghastly to be seriously considered.

    We may never have a proper solution to our problems but we must try and understand them because it is when a mad man realizes that he is mad that his healing of his madness begins. The upshot of what I am saying is that we cannot like the ostrich bury our heads in the sand and think that nobody sees us. The greatest legacy Muhammadu Buhari can do for our country is to put in process the means by which, through national negotiations, we can arrive at about six or maximum eight reasonably viable federal units into which power will be substantially devolved while the centre coordinates enumerated powers of  finance and currency,  customs and immigration, aviation, transportation, defense and foreign affairs with all residual powers  notably, police, education, agriculture, coastal ports and airports, health and social welfare, and others lying in the province of the new states. This is the only way to a viable and secure future. Without these issues being finally settled, there will neither be local nor foreign investment to tackle the problems of development, unemployment and consequent insecurity.

  • #Northisbleeding protest and conspiracy of leaders

    #Northisbleeding protest and conspiracy of leaders

    With a whirlwind protests which first started in Kano  before spreading to other northern cities dovetailing into #Northisbleeding  Abuja protests that called for a declaration of a state of emergency in  the frontline states of Niger,  Sokoto, Zamfara, Katsina and Kaduna and replacement of their governors  with military administrators, the chicken has finally come home to roost. The northern leaders, including former heads of state, politicians, traditional rulers and religion leaders have for long played the ostrich.

    Commenting on the new re-awakening, Sulaiman Abudulazeez, speaking for the Coalition of Northern Groups, CNG, admitted that “most of the informants and beneficiaries of the profits of kidnappings live in our midst and in most cases, are people known to the communities. For instance, in some states, traditional leaders and politicians and even top state actors have been severally fingered in connection with most crimes being committed around them”.

    It is also on record that Northern leaders, including state governors, are known to have said, tongue in cheek, that bandits constituted lesser evil when compared with secessionist agitations in the Southwest and Southeast.

    While many prominent northern leaders live in denial, it has been   southern self-determination groups such as the Afenifere, Ohaneze and the Ijaw National Congress that regularly paid solidarity visits to victims of mindless killings in the middle belt states  that have become professional wailers that cry louder than the bereaved.

    For instance, in October 2020,  why the south was up in arms against government over general insecurity in the country, northern elders passed a vote of confidence on President Buhari despite five years siege of Boko Haram insurgents, herdsmen and bandits on north-central, northeast and northwest.  While an overwhelmed Buhari government was trying to tackle those who have made the country ungovernable, it  was apparent  those in government who should be pathfinders for their people seem to be more interested in exporting northern problems to the south.

    From Emirs who lionize herdsmen by asking them to disobey the laws of their host states, to those who mischievously justified the bearing of AK-47 rifles by herdsmen, those who conferred citizenship of Nigeria on immigrant herdsmen and to elective office holders – the poor masses of the north are only instruments for winning election or for bargaining over sharing of revenue allocation.

    The traditional rulers on their part having been settled with 5% of LGA allocation initiated by the military, now only lead their subjects for communal prayers jettisoning their other important traditional roles which include ‘mediating between the people and the state, enhancing national identity, resolving minor conflicts’ and of course the most important function of the emir in the Hausa-Fulani traditional political system -leading their armies to wars.

    With exception of a few Emirs including the Sultan of Sokoto and Emir of Muri in Taraba  State Abbas Tafida who issued a fatwa to Fulani herdsmen declaring “Because of this unending menace, every Fulani herdsman in this state have been given 30 days ultimatum to vacate the forests. We are tired of having sleepless nights and the hunger alone in the land is enormous and we will not allow it to continue”, others lead from behind.

    In fact, in some states, traditional leaders just like politicians have been accused of collaborating with bandits. For instance, troubled by the report of Mohammed Abubakar, chairman of the committee set up by Governor Bello Matawalle to find solutions to banditry in Zamfara State, from June 2011 to May 29, 2019, which claimed that over N3 billion was collected by bandits from 3,672 victims whose relatives as ransom from relations of abducted victims in the state, the governor actually asked political leaders and emirs to swear by the Quran to prove they are not conspirators.

    Despite Niger State being the home state of two former head of state- Ibrahim Babangida and Abdulsalami Abubakar, the state has been under bandits’ siege for the past seven years.  Bandits operate unchallenged in 18 out of the 25 local government areas of the state.  In 2016, 36 bloody attacks were carried out in about 70 communities across the three local government areas of the state. Over 50 people were reportedly killed with 12 others kidnapped and N5million paid by victim’s relations as ransom while 2,600 cattle were rustled.

    Ibrahim Babangida, the source of the nation’s current political and economic problem, is holed up in his hilltop palace far away from the maddening crowd. Turning a blind eye to the tragedy unfolding in Niger State, a leader who annulled the most credible election in our nation’s history won by MKO Abiola, his friend, after eight years of ‘transition without end’,  seems  more interested in empty pontification about the colour of our 2023 presidential candidate.

    Abdulsalami Abubakar who probably hops to his farm in helicopter has neither spoken about the Niger tragedy.  The last time he spoke during   a one-day forum organised by a group known as the ‘Search for Common Ground’, it was not about Niger but about what he described as “clashes between Fulani herdsmen and peasant farmers in four states – Plateau, Nasarawa, Kaduna and Benue in 2016, the cost of which he put at 2,500 deaths, 62,000 people displaced; and the loss of N13.7 billion in addition to 47 per cent of the internally-generated revenue”.  Abubakar spoke of clashes pretending not to know what was going on in those states were summary executions of harmless and helpless subsistence farmers sometimes while sleeping in their huts at night.

    Showing little predisposition towards ending the mindless killings by Boko Haram, herdsmen and bandits, some northern political leaders seem determined to export the northern self-inflicted crisis to the south.  One clear evidence of this was the coordinated attack on Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo State following his ultimatum to criminal herdsmen illegally occupying his state’s reserved forest. Garba Shehu, the Senior Special Assistant to President Buhari on media matters, issued a warning admonishing him to opt for dialogue since the constitution of the republic guarantees the right of every Nigerian to live in any place of his choice.

    He conveniently ignored the futility of dialogue with bandits who according governors Masari of Katsina, Bello of Bauchi, Matawale of Zanfara and El Rufai of Kaduna, often renege on undertakings with El Rufai literarily canvassing for execution of indicted bandits. And for Bello, herdsmen are free to bear AK-47 riffles which he said they need for self-defence against cattle rustlers.

    These warring northern politicians however kept their peace when Abbas Tafida, Emir of Muri in Taraba issued a 30-day ultimatum to herders terrorizing residents of his state declaring in anguish “Our Fulani herdsmen in the forests, you came into this state and we accepted you, why then will you be coming to towns and villages to kidnap residents, even up to the extent of raping our women?”

    Similarly, when 17 southern governors met in Asaba, and  resolved to ban open grazing and movement of cattle by foot, long after some northern governors had done same, Malami, the AGF unable to rise above ethnic sentiments declared that open grazing ban is the same thing as Northern governors banning spare parts trading in their own region

    #NORTHISBLEEDING: reawakening has finally exposed the hypocrisy of leaders who instead of protecting those on whose name they fraudulently rode to power would rather export their social problems to others precisely because they are incapable of loving their neigbours as themselves.

  • Shooting pebbles at bandit storms

    Shooting pebbles at bandit storms

    Dateline 2021. The sun still rose and set over Nigeria’s blinders and ruined stones. Above the rubble, visages of the world we dream resurrected and faded, but we have perfected our romp over the corpses we make.

    Friday, January 1, dawned in carnage as the Nigerian Air Force (NAF) destroyed a Boko Haram settlement at Mana Waji in Borno State, killing dozens.

    Many would call it a fitting response to the massacre of citizens in the previous calendar year, 2020, when Boko Haram carved bullets and axes from acid fury and for the sport of mayhem, increased the number of the dead.

    Such barbarity became a pedestrian fact of our daily life through the year’s troubled stretch; it disinterred the bloody pagan spectacle of our supposedly “god-fearing” hordes: armed bandits and their victims, terrorists, and their informants in besieged communities.

    Amid the carnage, we bellowed just to hear our voices return from the hills. We watched our lives cascade bloodied ravines, sprawled and littering, where everything morphs to nothing.

    What did we seek? To shriek our fears hoarse or inter them beneath our tragic capers and open secrets? Perhaps we simply needed the landscape to repeat us and replenish every rind of logic that absolves our fanged tribes, families, religious groups of blame.

    Fifteen days after the NAF offensive against Boko Haram in Mana Waji, fighters from another terrorist group, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), armed with machine guns, overran a military base in Marte, also in Borno, killing seven and abducting one.

    On January 25, the police commenced an investigation of the kidnapping of seven boys and girls, aged 10–13, and an adult male from an orphanage in Abuja. The carnage persisted through 2021.

    Who do we blame for our insecurity? Some have fingered the oligarchs, claiming they do not believe in patriotism and the common good. Of course, they hardly do. But are you patriotic? Are we patriots?

    Dystopia is assured in our collective plotting and ornamentation of tragedy in colourful lingo, it subsists by our joint ownership and abuse of the agencies of government, the economy, and local media.

    There is the argument in public circuits that the ruling class controls the legislature, executive, and judiciary, wielding power as a sharp instrument for personal enrichment and domination.

    On the flipside, I would say we are active partakers in the culture of pillage; for several years, the proverbial “commoner” and “average Nigerian” have contributed our downward spiral in several capacities as political thugs, arsonists, ethno-religious warlords, apologists for terrorists and armed bandits, separatists, corrupt civil servants aiding and abetting treasury looters to mention a few.

    Together we farmed our fallowing lands into killing fields and our tepid fury into a storm. Nonetheless, we attacked our oceaned chaos with catapults, slinging pebbles of rage to repel our bandit storms. The Nigerian crisis is a human crisis thus the failure of the law, precepts, and structures at resolving the country’s major afflictions.

    The foundation for progress is non-existent and that is because the human elements that are meant to erect such monuments are spiritless and corrupt. Consequently, we suffer the affliction of a predatory ruling class and a citizenry inclined to fulfill the role of unforgivably docile, corrupt, self-flagellating lower elements.

    The imprudence of the latter reasserts the upward mobility of certain crucial members of the divide across class boundaries. Access to increasing wealth, higher status, and social affiliations often alienate this band of circumstantial leaders from the self-confessed values and politics that stood them out as vanguards of rights of the under-privileged. This is accentuated by the toxic tokenism extended to them by the ruling class – something Noel Ignatin rightly couched as the original sweetheart agreement.

    Through the chaos, however, the Presidential Aspirants Coming Together (PACT), a coalition of supposedly youthful revolutionaries emerged to challenge the dominance of the ruling party, the fast-dissembling All Progressives Congress (APC) and its clownish rival, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) at the 2019 general elections.

    Sadly, these new kids on the block failed to earn Nigerians’ popular mandate in 2019 due to their banal theory of rage and aggression. Embittered, they bore their dissent into 2021. Having failed to connect with the grassroots, they embarked on a fool’s gambit, seeking to match the predatory oligarchs, filth for

    filth, rhetoric for rhetoric, while belting righteous indignation.

    To establish and sustain its putative integrity, the PACT assemblage, for instance, suspended itself in ideological voyeurism and fault-finding, a tactic of assault and defence that eventually became its crucifix and tomb.

    The EndSARS revolutionaries, for all their vaunted promise in 2020, towed a similar path and even resorted to physical and emotional violence, thus quickening its self-destruct.

    Such pitiful waste of potential leaders should never be overlooked. Their failure is blamable on the shady characters among them who used the platforms to shop for political capital, in order to be seen as the smarty pants who dared the system and acquired the title of “Former Presidential Aspirant.” Many more were fortune hunters, who traded in dissent, for a profit.

    Money changes everything. An obsession with it corrupts the elderly and youth alike. For the love of money, several armed robbers, kidnappers, and terrorists, in their youth, have wasted innocent lives. Many “woke” youths and misguided Millenials have equally justified taking bribes, and playing ruinous muscle to the ruling class, claiming it’s their “share of the collective wealth that they steal from us.”

    The folly of our ways has dawned on us. The men and women we enabled with power have evolved some of the worst tyrannies across the federation. Sadly, in the corrupted currents of our world, such characters are making frantic gestures to perpetuate themselves in power beyond 2023.

    From the beginning of 2021 to its end, some governors spent more time in Abuja than in their domains, hatching desperate plots to remain in power beyond 2023 even as they failed to fulfill the duties of their incumbent offices.

    The ongoing political liaisons enable a system in which the youth are psychologically confined and broken by inducements, dubious segregation, and manipulative politics.

    It is about time we actualised a culture of true ideals against petty passions and sordid objectives. Let us begin to build that proverbial bulwark of citizenship whose ideal of patriotism is held untainted by wantonness, ill-bliss, and the temptations of power.

    Let us begin from the grassroots. Let us desensitize ourselves of toxic prejudices and conceit. Let us begin to court and patronise the usual objects of our apathy and disdain – like the “inconsequential” park urchin, “hooligan” and muscles for hire in the boondocks, university campuses, the media, and law enforcement agencies.

    It is time to connect with the park urchin, neighbourhood thug, and militia to channel the inestimable benefits attainable by identifying with them in psyche, electoral will, and numbers.

    From 2019 through 2021, youthful Nigerians thrashed blindly about the nation’s political swamp, inciting rhetorical levels with witty abruptness. Eventually, their language did not make sense.

    They could begin to make sense by speaking truths amenable to the miseries of the electorate outside the perimeters of the general elections. For the latter, better tomorrow has passed, today is stricken and yesterday has withered with her ridged fundaments at last.

    Now that fractured ‘change’ in which they trusted, has drifted into the darkest deep, let the political “disrupters” strap torn will to broken resolve and furiously row before we sink.