Category: Thursday

  • Transition of Archbishop Desmond Tutu

    Transition of Archbishop Desmond Tutu

    The way the whole world is mourning Archbishop Desmond Tutu has brought to the fore the desirability of man to live for others so that when the inevitable end comes, one will be remembered for something enviable. Unfortunately, many people in the world live for the moment and worry about what to wear, what to eat and how much money they have in the banks; in other words, it is materialistic nature of man they pander to whereas man is not matter alone but a soul whose spirit is imperishable.

    One may think it is only people of the cloth who can live above the materialistic tendencies of man but there are instances of public servants whose exemplary contributions to the lives of many in their nations and outside through exemplary and sacrificial commitment and contributions to the welfare of their people and country puts them well above the pedestal of other ordinary men in their generation. It really doesn’t matter how one began life; what really matters is how one ends and in the process one would have had chances where one’s contributions provide restitutions for one’s imperfections and infelicities of behavior of the past which may have been morally inadequate and if one gets opportunity to make amends, one seizes it by both hands. In other words, it is never too late for us especially those who had opportunity in the past to make a contribution but through compromise with evil one became complicit in hurting others and a whole people or generation.

    We have had such people in our national life in this country and there have been such other people who had leadership thrust upon them and rather than taking care of their people sold them down the drain or even sold their country’s interests to foreign plunderers just because they and their families derived pecuniary rewards from their engaging in state capture.

    Many of our leaders in Africa inherited state infrastructure and accumulated foreign reserves from the departing colonial masters but squandered them on frivolities until their countries went bankrupt without adding anything tangible to the welfare of their people while storing national patrimony in foreign countries for their families and themselves to live abroad lives of luxuries while their people wallow in poverty and foreigners dismiss their people as savages because of the colour of their skin. This has been the lot of many African countries.

    The fight against the immoral evil and unchristian political humiliation and denial of the humanity of black peoples on their own continent in South Africa began after the Second World War with the eventual defeat of the Jan Smuts government in 1948 by the Afrikaner nationalist party of Daniel Francois Malan.  It was not that General Jan Smuts believed in extending franchise to the majority black and other non-white peoples in South Africa, but he did not elevate racial discrimination to an article of religious faith like Malan’s successor, Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd who was actually born in Amsterdam in Holland in 1901 did. It was Voerwoerd who developed the racial ideology which underpinned the philosophy of apartheid in which human, political and economic rights radiated downwards from whites to Indians and coloureds and finally to blacks. This immoral system was based on nothing else but racial differences and pigmentation of the skin and on some crude understanding or misunderstanding of religion particularly the Christian religion.

    The material manifestation of the apartheid regime was denial of opportunities based on the differences which were identified by the high priests of apartheid. Confrontation with that government was waged on two fronts, namely the political front and the moral front. The political front was led by the African National Congress (ANC) and the moral front  initially by the so-called native churches or the “black Zionists” which had very limited success and international support  and understanding until the World Council of Churches eventually got involved through the effort of Archbishop Ernest Urban Trevor Huddleston, the  second Anglican Archbishop of the Province of the Indian Ocean and the relatively young Bishop Tutu who provided a rallying point for those opposed to a system the good bishop called “evil , immoral and unchristian”. The Anglican Church provided a linchpin and rampart for the archbishop’s activities.

    Tutu actually became heavily involved in what we  can now call the liberation movement when young people particularly started the black consciousness movement of people like Steve Biko in the 1970s when black people were being shot by South African soldiers and policemen. Not only were the racists bent on carrying their aggression into Southern African states and murdering the Mozambiquan leader Samora Machel in 1986 and also made constant incursions into Zambia and after its independence  in 1980, Zimbabwe, was a target of South African  subversion. The regime also went after SWAPO in South West African Peoples Organization, fighting to gain independence for Namibia. They carried their nefarious military promenade into Angola to support the most retrograde of the liberation fronts of UNITA against the internationally recognized MPLA government. Even Nigeria was not spared by South Africa which sent agents into Malabo in Equatorial Guinea overlooking Nigeria, ostensibly for ranching. The serious internal situation in Southern Africa by 1978 drew Nigeria into becoming a front-line state in the confrontation with the apartheid regime in South Africa. The battle lines between the entrenched racist regime and the rest of black Africa were drawn. The possibility of a racial war in Southern Africa against a regime which had managed through covert Israeli and possibly western support to split the atom thus leading to possibility of racial war in Africa became evident. The impending conflict in which nuclear war was a possibility however remote it may seem was frightening. The alternative of neutral leadership not bent on war if persuasion proved impossible as was then presented by the ANC, was provided by the diminutive Archbishop Desmond Tutu. This was not without suspicion by the radical cadres of the liberation movements. This was so when the Archbishop was given the Nobel prize for peace in 1984. When Nelson Mandela was released in 1990 after serving 27 years imprisonment following growing domestic and international pressure and fears of racial war, by President W. de Klerk, Desmond Tutu was one of his closest advisers. Mandela himself had decided that retribution against his oppressors was not the best way to go and when he set up the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Desmond Tutu was made to head it. Archbishop Tutu brought Christian ideas of charity to all, into the work of the commission. His idea was  that all players in the tragedy of apartheid must be made to confess their roles after which they were reconciled with their victims and then pardoned so that the “rainbow nation “can begin anew. Tutu’s ideas got listening ears of Mandela and his government and their decision was loudly acclaimed by the rest of the world.There were of course others in South Africa who felt that the ANC had bent over backward too much to accommodate the whites which had hardly made any sacrifice particularly on the issue of redistribution of land ad ownership of the commanding heights  of the economy and the  mineral resources of the country which were still in the hands of the entrenched white people. This inequality was later pointed out by the Archbishop who critcised the ANC government for corruption and not doing much to alleviate the suffering of the South African people.

    By the end of the apartheid regime in South Africa in 1994 , Archbishop Tutu had become an international icon whose opinions were sought on many knotty and burning international issues sometimes beyond his ken  He was opposed to the American wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. He supported the right of Israel for peaceful existence while also supporting the right of the Palestinians to their own state in a two states solution. He supported the right of the Tibetan people for the independence of their country from China. He criticized the United States for its police’s brutality against black people. He embraced the struggle for a clean global environment and global joint efforts to mitigate the problems of global warming and consequent climate change. The Archbishop was not afraid to speak his mind and he would constantly say he was not a politician but a man of God guided by the Bible.

    His mourning by the Queen of The United Kingdom Elizabeth 11, President Biden of the USA and former presidents, Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton, George Bush, Barack Obama the Dalai Lama of Tibet, former and serving presidents, prime ministers and ordinary people is a testimony to the global importance of the diminutive Archbishop.

  • 2022: Looking forward backwards

    2022: Looking forward backwards

    It is the season of stargazing; of looking into the womb of time to know which grains will grow and those that will not, as Banquo requested of the three witches in  Shakespeare’s tragi-comedy, Macbeth. We can play that game (or is it trick?) here too. By delving into what happened in the last 12 months of 2021, which ends in 48 hours, we can foretell what may happen in Nigeria in 2022.

    For sure, insecurity will not disappear, just at the snap of the fingers! It may remain a Frankenstein Monster, which the nation will continue to contend with. The government says it is doing all it can to stem the malaise. The people believe their government, but the problem is not going away as the country keeps haemorrhaging.

    There is no part of the country that is not affected. From the North to the South, to the East and the West, all the regions are under siege. Hoodlums hold sway everywhere, making life unbearable for the masses. The rich are not left out. They too are crying because these bandits, terrorists and insurgents do not discriminate between the rich and the poor when they strike. They target everybody, everywhere and anywhere.

    But the North is worse affected. Its political and traditional leaders are wringing their hands in defeat because they are overwhelmed. The solution is beyond them. They cannot do anything but complain. The complaints are not likely to abate in 2022. Is this how things will continue next year? People are living under two governments in the region. One legal, the other, unknown to law. But the people are forced to obey the Islamic State of West Africa Province (ISWAP) around the Lake Chad in Borno State because they have no choice.

    They are in an Hobbesian state where life is brutish, nasty and short. How can they be citizens of Nigeria and yet be subject to an illegal authority? What then is the essence of government if it cannot protect its citizens? Being far away from the terror spot does not make those in other parts of the country safe. We are all not safe as long as some parts of the country are not secure. That is the bitter truth.

    This is why the government must wake up from its slumber in 2022. The protesters going about with the #Northisbleeding! banners may not be wrong after all. Indeed, if the government is not sleeping,  this security challenge should have been dealt with long ago. President Muhammadu Buhari promised the people that he would tackle the problem in his first six months in office. He has crossed the sixth year mark of his eight-year term, yet the problem persists. His spokesman, Femi Adesina, has said the President can redress the situation within the remaining 17 months of his tenure. We want to believe him, but the auguries are not that assuring.

    If in 79 months he could not solve the problem, is it in 17 that he will perform the magic, considering the many issues, especially that of his successor, that will crop up in 2022, the eve of his exit from office? The upcoming election is another matter because of his veto of the Electoral Act Amendment Bill. Will reason prevail over the bill when the National Assembly resumes in January? Of course, you can bet it that the lawmakers will not take him up, on the issue. It will be politically resolved, despite the hot air being blown by some of them.

    The signing of Budget 2022 is a done deal. The President will sign it with flourish tomorrow to appease the National Assembly leadership. This will be used to break the rank of angry senators planning to override the veto! No matter the way things go, the parties will pick their presidential candidates in 2022. Who will they be? Will they emerge from direct or indirect primaries or consensus? It will be through indirect primaries! But do not bet on it, for security, financial and related reasons!!

    Let us pray for the improvement of the economic well-being of the people in 2022, whether or not petrol price is raised. Let us also pray that insecurity becomes a thing of the past so that we can stop sleeping with one eye closed.

    On that note, dear reader, I wish you a prosperous New Year.

     

    The DStv scam

    It came as a rude shock to me as my television set suddenly went blank in the course of watching the special Christmas edition of Sunrise on Channels Television on Saturday. What could have happened? I wondered. I was sure my subscription had not lapsed, having renewed it a few days earlier. Then, a message popped up on the screen, talking about a certain error or that my subscription had lapsed. “These people are not serious”, I said to myself. I quickly sent a message to their WhatsApp line, using my surname, smartcard and phone numbers. They never responded. I tried their number, all to no avail. I then called one of their agents, where I renew my subscription regularly.

    The agent, after apologising to me, took it upon herself to sort out the issue from home, despite not being at work that day. DStv is fond of things like this. They treat customers with levity. They are only after subscription. But when customers pay, they do not get value  for their money. They are yanked off even when their subscription is still subsisting. To reach them is usually difficult because customers are only attended to by answering machines, which have been programmed on what to say. What nonsense. If they are reading this, they should please, stop sending their useless survey emails to me. Who is interested in doing business with an organisation, no matter how big, which does not value its customers?

  • Electoral bill:  Burning bridges

    Electoral bill: Burning bridges

    It took a great deal of courage for Muhammadu Buhari to assert the legend of his integrity. It is inordinately easy for him to trash it – and all of his associated mystique.

    By refusing assent to the Electoral Act Amendment Bill 2021, for the fifth time, Buhari dashed the hopes of Nigerians of vastly different stripes.

    Most significant are the millions of Nigerians whose lives have been unfairly mortgaged by his decision.

    At the backdrop of his inaction, Nigeria’s 9th National Assembly fumbles and feigns dissatisfaction as a necessary rite of revulsion; it’s amusing to see lawmakers perform the cartwheel on moral fibre, even as they get ready to rubber-stamp in acquiescent silence, Mr. President’s recreant retreat.

    Of course, Buhari had his reasons and they are hardly worthless. In a letter to the National Assembly, he explained that the inclusion of a provision for compulsory adoption of the direct primary model was the reason he did not sign Electoral Act Amendment Bill 2021 into law.

    He said, “the direct implication of institutionalising only direct primaries is the aggravation of over-monetisation of the process as there will be much more people a contestant needs to reach out to, thereby further fuelling corruption and abuse of office by incumbent contestants who may resort to public resources to satisfy the increased demands and logistics of winning party primaries.” This is inordinately cheap and crafty for an excuse.

    The president added that direct primaries were susceptible to manipulation as most parties could not boast of reliable and verified membership registers or valid means of identification. “Indirect primaries or collegiate elections are part of internationally accepted electoral practices,” he said.

    Buhari also noted that besides its serious adverse legal, financial, economic, and security consequences, the limitation or restriction of the nomination procedures available to political parties and their members constituted an affront to the right to freedom of association.

    Of course, while his reasoning may seem noble, it is hardly guileless. Aside from his convenient recourse to the role of a protector of party freedoms, Buhari barefacedly hoisted the flag of sectarian interests.

    At 79, he must know when he is being used. But for a man who has probably had it with Nigeria and her problems, he couldn’t care less about the likely blowback over his recent decision.

    It is somewhat comforting, however, to think Buhari craftily passed the buck to the National Assembly, hoping the lawmakers would veto his decision and pass the bill into law. So doing, he would have fulfilled coterie expediences and retired as an uncredited hero in one breadth.

    Yet he knows the National Assembly hasn’t the balls to countermand his decision. Initially, they put up a pageant of rebellion collecting signatures, purportedly in a bid to override the president’s decision; predictably, many of them have chickened out.

    It was only a matter of time before the Department of State Security Services (DSS) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) hounded them as persons of interest in hazarded investigations.

    The greatest winners and profiteers by Buhari’s inaction are the governors whose frantic excuses and position Buhari regurgitated in his winding letter to the legislature.

    The greatest losers are the Nigerian people, the usual victims of bad governance and tokenism perpetuated by the mercenary system of Nigeria’s coterie leadership.

    The ricochet of Buhari’s action sinks into heart and flesh like claws, mauling hope and dimming the possibility of rebirth. By his action, he has decisively neutered any hope of sanitising the country’s political system.

    At the moment, governors and state party exco rooting for the indirect primary model, enjoy the right to choose delegates beholden to their selfish individual and clique interests.

    The governors prefer the status quo as it also empowers them to arbitrarily replace lawmakers representing their states in the country’s senate, especially when the latter falls out of favour with them.

    Most governors know that the direct primary model would cost them their second term bid and truncate their dreams of proceeding to the senate, even after spending eight years in office. Hence their arguments against the direct primary model are borne of selfish lust for power, not out of love for their states or the electorate.

    There is no gainsaying the direct primary model furnishes protective rebuff against the indirect primary’s cultic obscurantism and establishes clear geometries amplifying one system of belief: open democracy.

    En route to the 2023 elections, there is a split, with the governors and state party exco, in particular, pushing to sustain their oligarchic power cult via the indirect primary option, while nominal party members and diverse segments of the electorate, unite to honour the democratic spirit of openness supposedly fostered by the direct primary option.

    But Buhari, faced with the priceless opportunity to make history, chose to speak for the governors, among others. His decision, sadly, manifests as a defeat of the moral and humane.

    It patronises the delusions of grandeur characteristic of incumbent governors, state party exco, and members of the presidential cabinet interested in the 2023 governorship and presidential elections.

    These characters, in their curious wisdom, understand that they would never be able to manipulate and buy their way to emerge as their party’s flagbearers at the forthcoming elections using the direct primary mode.

    By humouring their guile, Buhari quelled the rush of collective confidence in his presumed ability to repel the darkest elements within Nigeria’s power circuits.

    At the advent of his first term, I warned that the presidency might turn jail-house to Muhammadu Buhari; that Aso Villa may become tomb to his presidential copse, except he neutered his institutionalised nemesis, often romanticised as the cabal.

    What cabal? The one scurrying like a rapacious herd to pose as patriots. In a few months, Buhari will be seen as a national boon or disaster, depending on how he manages his trot to their leash.

    The quality of his response would determine if he would be hailed as a true change agent by 2023, or inexhaustibly maligned as the fig that let down the leaf, the element Nigeria ought to have ignored.

    En route to his election, contemporary boondocks legend mooted parables of him as a warrior in a wolf-skin vest, brandishing a shield of steeled morality and a stone-axe forged to hack down monuments that the corrupt ruling class built to entrench corruption.

    His second coming, like his first, was undoubtedly borne of reaction. Many people saw him as the “cloned Jubril of Sudan,” an “unrepentant nepotist,” “religious fundamentalist” or devoted “Change’ agent”; all through their mischief, Buhari adopted the eloquence of silence and decisive, if lethargic, governance.

    Buhari dissolved into multiple identities characterised by the political arena’s familiar bogeys. His transformation was akin to Daniel Orowole Fagunwa’s mythical forest ghommid’s.

    Other beings passed through him as if he were a wraith. He mutated like Fagunwa’s ghommid, who transforms into a tree, an antelope, a raging inferno, a bird, water, among others. While Fagunwa’s mythical creature assumes more or less the characteristics typical of its new category of being, Buhari struggles to preserve his individuality, especially the capacity to repel intimidation by frantic cabals.

    Whatever the nature of his politics, Nigerians will remember him for the train tracks he laid, the roads he built, and the industries he revivified against all odds.

    They would also remember him for the bridges he burned, and how he shackled hope with a cultic harness. t took a great deal of courage for Muhammadu Buhari to assert the legend of his integrity. It is inordinately easy for him to trash it – and all of his associated mystique.

    By refusing assent to the Electoral Act Amendment Bill 2021, for the fifth time, Buhari dashed the hopes of Nigerians of vastly different stripes.

    Most significant are the millions of Nigerians whose lives have been unfairly mortgaged by his decision.

    At the backdrop of his inaction, Nigeria’s 9th National Assembly fumbles and feigns dissatisfaction as a necessary rite of revulsion; it’s amusing to see lawmakers perform the cartwheel on moral fibre, even as they get ready to rubber-stamp in acquiescent silence, Mr. President’s recreant retreat.

    Of course, Buhari had his reasons and they are hardly worthless. In a letter to the National Assembly, he explained that the inclusion of a provision for compulsory adoption of the direct primary model was the reason he did not sign Electoral Act Amendment Bill 2021 into law.

    He said, “the direct implication of institutionalising only direct primaries is the aggravation of over-monetisation of the process as there will be much more people a contestant needs to reach out to, thereby further fuelling corruption and abuse of office by incumbent contestants who may resort to public resources to satisfy the increased demands and logistics of winning party primaries.” This is inordinately cheap and crafty for an excuse.

    The president added that direct primaries were susceptible to manipulation as most parties could not boast of reliable and verified membership registers or valid means of identification. “Indirect primaries or collegiate elections are part of internationally accepted electoral practices,” he said.

    Read Also: Electoral Act: Why senators dropped plot against Buhari

    Buhari also noted that besides its serious adverse legal, financial, economic, and security consequences, the limitation or restriction of the nomination procedures available to political parties and their members constituted an affront to the right to freedom of association.

    Of course, while his reasoning may seem noble, it is hardly guileless. Aside from his convenient recourse to the role of a protector of party freedoms, Buhari barefacedly hoisted the flag of sectarian interests.

    At 79, he must know when he is being used. But for a man who has probably had it with Nigeria and her problems, he couldn’t care less about the likely blowback over his recent decision.

    It is somewhat comforting, however, to think Buhari craftily passed the buck to the National Assembly, hoping the lawmakers would veto his decision and pass the bill into law. So doing, he would have fulfilled coterie expediences and retired as an uncredited hero in one breadth.

    Yet he knows the National Assembly hasn’t the balls to countermand his decision. Initially, they put up a pageant of rebellion collecting signatures, purportedly in a bid to override the president’s decision; predictably, many of them have chickened out.

    It was only a matter of time before the Department of State Security Services (DSS) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) hounded them as persons of interest in hazarded investigations.

    The greatest winners and profiteers by Buhari’s inaction are the governors whose frantic excuses and position Buhari regurgitated in his winding letter to the legislature.

    The greatest losers are the Nigerian people, the usual victims of bad governance and tokenism perpetuated by the mercenary system of Nigeria’s coterie leadership.

    The ricochet of Buhari’s action sinks into heart and flesh like claws, mauling hope and dimming the possibility of rebirth. By his action, he has decisively neutered any hope of sanitising the country’s political system.

    At the moment, governors and state party exco rooting for the indirect primary model, enjoy the right to choose delegates beholden to their selfish individual and clique interests.

    The governors prefer the status quo as it also empowers them to arbitrarily replace lawmakers representing their states in the country’s senate, especially when the latter falls out of favour with them.

    Most governors know that the direct primary model would cost them their second term bid and truncate their dreams of proceeding to the senate, even after spending eight years in office. Hence their arguments against the direct primary model are borne of selfish lust for power, not out of love for their states or the electorate.

    There is no gainsaying the direct primary model furnishes protective rebuff against the indirect primary’s cultic obscurantism and establishes clear geometries amplifying one system of belief: open democracy.

    En route to the 2023 elections, there is a split, with the governors and state party exco, in particular, pushing to sustain their oligarchic power cult via the indirect primary option, while nominal party members and diverse segments of the electorate, unite to honour the democratic spirit of openness supposedly fostered by the direct primary option.

    But Buhari, faced with the priceless opportunity to make history, chose to speak for the governors, among others. His decision, sadly, manifests as a defeat of the moral and humane.

    It patronises the delusions of grandeur characteristic of incumbent governors, state party exco, and members of the presidential cabinet interested in the 2023 governorship and presidential elections.

    These characters, in their curious wisdom, understand that they would never be able to manipulate and buy their way to emerge as their party’s flagbearers at the forthcoming elections using the direct primary mode.

    By humouring their guile, Buhari quelled the rush of collective confidence in his presumed ability to repel the darkest elements within Nigeria’s power circuits.

    At the advent of his first term, I warned that the presidency might turn jail-house to Muhammadu Buhari; that Aso Villa may become tomb to his presidential copse, except he neutered his institutionalised nemesis, often romanticised as the cabal.

    What cabal? The one scurrying like a rapacious herd to pose as patriots. In a few months, Buhari will be seen as a national boon or disaster, depending on how he manages his trot to their leash.

    The quality of his response would determine if he would be hailed as a true change agent by 2023, or inexhaustibly maligned as the fig that let down the leaf, the element Nigeria ought to have ignored.

    En route to his election, contemporary boondocks legend mooted parables of him as a warrior in a wolf-skin vest, brandishing a shield of steeled morality and a stone-axe forged to hack down monuments that the corrupt ruling class built to entrench corruption.

    His second coming, like his first, was undoubtedly borne of reaction. Many people saw him as the “cloned Jubril of Sudan,” an “unrepentant nepotist,” “religious fundamentalist” or devoted “Change’ agent”; all through their mischief, Buhari adopted the eloquence of silence and decisive, if lethargic, governance.

    Buhari dissolved into multiple identities characterised by the political arena’s familiar bogeys. His transformation was akin to Daniel Orowole Fagunwa’s mythical forest ghommid’s.

    Other beings passed through him as if he were a wraith. He mutated like Fagunwa’s ghommid, who transforms into a tree, an antelope, a raging inferno, a bird, water, among others. While Fagunwa’s mythical creature assumes more or less the characteristics typical of its new category of being, Buhari struggles to preserve his individuality, especially the capacity to repel intimidation by frantic cabals.

    Whatever the nature of his politics, Nigerians will remember him for the train tracks he laid, the roads he built, and the industries he revivified against all odds.

    They would also remember him for the bridges he burned, and how he shackled hope with a cultic harness.

  • What NYSC has put together…

    What NYSC has put together…

    Love knows no reason, no boundaries, no distance. It has a sole intention of bringing people together to a time called forever – Unknown

    N Yikpata, Kwara State, love was in the air that day. It was the passing out parade of Batch B, Stream 2 of the 2021 National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members. With the exception of the love smitten Youth Corps member, others did not know what was in the offing. The element of surprise was at play here. The lover boy had a plan to execute and nothing was going to stop him. Let’s face it, what happened was not strange. The only strange thing was that he proposed to a woman in army uniform in full public glare.

    Stranger things than that happen everyday and because they do not occur in public, we do not get to know about them. Love is not like that. Love cannot be hidden. Lovers do crazy things. They can go to any length to show their love. When you see two people who are madly in love, you will know immediately because they have eyes only for themselves even when they are in a crowd. They see no other person except themselves. Love is intoxicating.

    It makes lovers drunk, bold and blind. This is why a girl will, right in front of her father, kiss the boy she loves without qualms and crown it with the clincher: “dad, that’s the guy I want to marry”. Left with no choice, the father will only be seething with anger, and muttering under his breath, “what an effrontery, look at this girl kissing a boy in my presence”. But his daughter has made her choice and she is not ready to change it. Beating hands down, the old man backs down and  consoles himself with the fact that she has finally brought a boy home, since she has come of age.

    What else does a graduate need after Service? A wife and a good job, you would say. The Youth Corps member found a wife at Yikpata and he would not let her slip through his fingers. To seal their love, he proposed to her on the parade ground of the NYSC Permanent Orientation Camp, to the admiration of onlookers. It was an opportunity of a lifetime which the lover boy did not want to miss. His fiancee, Private Hannah Sofiyat Akinlabi, was apparently caught by surprise, but she quickly shook that off and flowed with the moment. She accepted his proposal and they sealed it with a kiss. It usually ends that way. Now, she is in trouble with the army authorities for her public show of affection. Our calling, notwithstanding, body no be wood!

    The army’s reaction was expected. I never expected it to keep quiet because its customs and tradition frown at such an act. Hannah too knows too well that she cannot do certain things in public, while in uniform. The army does not forbid its personnel from falling in love. If it does,  none of them will be married. What it frowns at is engaging in such frolics in uniform in full public glare. No respectable military institution, anywhere in the world, will tolerate that.

    Read Also: Don’t engage in local politics, NYSC D-G warns corps members

    The army cannot be blamed for calling Hannah out over what she has done. But in the spirit of the NYSC credo, which encourages and promotes intermarriage not only among Youth Corps members, but also between Corps members and other members of society, the army should temper justice with mercy. It may be hard to do, but it can be done. Let the army use this to pull the ear of Hannah. This is my plea.

    She has erred. As the saying goes, to err is human, to forgive, divine. In the spirit of the Season, let us promote love above every other thing. What NYSC has put together, let us all ensure that it endures. When these lovebirds look back in years to come, they should be able to share their story with their children. This can only happen if the army let go.

     

    Buhari v National Assembly

    It is no longer news that President Muhammadu Buhari has vetoed the Electoral Act Amendment Bill passed by the National Assembly because of, among other reasons, the provision that parties can only pick their candidates for elections through direct primaries. The legislators introduced that provision to settle personal scores. They did it to cut down to size governors who usually run the show on their own terms through indirect primary, which is the use of delegates to elect candidates. The governors, have for years, used such primaries to deny many lawmakers return tickets.

    So, in the proposed amended Electoral Act, the lawmakers inserted the clause on direct primaries. Buhari saw this as a booby trap and declined to assent the bill. Really, what concerns the lawmakers with how parties conduct their primaries? That is an internal matter that should be handled by the parties. To me, this is the only plausible reason for the President’s veto. Some of the lawmakers were governors yesterday and they went for indirect primaries. What has changed? Nothing, except that they are no longer in a position to decide who gets what office. This is why they are bellyaching that the President vetoed the bill. Let them override him if they can muster the number. Chikena!

     

    • Wishing you, dear reader Merry Christmas
  • Soun of Ogbomosho: the merchant prince who became king

    Soun of Ogbomosho: the merchant prince who became king

    The Soun of Ogbomosho Oba Jimoh Oladunni Oyewunmi Ajagungbade III in Yoruba parlance has gone to the roof (Aja) this is because in Yoruba traditional belief, a king does not die, the same way the departure of a king or queen in England is announced  as the “ king/queen is dead , long live the king /queen “. The Yoruba also say “Oba ku Oba/Baba ku” which means the king is dead but the king or father remains alive. The official announcement by the Oyo State government of the transition of His Royal Majesty Oba Oyewumi, CON , CFR, brings the curtain down on 48 years of Ogbomosho history.

    Prince Oladunni Oyewumi was born on Friday, May 27, 1926 to Oba Bello Afolabi Oyewumi Ajagungbade II and Ayaba (Queen) Seliat Olatundun Oyewumi. He ascended the throne on October 24, 1973. His great grandfather, Oba Oluwusi Aremu the fifth Soun of Ogbomosho reigned from 1826 to 1840. His grandfather, Oba Gbagungboye Ajagungbade I reigned from 1869 to 1871 as the 10th Soun. His father Oba  Bello Afolabi Oyewumi Ajagungbade 11 reigned from 1916 to 1940 as the 15th Soun. There are other ruling houses in Ogbomosho but the Ajagungbade family has been the most successful in Ogbomosho. The recently departed Soun was one of the youngest children of his father and to protect him from possible harm because soothsayers had correctly predicted that he will be an Oba one day in future, his father sent him away from home to Ibadan for his early education at Saint Patrick’s School Oke Padre in Ibadan after which he returned to complete his vocational training at Ogbomosho People’s Institute. He learnt how to weave and his mastery of the art of weaving determined his future commercial trajectory of trading to neighbouring towns and to Ilesha from where he went further to Jos in Northern Nigeria in 1944 following the footsteps of relations of his mother who invited him to come to northern Nigeria because of the limited opportunities in Ogbomosho.

    When he arrived in Jos, he enrolled in extra mural studies to improve his education particularly the mastery of the English language. From Jos he would travel to Lagos to buy articles of trade which he then brought to Jos by railways. Soon he became agent of European trading houses based in Lagos. His business grew by leaps and bounds. He was noticed by the colonial authorities and British tin and Columbite miners in Jos who patronized him for European types of goods and beverages. He was a very sociable man and the rising African middle class of teachers and administrators and the growing community of miners got to know him very well. This was particularly the case in Jos and Bauchi. He also cultivated the friendship of the expatriate community who in spite of the local penny-pinching racism of the whites against the Africans treated Prince Oyewumi as an equal. He was invited to their dances and even allowed to dance with their wives. He had a gangling and tall personality and spoke good English and unlike the primitive local people on the Jos plateau, Prince Oyewumi had no feeling of inferiority and threw himself completely in to anything he did whether at play or at work.

    By 1951 when agitation for local Nigerian participation in politics came up, the Sardauna of Sokoto, Ahmadu Bello, the leader of the Northern Peoples Congress whenever he visited Jos called on Prince Oyewumi who he called “Ciroma “for political support. Prince Oyewumi naturally responded with material support as would be expected from the richest African in Jos. By this time, Prince Oyewumi had agencies of several European firms particularly the French trading company la  Compagnie Francaise de L’ Afrique Occidentale (CFAO) which later  invited him  to France in 1954 from where he secured the monopoly of the distribution of the French sugar brand Saint Louis. He also visited Germany and Holland to secure the distributorship of Becks beer and Heineken beer respectively. He amassed substantial amount of money from his business and went into property business building several houses in Jos and a hotel and warehouse in the centre of the town which he named TERMINUS hotel. He has replicated his hotel business in Osogbo and Ogbomosho believing in the adage that charity begins at home. He also built in Ogbomosho, the Royal Crown Hotels. On getting to the throne in 1973, he tried to establish several industries in Ogbomosho without much success. He also dabbled into the shipping business in Lagos and like most Nigerian enterprises, the policy environment was unfavourable because of the inability or reluctance of the federal government to protect local industries.

    Read Also: Buhari mourns Soun of Ogbomosho land

    Ogbomosho is located in the savanna belt and because of this, the town could and cannot support agricultural enterprises like production of cocoa rubber or timbre. This has had tremendous negative impact on the city. There are no jobs for the local youth and this accounts for the wandering nature of Ogbomosho people. They are to be found in Ghana, Ivory Coast, Togo, and Benin and in the large cities of the north like Maiduguri, Jos ,  Kaduna, Bauchi, Kano and smaller places like Sokoto, Katsina, Gombe, Zaria and Minna. Many of the Ogbomosho people are Muslims and in colonial Nigeria, it was relatively easy for them to assimilate into the wider Muslim population of the north until recently when regionalism and ethnicity crept into the factors of political advantage where it now does not matter whether one is a Muslim or not, because ethnicity seems to trump religion in the fierce struggle for power in Nigeria. The Soun found this difficult to understand especially in view of the lifelong friendship he had with people from the north of Nigeria. He knew on first name terms people like Ahmadu Bello and  Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and Ibrahim Dimis who humiliated the prime minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa when he defeated him in the federal elections of 1959 before he was somehow rigged out.

    Prince Oyewumi tried very much to avoid involvement in politics but this was difficult for a man of his stature and means. When the Action Group crisis broke out in 1961 during the party’s Jos convention, he strained himself to intervene with both Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his deputy, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola. He as an Ogbomosho patriot, was troubled by the events of the newspapers‘ portrayal of Chief  Ladoke Akintola  as a traitor to his leader . But being distant from Ibadan, he could do nothing to change the course of events. Not even the royalty in Ife, Oyo, Ijebu Ode and Abeokuta could do so. The influential Yoruba grandees in Lagos intervened fruitlessly and it seemed Yoruba land was bound to violence until the coup d’état of  January 15 1966 killed Akintola, the greatest Ogbomosho man of our times. This left a permanent scar on the Soun that when Governor  Rashidi Adewolu Ladoja  and his deputy, Alao Akala, an Ogbomosho indigene  started having problems, the Soun called Akala that he should make up with his boss and  that he did not want the name of Ogbomosho in the mud  again by people saying an Ogbomosho man cannot be trusted. During the dictatorship of  Sani Abacha, he sometimes called the Soun to ask for his advice and so did Generals Babangida and Olusegun Obasanjo. The Soun would have wanted to be left alone but these military men who had known him since his stay in Jos will not leave him alone but as a wise man he always found ways to give general answers  without  committing himself to whatever questions he was asked.

    Ogbomosho is such an important place that it had within recent past produced two or three Are Ona Kakanfo (Generalismo and military commander of the Oyo empire). Without the military might of Ogbomosho that is just a short distance from the Fulani front line in Ilorin, Yorubaland’s history would have been different from what it is today  as it is still chaffing under the consequences of the Fulani destruction of Ancient Oyo.

    Oba Oyewumi left an indelible mark on Ogbomosho. He was the first Soun to wear a beaded crown signalling that he was a first class Oba with five local governments in his domain. His reign witnessed the founding of the Ladoke Akintola University with its imposing teaching hospital, a federal polytechnic, the building of a modern palace, high court buildings, township stadium, federal secondary school, and several secondary schools.

    The tempo of development certainly picked up during his reign that he left the rambling town of close to a million souls the fourth most populous city after Ibadan, Lagos, and Kano much better than he found it. His most important contribution was peace because when he came to the throne, things were so bad that sometimes in the 1960s, a Soun was beheaded during a revolt against government policies about taxation with the local sovereign paying the price of bad policy of the state government during the Nigerian civil war.

    If there is a particular thing the Soun should be remembered for, it his contribution to education of his people and his highly educated children including  two ladies who are professors and other children in various professions including law, business , the social sciences and business which says much for a Muslim ruler.

    “Erin wo !Ajanaku sun bi Oke!”

  • Consolidating Buhari’s gains in the railway sector

    Consolidating Buhari’s gains in the railway sector

    While answering questions on Channels Television programme, “Hard Copy” last week, Rotimi Amaechi, Minister of Transportation, ever chatty, was in all his elements as he regaled Nigerians with President Buhari’s achievements in the area of rail development. The Nigerian Railway Corporation (NRC) he proudly announced, rakes in “N300million per month from the Abuja-Kaduna train, currently running Lagos-Ibadan from the money we are making from Abuja-Kaduna rail service, and paying back over N100 million monthly to the Federal Government.”

    An unsolicited clarification from the Debt Management Office that loans from China to Nigeria, which presently stood at $3.59bn, constitutes only 9.4 per cent of the country’s total foreign debt stock of $37.9bn and that the loans did not require any national asset as collateral since they were largely concessional, secured for Amaechi some relief from critics who believe we are on a path to replacing British neo-colonialism with China’s.

    But no one can begrudge Rotimi Amaechi for his wild celebration of President Buhari’s achievement in rail development. Nigeria railways which started in 1898 with its first 96km Lagos Abeokuta portion has been haunted since the end of the civil war in 1970 by twin problem of government mismanagement and inadequate manpower which found expressions in lack of maintenance of rail and locomotive assets and rapid decline of NRC which employed up to 45,000 Nigerians between 1954 and 1975.  Buhari changed that narrative.

    As it turned out, Babangida’s ‘railway revolution’, widely promoted by the then NRC sole administrator, Chief Samuel Ogbemudia and a captured section of the media, was nothing beyond repainting of old coaches. Ogbemudia was to later in 2005 admit he and Babangida  took the nation for a ride when he told AIT  that  the poor state of the corporation was due “to the activities of a clique in the road transport sector  who had urged him not to revive the rail sector because they had invested heavily on the purchase of trailers. (This Day, 21 August 2005). That perhaps explains why although the 327km Warri-Ajaokuta-Itakpe line was launched by Babangida in 1987, while he and the military politicians that succeeded him, according to Mazi Jetson Nwakwo, one-time acting managing director of NRC did nothing including replacing some of the wagons dating back to 1948”, it was to the credit of Buhari that the project was completed some 31 years later.

    It was the same story with the 168km Abuja-Kaduna line, conceived by Obasanjo and started in 2011 by Jonathan. It remained a dream until it was also completed in 2016 by Buhari.  We can add the 157km Lagos-Ibadan line also conceived and launched twice by President Obasanjo. It also remained a dream for 12 years until Buhari reactivated it in 2016 and completed it in 2020. It was also to Buhari’s credit that  the 44.7km Abuja Metro line, whose contract Obasanjo  awarded May 2007 and President Yar’Adua started in 2009  was completed  by his government in 2018, some 12 years later

    Resourceful Rotimi Amaechi, the face of President Buhari in the above string of success stories deserves appreciation of Nigerians. No one should downplay the commitment of one of the few round pegs in round holes in Buhari’s administration that successfully midwifed the implementation of our rail development national policy thrust that had defied the valiant efforts of six previous presidents.

    Ironically, it is precisely on account of Amaechi’s successes that if I were asked by President Buhari who hardly listens to anyone because of his mind-set, I would readily advise he be redeployed from the Ministry of Transportation. Amaechi cannot manage success. He has the proclivity of squandering away his own hard-earned victories because he is deficit in human relations management. There are already bad omens.

    But before then, let us look at how Amaechi managed his past victories starting with Peter Odili, his godfather who made him Speaker of Rivers State House of Assembly following his successful management of Rivers militant groups despite Obasanjo’s capturing of a faction he used as a balance of terror to secure his presidency. Amaechi was to later become governor through the judiciary, the Uzordima’s Imo State way. He went on to become a powerful, jet-flying performing Rivers State governor. Then he fell out with Odili his godfather who allegedly sponsored, Nyesom Wike, Amaechi’s own  godson and the new head of the militants against him, reducing Port Harcourt, our once beautiful garden city into a city of blood in the run up to the 2015 election.

    APC, the once the dominant party in Rivers has been in disarray since 2015 following Amaechi’s leadership tussle over the control of the Rivers APC apparatus with former Senator Magnus Abe group that had accused him of playing ‘politics of exclusion’. They have spent the greater part of six years moving between appeal court and supreme court with occasional dose of violence as was the case in July this year when Abe faction accused “members of the APC loyal to  Rotimi Amaechi of unwarranted and senseless attack on  members of APC in Ogba Egbema Ndoni Local Government Area (ONELGA) of Rivers State,”

    It is the same story with NPA. After the initial success we were told was recorded with the appointment of  Hadiza Bala Usman as Managing Director of NPA , she was suspended, following the minister’s March 4, letter to President Buhari alleging that  the yearly remittance of operating surpluses by the NPA from 2016 to 2020 was “far short of the amount due for actual remittance”. Nine months on, the report of the probe is yet to see the light of the day apparently because of disagreement between Amaechi over his ministry advertisement to select qualified audit firms to conduct the exercise” and the auditor general  who insisted “reputable professional audit firms are already being engaged by the Board in line with the enabling Act”.

    Now back to the current ill-omens.  Shortly before Amaechi’s last week celebration, precisely on November 17, Nigerian Union of Railway Workers (NURW), after accusing the minister who they claimed walked out on them during a meeting, of high-handedness  shut down railways across the country in what was termed ‘a warning strike’, for three days. Their grievances according to Innocent Ajiji, their President-General: They are the most poorly paid among all the parastatals in the Ministry of Transportation with a take home of N26,000 a month; While passengers and goods  they ferry in their trains  are  insured,  they that operate the train are not insured; Their conditions of service, they claimed  was reviewed last in 1983  among other complaints.

    Of course, we must not succumb to the blackmail of workers especially in a nation where with the exception NNPC, PPMC that earned humongous salaries and our National Assembly that cornered 25% of our annual budget, most government workers including university lecturers who according to their spokesman now double as cab drivers  will admit their monthly pay cannot take them home. But I am not sure if anyone including the highly paid lawmakers, the major beneficiaries of the Kaduna Abuja rail service who allegedly turned down ministry of transportation budget twice, can fault the above listed demands of NRC locomotives drivers.

    Happy workers are productive workers. We can therefore not wait until we start to experience sabotage from exploited locomotive drivers before coming to the aid of resourceful but loquacious Amaechi who is not expected to give what he does not have. The president I am sure can also not afford allowing Amaechi to squander what will probably be his most enduring legacy.

  • Tomori’s ode to our glorious past

    Tomori’s ode to our glorious past

    I feel Professor Tomori’s pains over the loss of our beautiful country and its glorious past where, with government provision of an enabling environment, honesty, probity  and hard work  determine how fast one climbs the social ladder. Speaking in an emotion-laden speech, penultimate Monday at the National COVID-19 Summit in Abuja, Tomori, a world-acclaimed professor of virology, who is proud to have been entirely minted in the old Western Region, Government College, Ugheli; Ahmadu Bello University, and University of Ibadan, all in Nigeria, had said “Mr. President, the generation of Nigerians we have today is much smarter than my generation. Give them one-tenth of the enabling environment opportunity which good governance gave my generation, and Nigeria will be donating vaccines to poor Europe as India is doing; Nigeria will be providing loans to China, and not the other way round”.

    For Professor Tomori: “COVID-19, Lassa fever, yellow fever, monkey pox and cholera” are not the enemies but mere symptoms of greater malaise which finds expression in our  continued underdevelopment and backwardness nourished by unpatriotic, self-centred corrupt and shameless leadership.

    For our today’s frustrated youths, Tomori’s ode to our glorious past was evidence that we once had an organized society as against the anarchy that today defines our social interaction whether in politics, business transaction, herdsmen torching subsistence farmers’ houses in the night or burning of buses along with their passengers by bandits.

    How did our much cherished past turn into a nightmare before our very eyes? How did we squander away the promises and abundance of possibilities of a glorious future after a smooth take-off? What are those forces that truncated our triumphant march on “Nigeria Path to freedom”? And why are we finding it so hard to retrace our journey back after 55 years in the wilderness?

    Our founding fathers including Obafemi Awolowo back in 1947 admitted Nigeria was ‘a geographical expression’ while  Tafawa Balewa in 1948 described her as ‘a British intention”. Zik, who out of political mischief insisted our differences was exaggerated by accident of colonial rule, was reminded even by the colonial masters that ‘we are a  multi-ethnic nation where some groups are social, some anti-social and where the Bantus of the Benue valley are different from the Hausa Fulani of Zaria.”

    It was for this reason that our constitutional development starting with the 1954 Lyttleton constitution, to the 1957 independence constitution gave each region powers over law and order, education, economic development, social welfare and public information.” This was the platform upon which our glorious past, Tomori so poetically eulogized was built.

    But driven by greed for power to serve self and not necessarily the masses on whose back they rode to power, the Igbo and Hausa Fulani political elite solemnized a marriage of convenience in 1959. Their first act of betrayal of the new nation was the undermining of the constitution by 1962 just to derail the West’s giant stride.  By 1963, the coalition had collapsed, predictably over sharing of perks of office.

    It was obvious the interest of ordinary people did not feature in their bargaining. For instance, Eastern Region which by 1953 had 65% of her children in primary school as against 35% of the West, 105 secondary grammar schools to West’s 25 made no significant improvement while the marriage of convenience lasted. The Igbo ministers in Balewa’s government  were more interested in exploiting their participation in government to raise personal fortunes that would allow them  build ‘palaces of the people’ among the squalor  of the poor inhabiting ghettos that defined most Igbo urban jungles and rural areas of the period.

    While ordinary Igbo got little or no value from the coalition, and the only legacy of NPC, the main coalition was that of “labourer born labourer and almajiris sired almajirirs”; the opposition AG’s half a million primary school enrolment, on the other hand went up to one million pupils, secondary school with 25 with less than 7,000 students to 139 with over 84,000.

    Dumping NCNC its junior coalition partner, whose serving ministers refused to step down following directive of their party,  NPC the controller of the honey-pot at the centre dangled the carrot at a faction of opposition AG which Akintola, the embattled governor, found irresistible. He was to justify his position with Igbo domination of the Balewa-led federal government, making jokes about “ Ikejiaani, Iketaani, Ikerinani” while Yoruba was completely missing. Our self-serving political actors eventually infiltrated the military resulting in the January and July 1966 coups that finally led into an inevitable civil war.

    Our glorious past was dealt the final deadly blow by Obasanjo’s dismantling of all social and economic institution he inherited in 1975 while his centralization of institutions that had stood the test was to lead to paralysis in the universities, along other institutions of society. Driven by greed, the political elite constituted itself into a powerful pressure group  to influence who gets what and when in the sharing of our common patrimony through ill-executed Babangida’s commercialization and Obasanjo’s privatization policies.

    Many, after taking over the commanding heights of the economy went on to establish their own media outfits to propagate the values of economic liberalization and promote their own variant of market economy where government was the source of capital injected to the business concerns including banks, insurance, telecommunication, hospitality and the power sectors before they were sold off, according to a House of Representatives probe report,  at ‘give away prices’ to the new owners.

    It is therefore not an accident those who have benefitted or are still benefitting from the ongoing anarchy continue to insist they don’t understand the meaning of restructuring, fiscal federalism or devolution of power. Tragically, it was this hypocritical president’s crowd that was entertained by sobbing Tomori during his latest outing.  But Tomori is in good company even if public sobbing changes nothing.

    Obafemi Awolowo one of the architects of the glorious past, the subject of  Tomori’s melancholy,  after  creating enabling environment for Ughelli College, free education, free health services and other pro-people policies struggled through  the rest of his life to replicate them in the rest of the country. For his pains he was imprisoned for 10 years by those who boasted he would be too old by the time he returned to question how they govern Nigeria. Some of his lieutenants including Chief Tony Enahoro, Abraham Adesanya, Michael Ajasin,  Bisi Onabanjo who out of frustration suggested the colonial masters be invited back, all failed in their quest to re-create the West in  the rest of the country the enabling environment responsible for the miracle of the West between 1952 and 1962.

    Those who blocked ‘Nigeria’s path to freedom’ prefer darkness to light. Awo himself likened them to ‘a few people holding down a fattened cow that is being milked by some powerful individuals. They are in politics as kingmakers, in business as monopolists and in churches, mosques and traditional institutions. Their laws are our laws.

    Nigerians have no illusion about the invincibility of these owners of society who messed up President Obasanjo and his PDP between 1999 and 2015. But Buhari was thought to be uniquely placed to confront those who have continued to hold Nigeria down because of his record as defender of the nation’s interest against IMF and World Bank during his first coming as military head of state and his passion for Nigeria.

    Above all, since Buhari has nothing to lose, many informed Nigerians had expected him not only to confront those holding the nation down but also resolve our political problems through creative application of absolute powers of an elected sovereign.

  • A call for patriotism by Professor Tomori

    A call for patriotism by Professor Tomori

    In a widely circulated video, Professor Wale Tomori the globally acclaimed virologist was shown making a contribution to a presidential panel on the coronavirus pandemic and broke down in tears when he wanted to discuss the various failings of men in power and the lack of patriotism in many of our people. What really riled the professor was the fact that he learnt about the discovery of the Omicron variant of the coronavirus when Canada announced that two Nigerians had brought the variant to Ottawa and followed it up by banning Nigerians from traveling to Canada. Furthermore, Canada announced it will no longer accept any certificate of negative exposure to the coronavirus because of forgery of negative certificate which was allegedly a rampant phenomenon in Nigeria. Tomori’s embarrassment arose from the fact that he was somehow involved in advising the committee on coronavirus in Nigeria and believed if the omicron variant was discovered in Nigeria, he and others should have been briefed by those involved in sequencing the new viral discoveries but nothing like that happened. Yet Britain and Canada and later the United States were giving a breakdown of the omicron variant of the coronavirus in Nigeria. With this failure to for once do the right thing, who will not be embarrassed to the point of weeping for Nigeria?

    Many of my readers can remember the “weeping governor”, Samuel Onunaka Mbakwe (1929-2004) of Imo State who regularly wept over the lack of development in his state due to what he regarded as the iniquitous distribution of national resources away from those who produced the wealth to those who manipulated census figures to claim advantage over those whose access to power was denied using spurious census figures!

    On this particular issue I would have cried with the governor so that I could have joined Wale Tomori as another “weeping professor “protesting against fake census figures. Now we are told Nigeria has 200 million souls. This is absolutely untrue and false. This figure was generated from the figures we submitted to the United Nations which it worked upon to give us false estimates. It’s a question of garbage in garbage out.  The various censuses conducted since independence were done with a goal of working to the answer of lopsided census figures which gave more people to the arid north and less people to the wet and normally fecund south contradicting the pattern in other West African countries like Guinea, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Togo and Benin where the southern parts have larger populations than their arid northern parts.

    Perhaps this deliberate official lies is at the root of lack of patriotism in Nigeria. Because no matter how excellent one may be in knowledge, wisdom and performance, one’s ethnic, religious and regional provenance usually determined accessibility to power and national resources irrespective of where those resources lie or are produced.

    What Tomori was crying about is the total mismanagement of the affairs of this country. In another comment, the troubled professor once made an enquiry on television about how the N500 billion allegedly spent on coronavirus was disbursed and for what? The opacity of the campaign headed by bureaucrats rather than professional health workers particularly virologists and epidemiologists leave much to be desired. By now we should be producing the coronavirus vaccines in Nigeria. We used to produce all kinds of vaccines in Vom on the plateau before. This was still going on when I was in Jos early in the 1970s. Of course I know vaccines production has gone beyond the Edward Jenner type; we could still have kept pace with the new digitized vaccines if we have had the kind of patriotic political leaders away from the privateering  and buccaneering military  leaders who took power and ruled the country for several decades engaging themselves in ever splitting states until we got to the present unviable puny states  not fit for purpose of innovation and development. We now have a leadership completely disconnected from the followership.

    As the professor said, our governments tell us the citizens, lies and we tell the governments, lies in return. This accounts for why we cannot conduct ordinary census without inflating it and gerrymandering political constituencies. Now we think we are smart and we are buying Covid-19 certificates. Some used to buy yellow fever cards and possibly small pox cards. Some parents used to fake the vaccines for polio until Nigeria became one of the last countries to witness the eradication of the disease in the world. We specialize in forging our birth certificates and people who should be resting with their grandchildren are still working in the civil service thus depriving younger people opportunities to make a living and to gain experience which will in future be useful for the development of our country. We forge results of public examinations. Nigeria is the only country in Anglophone West Africa that set up a parallel examination body to lower standards away from the international examination body – the West African Examination Council, (WAEC) whose papers were moderated by Cambridge University in the past. Now we in the universities know that the parallel Nigerian counterfeit was deliberately set up to lower standards and the young people also know this. So who are we fooling? Parents hire people to take examinations for their children and when these children enter universities, they cheat throughout their stay in the universities. Some of them who are girls sell their bodies in exchange for marks and the boys join cult groups to frighten lecturers to pass them or get hurt or get killed. These so called influential parents buy jobs in the civil service for their children or send them abroad where spurious universities- former polytechnics and community colleges recently converted to universities give them Masters degrees and insist they must return home immediately with their fake degrees to swell up the population of the certificated but unlearned or uneducated young people who then become terrorists, bandits,  ritual killers, highway robbers and scammers including cyber forgers. The chickens are coming home to roost and we have sown the wind and are now reaping the whirlwind.

    Things were never like this in the Nigeria of my youth, the Nigeria that Tomori nostalgically refers to. In that Nigeria, charity began at home. Our parents discouraged cheating or telling lies. The standard parting statement from parents when leaving home for school was – “know the son or daughter of who you are”. My father would be angry with any of his children who came home sulking that he or she was beaten in school. If the person was your age, my father would ask if your hands were tied behind your back. The point was that every child should be able to defend him or herself. Courage and chivalry were very important in my family’s history. My father would tell you he was ready to challenge any other father who beat you up for his child. But if a child was caught stealing, my father would disown such a child. It was as simple as that and that among other factors accounted for the success of members of my family. We were never rich but we were people of honour.

    We have to go back in this country to what brought honour to families and nations. A situation where our children are asked to avoid the companies of other Nigerians abroad to avoid being involved in “Nigerian scams” is just not good enough for the reputation of our country. We have to go back to the drawing board and teach our young children what honour and patriotism mean. We have to teach them the simple meaning of honesty and good manners and doing the right things whether we are being watched or not. Going to church and mosque without learning the basic training of citizenship is not good enough; we must also ensure appropriate sanctions and punishment for contravention of rules, laws and regulations.

    One of the reasons for the breakdown of law and order in our country is because punishment is not sure, termly and predictable for offenses committed by criminals. If those who had been violating the rights of fellow human beings in the spate of killings all over the country had been dealt with by sending those who earned them to the gallows or gaol  immediately they committed the offenses, we would not be where we are today. In other worlds, there is a general failure of government all over the country. This failure began a long time ago and became incremental until the present when it has now metastasized with surgery no longer able to stop inevitable death of society and our country. It is the breakdown of law and order that has affected every facet of our lives and until we go back to the basics, what Germans call grundnorm, Nigeria will never make it and  it will continue on this trajectory of what one of my political science professors in the University of Ibadan, Father James O Connell called the inevitability of instability in Nigeria.

    There is  a need for moral rearmament in Nigeria starting from the kind of pedagogy and citizenship  curriculum we teach in primary schools because this present generation should be regarded as lost and not salvageable. My generation that has messed up this country should join Professor Tomori in weeping not over Nigeria but for Nigeria and doing what it can do to reverse this terrible trend in which many have no sense of the country belonging to them or they belonging to the country. We are all orphans and the country itself is also an orphan waiting for adoption by any strong external force that would not be resisted by disillusioned citizens who are potential fifth columnists and who are totally bereft of any sense of patriotism.

  • No-holds-barred!

    No-holds-barred!

    THE book was meant to serve a purpose. First, to give a true account of his forays in politics and second, his interactions with fellow politicians and others from other spectrum of life. Now, Chief Bisi Akande is not garrulous neither is he reticent. He only speaks when there is need for it. It is a well known fact that when such people speak, there is a tremor.

    The earth has been shaking since the public presentation of  his autobiography, My Participations, in Lagos on December 9. I do not think that the author’s intention is to ruffle feathers. But how do you write such a revealing book without marching on toes. That would have given the Ila Orangun, Osun State chief goose bumps. He was not writing fiction, he would have thought. So, he damned the consequences by being factual, painting many of the politicians he knows in their true colours.

    Before the book presentation ended, it was already enmeshed in controversies. Trust the social media. It had started posting snippets of the book long before the chief guest of honour, President Muhammadu Buhari, left the venue of the event. Reactions by some of those mentioned in the book, including the President himself, through some of his unnamed aides, were swift and in some cases laced with anger. The controversies were foretold by the master storyteller and Africa’s first Nobel laureate in Literature, Prof Wole Soyinka, who wrote the book’s foreword.

    Akande, in the preface to the book, recounted his meeting in the United States (US)  with Soyinka, who told him: “With that book, Bisi, be ready for war”. How prophetic Soyinka turned out to be. As a master of the game, the Nobel laureate knew immediately that the book in his hands is explosive, and that the author would incur the ire of those whose “character attestation”, as our General Editor, Kunle Ade-Adeleye put it, he painted vividly. The author did not pull punches. He wrote from the heart, revealing the tendencies of many well known politicians in the land.

    Of course, those mentioned are not keeping quite. Akande too appears prepared for them. His lawyer-children went through the book with a fine toothcomb and approved its publication. That was after the warning by renowned diplomat, Ambassador Dapo Fafowora, that the revelations in the book might provoke litigations. What did he say about these people that is offensive? Is telling the world the true worth of a person an attestation or assassination of his character? Must an author lie in a book just to preserve the status quo? Will it be fair to do that? Should the author bare it all to clear misconceptions about people hitherto perceived as saints? Should he call villains by another name for fear of a backlash?

    An author treads a minefield. He has to decide for himself the kind of book he wants to write. A book of lies that a reader will pick up and hiss ‘what kind of book is this?’ Or a book of facts that the reader will pick up and say ‘yes, this is a book’. A book is not a book because it is abusive; it is a book because it is detailed and factual and hides nothing. Akande’s book has passed the integrity test. The reader cannot expect less from a man, who himself, epitomises integrity. He is not a saint and he cannot be because no man is perfect. The cacophonous noise over the book is expected.

    He should not bother himself about the din. It will soon fade away. Those affected will shout themselves hoarse and keep silent after exacting what they believe is their own pound of flesh from him by calling him names. Nobody, no matter how bad they are, want that aspect of their lives made public. We want our bad sides hidden and the good sides widely publicised.

    Akande has written his own book and it is making waves because readers can relate with the issues and personalities therein. They are enjoying the book because they find it so difficult to believe that the author can be blunt and unsparing in his character sketches of many of these people who are seen as untouchables. From the President to Chief Ayo Adebanjo, the late Chief Olaniwun Ajayi, the late Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, Chief Iyiola Omisore and Chief Ayo Opadokun, among others, the author had one or two things to say about them.

    The President’s unnamed aides have since reportedly  denied what Akande said about their boss. Adebanjo personally launched an attack against the author. But will these distractions remove anything from the book? No, as Omar Khayyam noted in his work, Rubaiyat: “The moving finger writes; and, having writ, moves on: nor all thy piety nor wit shall lure it back to cancel half a line, nor all thy tears wash out a word of it”.

    No matter the wailing of the aggrieved, it cannot change what is in the book. If anybody has anything to counter Akande’s great work, let them also put it in writing. But it should not be writing for writing sake in order to settle scores. It must be factual. That is the stuff of which great books are made.

  • Nigeria’s family canker

    Nigeria’s family canker

    Modern Nigeria is a product of societal dysfunction. Ultimately, she is a failure of the family as a social unit. From 12-year-old Sylvester Oromoni’s untimely death in the hands of his bullies at Dowen College, the school authorities’ insensitive swerve from its duty of care, to his bereaved family’s posthumous celebration of his birthday, the social space pulses with grisly manifestations of the Nigerian wild, all the pageantry and glamour inclusive.

    Amid the uproar, it becomes increasingly difficult to separate heartfelt indignation from politicised outrage.

    Attention junkies: lawyers, journalists, social influencers, CSOs – all career narcissists are on the prowl.

    Sylvester’s death, whatever the true narrative, was heartbreaking and undeserving of a minor so full of promise. Perhaps Nigeria lost a genius who might have cured cancer, herpes, HIV/AIDS; perhaps he would have grown to steer the country from the precipice to a more promising clime.

    How many such promising genii and social revolutionaries have we lost in the massacre of minors at Buni Yadi, Gamboru Ngala, Zarbamari to mention a few?

    How many more shall we lose before we set our knife’s surgical point astride the prick of pain? The loss of the Sylvesters of our world, be it in isolated cases or larger insurgencies, like terrorism, armed banditry or the EndSARS conflict, would continue to haunt us, until we summon the courage to look inwards and perform an invasive surgery on our individual and collective psyches.

    Two years ago, Aisha Buhari, Nigeria’s First Lady, made a rousing recourse to moral nature. By urging parents to see to the moral upbringing of their wards, she addressed Nigeria’s supreme pestilence: our lack of morality.

    Nobody paid attention to this, save a paltry few in the country’s performance theatre, whose chief intent is usually to grandstand or pay lip service as a rite of artifice. Whether Aisha’s recourse was bland performance or not, her acknowledgement of the nation’s moral canker was noteworthy.

    Mrs. Buhari, while hosting a special prayer session for Nigeria at the Banquet Hall of the Presidential Villa, Abuja, challenged parents to take charge of their families and ensure good moral upbringing of children to minimise crime in the society.

    She said the lack of moral upbringing of children and the collapse of family values was largely responsible for the social crises facing Nigeria. I agree with Aisha Buhari.

    Nigeria cannot escape impending doom until we modify our attitude towards nationhood. But first, we have to build character. Character is the spool by which we would spin the colourful yarns of citizenship and leadership.

    It is an artificial construction, no doubt. Our defense against bestiality. Without character, we would get ship-wrecked in the barbarous deep that it is nature, or animal instinct, if you like.

    It was a lack of character that afflicted us with the incumbent ruling class. It’s poetic irony, therefore, that Aisha would recommend to us a remedy to rid Nigeria of afflictions constituted by her class.

    Modern Nigeria careens in flight and fear, as you read. Millions yearn to flee from bad leadership, economic failure, power outage, corruption, insecurity, infrastructure collapse, substandard health and education among others.

    Fear is the next pandemic; many commit crimes and die in fear of poverty and financial insecurity thus our afflictions by Boko Haram, career kidnappers, murderous herdsmen, trigger happy policemen, soldiers and vigilante groups.

    Amid the blooming dystopia, Aisha rose from her chambers to mastermind a rite of redemption. Perhaps she meant to cast spells to lull the punishing elements. But then, she understood perhaps, that presidential chants and paternosters won’t rid Nigeria of her current afflictions.

    The battle must begin at the home-front. A cursory look at our families excites the creepiest form of marvel. The Nigerian family unit today parades the worst form of savagery. Parents contract marabouts, Christian prophets and native doctors to invoke God’s mercies and protection on their wards engaged in cyber-scams (Yahoo-Yahoo) and prostitution at home and abroad.

    The indoctrination starts quite early, from childhood. Mothers are mightily pleased to see a child hurt an annoying neighbour’s dog or cat; and fathers consider it a mark of martial spirit to see their son tyrannise his weaker peer. Lest we forget those whose parents raise righteously, breeding them in cages of holiness, to perpetuate the worst forms of bigotry and inhumanity, according to sacred texts.

    Many parents consider it a sign of great courage and astuteness to see their wards cheat and oppress their peer. It gladdens their hearts to see their little spawns evolve into ‘lovable’ brutes at a tender age. They appreciate it as a worthy demeanour for the very tough world out there.

    Thus from adolescence through adulthood, they greet every cruelty and dishonesty their children perpetrate with cheer, as long as it translates to stupendous wealth, higher status and the comfort of knowing that such children are “smart” and inured to the ways of the cutthroat world.

    These are the true seeds and roots of cruelty, tyranny and treason. Parents nurture vile in their wards, who perpetuate through lineages, grosser forms of grotesqueness.

    It starts from the very little things, like teaching children to cheat through school. Hence the multitude of “peaceful, hardworking and God-fearing” families engaged in desperate pursuits to enroll their wards and university hopefuls in “special coaching schools” while they purchase for them, seats at “special centres,” as they write the S.S.C.E and JAMB exams.

    Such wards, who had been trained to circumvent the straight, moral path to success eventually mature into troubled adults. All through their lives, they navigate challenges and shoals of reality with the courage of a weevil and the wit of a hyena.

    The seeds of indolence and bestiality sown in them, grow to prodigious bulk, cultivated by society, codified as custom. Eventually, we have brutes and savages running our lives and determining our future.

    Many may dispute this, claiming that such characters constitute a minor fraction of the country’s over 190 million population. I disagree, but if they insist, I hereby iterate that such wonderful families we have now that blessed us with the current ruling class, thieving bank chiefs and corrupt law enforcers.

    Such wonderful families we have that blessed us with lazy and corrupt civil servants, light-fingered bank clerks, desperate, treacherous journalists and lawyers. Such wonderful families we have that blessed us with prostitutes, armed robbers, Yahoo boys, and currency-activated clerics to mention a few.

    While it may be easy to dismiss Mrs. Buhari’s supplication conference as yet another religious show-boating, her recourse to moral instruction is worthy of note.

    Aisha urged parents to instil good morals in their children but the same parents constitute the rich lobbyists conniving with her ruling class to impoverish Nigeria further. They are the folks cursing her ruling class even as they vie daily to serve the whims of the same political class as hack writers, political thugs, social influencers, and so on.

    They are the parents purchasing seats and liberties to cheat for their wards at JAMB and SSCE “special centres.” They are the bankers pilfering our accounts at 50 kobo, N50 to N5000 by the second.

    They are the motorists hastening off their appropriate lanes to face oncoming vehicles and endanger lives. They are the public administrators stealing pension fund meant for elderly retirees and using same money to fund presidential candidates at national elections.

    They are the lawyers twisting the law to serve the whims of Nigeria’s worst criminals ever.

    They are the crooks reading this thinking the writer is just another ‘grifter’ calling the con-artist, ‘fraud.’