Category: Thursday

  • Nigeria’s image besmirched this last week

    Nigeria’s image besmirched this last week

    This last week was not a good time for Nigeria, what with Blessing Okagbare being sent out of the Olympics for doping and Deputy Commissioner of Police Abba Kyari being fingered by Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI ) in USA for involvement with the Nigerian fraudster Rahman  Olorunwa Abbas alias Hushpuppi.  One who has no idea of cultural diplomacy may dismiss the Okagbare incident and the banning of another 10 Nigerians out of the Olympics for missing out three out of competition tests which are mandatory as not major incidents. They are. In a world where sports have gratefully replaced wars as a mark of national pride and superiority, excellence in sports do confer recognition on winning countries. The relative cheapness of using sports to advance national pride and influence compared with the traditional diplomacy which is very expensive, recommends investment in any aspect of cultural diplomacy, be it sports, creative arts, cultural artifacts and literature.

    In the 1970s, Shell Oil Nigeria Limited sponsored a traveling global exhibition of 2000 years of Nigerian Art displaying Nok Art and Ife naturalistic figurines, Benin idealized works, Ugbo-Uku exquisitely woven art works all in terra cotta and bronze. It certainly caught the eyes of the world and people began to place us with Ancient Greece as contributors to world civilization. I remember when I was presenting my letters of credence as ambassador of Nigeria to the President of Germany, Baron Richard Karl von Wveisacker in 1991, he was more interested in talking about our national soccer team and the plays of Wole Soyinka especially “The Death and the King’s Horseman”. In this play, Soyinka explores the complex Yoruba culture in which the horse-keeper of the Oba was expected to die with his patron and the attempt by the British colonial authorities to stop what must have been seen to be barbaric culture. I first saw the play incidentally not in Nigeria but far away in Washington DC in the United States, I believe in 1979. I have always found Soyinka’s works rather tedious and requiring more than mere attention than I was prepared to devote to literary works, which if not immediately enjoyed was not worth my effort. Thank God I knew about the tradition of Abobaku” in Yoruba monarchical institutions and I tried to make sense out of it in the engrossing discussion I had with the German nobleman and a man of letters himself. He knew about the importance of Nigeria politically and economically and the strong economic relations between Germany and Nigeria but what interested the man was those intangible areas of our national life which constitute our cultural contribution to the world. I could not have been talking about our crude oil production or our cocoa, timber and palm oil and our huge market for consumer goods. This was commonplace in the eyes of the German President.

    While talking on culture, I remember a story worth telling. The Nigerian Union in Germany was having their national celebrations in Bonn in 1994 and it just happened that a delegation sent by General Sani Abacha led by Chukwuemeka Ojukwu to ask for Germany’s patience with him and his regime after locking up MKO Abiola, the winner of the 1993 Presidential election and also later arresting Generals Obasanjo and Yar’Adua for attempted coup d’état was visiting Bonn Germany. I took the delegation to the social evening of the Nigerian Union. After a beautiful performance by a young Yoruba boy on the talking drums, Ojukwu stood up to make some remarks. He said he was not ashamed to say when we in Nigeria talk about Nigerian culture worth celebrating, what we were all talking about is Yoruba culture in music, literature, clothing, creative arts, traditional architecture, history, traditional religion and numeracy. If I had made such remarks, the security boys in my mission would have filed negative reports about me and it could have led to my recall. Of course, no diplomat sent to represent a multinational state like Nigeria would have singled out one ethnic group and put it over the others. Certainly, I was too sophisticated and urbane to commit such a faux pas.  Also, I did not necessarily agree with Ojukwu’s dismissal of other cultural attainment of other Nigerians except the Yoruba. But Ojukwu was not a diplomat.

    Now back to sports as an important component of cultural diplomacy. One is inclined to ask why Blessing Okagbare was even taken to the Olympics in the first place. I mean she is no longer a young lady. After a decade of running for Nigeria, we ought to have found younger and more nimble legs that would not require being pumped up with dope before she can run. She has had her days she should be encouraged to hang her boots without ruining her own image but most especially Nigeria’s image. When your colleagues start referring to you as “Aunty Blessing” it is time for you to go. As for the other 10 athletes who did not fulfill the testing requirements, they and our officials who should have ensured full compliance with Olympics regulations and protocols should be ashamed of themselves and should be reprimanded. Our people must realize that these little things matter in the eyes of the global community.

    Nigeria already has a bad image of human trafficking, advance fees fraud, prostitution, immigration violation, visa and passport forgeries. We don’t need to add to what has become a sordid reputation. Now we are known for international terrorism. Our people have been found carrying bombs on behalf of Al Qaeda and killing British soldiers right there in the streets of London. Of course our people are rated as one of the best in scholarship particularly in medicine, surgery, engineering, computer science, design, and so many other areas of human endeavors. Nigerians occupy key positions in the United States government and even in the mass media. One is always proud when one reads about the achievements of our young ones abroad and at home in music and films but the black legs amongst them always ruin our collective image. This is why it is always sad when one reads about these sad stories of Nigerians’ involvements in fraud and other untoward activities.

    Even though we have not won any medals in the current Olympics, but I hail the efforts of our athletes in male and female basketball and in the field and sprints events. After all, the joy of Olympics is not in winning but in participation. Although I would rather that we have won a few medals instead of consoling ourselves with the joy of participation. I know we can win if we train and prepare adequately and give our young people time to train and encouragement and financial support. There is a lot of money in sports and it can help mitigate our unemployment problem if we actively develop our sports infrastructure and operate a sophisticated sports league championship. We can also use sports to project a positive and glorious image of our country and with good image will come foreign interest and possible investment.

    Now to the question of Abba Kyari’s alleged inappropriate behavior in the case of the indicted Nigerian fraudster Abbas Huspuppi currently in the United States prison. First of all, Abba Kyari is the poster boy of the Nigerian police. He is seen as a super cop who can solve any crime no matter the nature and wherever it is committed in Nigeria. He attracts a lot of apparently sponsored publicity in the Nigerian media. At the rank of Deputy Commissioner of Police, he ought to have been very careful that he does not let the force or himself down. In recent times he has not been too careful. He was photographed in the burial ceremony of a certain Obi Cubana’s mother wearing “Aso Ebi” with the celebrant. This was a party where people were throwing money at each other and marching on millions of Nigerian naira. Defacing the national currency itself is a crime. A senior policeman should not have attended a party in which millions were being spent by people who could not have genuinely laboured for their wealth.

    When he was challenged about his presence at such a party, he allegedly said the main celebrant was a hardworking man.  How many hard-working Nigerians spend billions of naira burying their mothers? When the Hushpuppi story about his being fingered in the USA by the FBI broke, many people were not surprised. People who live in glass houses should never throw stones. I am not saying he is guilty but appearance of involvement in crime for a senior Nigerian police officer is a serious situation. The police has apparently suspended him for the time being. If he is found culpable, this would ruin his own life and irreparably damage the image of Nigeria. Of course, Nigeria will not be the only country where senior police officers are involved in crime. They are found all over the world. But in our case, we don’t need another dent on our image which is already sordid enough.

  • Hush! Hush! Here goes Kyari

    Hush! Hush! Here goes Kyari

    THEY call him Hushpuppi. But his real name is Ramon Olorunwa Abbas. Ray Hushpuppi, better known as Hushpuppi, made waves in Dubai, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), where he lived large. Throwing money around like confetti, showing off his posh cars and exotic houses, his arrest brought his world crashing down. When he found himself in the United States (US) following his arrest in Dubai, he knew that the game is up.

    But something told me that he would bring some people down with him. Smooth operators like Hushpuppi do not go down alone. They fight with all they have when the chips are down and pull strings to get freed. They do not stay in custody for long upon being arrested because they have what it takes to influence their release: money. With their money, they can buy anything, including justice. That is if they are ever brought to book. In most instances, their cases end at the level of police investigations, where they bribe their way out.

    Those who know them usually express surprise when they see them in the streets again, shortly after their reported arrest. Hushpuppi was so sure that he had every loose end sewn up in Dubai despite knowing that the law was after him. The scales have fallen off his eyes and he now knows better. His cooperation with detectives in the US is yielding results, with the arrest of others involved in the large scale scam he was into. Hushpuppi made a fortune from defrauding people, but instead of lying low to enjoy his illicit wealth, he flaunted it to the chagrin of many across the world.

    Who is this boy? Where is he from? Who are his parents? Can they not talk to him? Many asked as they watched stupefied his crass display of wealth on social media. Whatever he is facing today, certainly Ramoni brought it upon himself. But what do we say of Abba Kyari, who has been linked to him? Kyari is a deputy commissioner of police, who enjoys the confidence of his bosses. He is always given the tough jobs because they are certain that he would deliver. He never let them down as he cracked those cases.

    As a seasoned officer, Kyari is expected to smell from a distance who a shady character is. That police sense in him should tell him who to associate with and who not to be seen with. You do not become a ‘super cop’ overnight. You attain that height by being circumspect and wary of the company you keep. An officer like Kyari, especially, should know that he would be the target of dangerous elements, who have only two options when it concerns him. The options are either to befriend him or take him out. Most of them go for the first choice because they know the consequences of killing a policeman. They have signed their death warrant if they do that.

    Kyari could not have been cracking tough cases like armed robbery, kidnapping, large scale fraud running into billions of naira without having friends, call them informants if you like, in the underworld. He cannot say that through these informants he has not heard about the exploits of oneHushpuppi. How did the policeman in him react when he heard about Hushpuppi? Was it to help in arresting him or what? Even though Hushpuppi did not operate from Nigeria, his scam network covered Nigeria. So, there should have been a collaboration between our police and their counterparts elsewhere to nail him.

    Read Also: Hushpuppi: EFCC didn’t ask me to keep low profile, says Mompha

     

    Considering the global activities of Hushpuppi, one should expect the Nigeria Police and other security agencies to keep a tab on him because sooner or later he may have one ‘business’ or two to do here as he does in other parts of the world. So, any police officer worth his uniform should have been on his guard over a person like that. Kyari, with the amount of information at his disposal, is expected to know better when it comes to matters like this. Who or what do we say is responsible for his being drawn into the Hushpuppimatter? His carelessness or a plot by those envious of him to do him in?

    From what has been gathered from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) indictment of Kyari, Hushpuppi and four others, it seems they (Kyari and Hushpuppi) had known each other long before the Vincent Chibuzor arrest, which has now got Kyari into trouble. Hushpuppi told investigators that he paid Kyari to get Vincent arrested. Vincent’s offence: he tried to alert a business victim (that is a maga in local parlance) that the deal he was going into was a scam. Vincent wanted to squeal on Hushpuppi for edging him out of the scam.

    Hushpuppi reportedly called Kyari to arrest Vincent and keep him out of circulation until the deal is sealed. Kyari complied. His own story is that Vincent was arrested for threateningHushpuppi’s family. If Hushpuppi did not know Kyari before then, he would not have sought the officer’s help for his family’s protection. Where did he know Kyari? In what circumstances did they meet? Were they introduced to each other? Who introduced them? Did Kyari not know ofHushpuppi’s activities before then?

    What business did they do together before then? HadHushpuppi ever sought Kyari’s help in arresting any other person before or after the Vincent case? Is the Vincent case an isolated matter?

    Kyari’s Face Book kaftan story of their meeting sounds somehow. Hushpuppi saw his profile picture in kaftan and fell in love with the attire. He then sent N300,000 for six of such attires. The money was paid into the designer’s account but the attire was collected in Kyari’s office. Since when did the police station become a delivery agency? When I saw Kyari’s picture with Obi Cubana at the latter’s mother’s funeral in Oba, Anambra State, last month, I just shook my head in astonishment. What does this police officer think he is doing? I wondered. Then the Hushpuppi scandal blew open.

    By virtue of his work, Kyari should not be seen leading a glamorous life. He is better off operating quietly than competing for public attention with the so-called ‘big boys’. He has now been suspended from work as leader of the prestigious Intelligence Response Team (IRT), pending investigation into the FBI allegations against him. Whatever happens to him next will depend on how he led his life in the past.

  • Nagging questions for APC

    Nagging questions for APC

    By Lawal Ogienagbon

    WITH four senior advocates in its fold,  the Federal Exceutive Council (FEC) can boast of people that can give it wise counsel whenever the need arises. As the highest ruling organ of the All Progressives Congress (APC)-led government, the FEC needs that counsel now in order to help its party out of its present dilemma.

    The APC is troubled. The source of its headache is the July 28 Supreme Court’s 4 – 3 split judgment on the Ondo State governorship election dispute.

    The lead verdict delivered by Justice Emmanuel Agim favoured APC and Governor Rotimi Akeredolu. He held that the non-inclusion of Yobe State Governor Mai Mala Buni, the interim caretaker committee chairman of the party, in the case rendered the appeal filed by Eyitayo Jegede of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) incompetent. But the minority opinion given by Justice Mary Odili, who presided over the appeal, raised a pertinent issue, which has generated heat within the party and the Buhari administration. Justice Odili held that Buni cannot chair the party in whatever capacity, citing Section 183 of the 1999 Constitution and Article 17 (iv) of the APC constitution. That being so, she held that Buni’s endorsement of Akeredolu’s nomination form was null and void.

    President Muhammadu Buhari, who is currently in London, sought a resolution of the matter by referring it to Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, a professor of law and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). To do justice to the matter, he brought in his fellow Silk, Abubakar Malami, the attorney-general, Babatunde Fashola, works minister and Festus Keyamo, minister of labour (state). Information Minister Lai Mohammed, also a lawyer, joined them to analyse the verdict. The group, it seems, did not make a headway in its assignment. The tension in the party manifested at its nationwide congresses on Saturday. Some members did not want the congresses to hold based on the judgment, others were for it, citing the same verdict.

    Some of the questions begging for answers are:

    Who can sponsor a candidate in an election?

    A political party, according to Section 177 (c) of the Constitution.

    Who can sign the nomination papers of a candidate?

    The chairman of a party.

    Can a sitting governor chair a party in a substantive or acting (interim) capacity?

    No, he cannot. Section 183 of the Constitution puts it succinctly: The governor shall not, during the period when he holds office, hold any other executive office or paid employment in any form or other capacity whatsoever.

    Is the post of party chairman an executive office as envisaged by Section 183?

    Yes, it is as the chairman heads the national executive committee of his party.

    Is the post a paid employment as also envisaged by the section?

    Yes, as the chairman is seen as an employee of the party.

    What if the chairman decides not to collect salary?

    That is a personal decision which does not remove from the fact that he is holding a paid job.

    Did the lead verdict pronounce on the legality or otherwise of Buni’s position as interim APC chairman?

    No, it only held that his non-inclusion in the appeal rendered it nugatory.

    Did the dissenting decision pronounce on Buni’s position?

    Yes, it held that he could not be governor and party chairman at the same time.

    Should the APC congresses have been suspended in view of this verdict?

    The wise thing to do would have been to suspend the exercise because of the inherent consequences.

    What are these consequences?

    The risk of the exercise being nullified in court if aggrieved members sue.

    Is Buni’s resignation, as some are demanding, the remedy?

    No, he can still be sued for his past actions.

    Can the party’s sacked NEC be brought back?

    This is far-fetched.

    Can a body already adjudged illegal reconstitute the NEC under whatever guise?

    Anything done by an illegal body is deemed illegal. In law, you cannot build something on nothing.

    Can the APC governorship election primary held in Anambra State recently stand in view of this verdict?

    It may not stand if Buni is joined in any suit challenging the primary.

    Who is a principal?

    One who authorises another to act on his or her behalf as an agent, according to Black’s Law Dictionary.

    Who is an agent?

    One who is authorised to act for or in place of another.

    Was Buni an agent of APC when he signed Akeredolu’s papers?

    Yes. He did so as its interim caretaker chairman.

    Is the party vicariously liable for his action?

    In law, it is as Buni acted for a disclosed principal.

  • Draining blood in thirst for milk

    Draining blood in thirst for milk

    By Olatunji Ololade

     

    The neck, fed to the armed bandit’s machete, is one of the most frightful imagery of modern Nigeria. It depicts the innate, outward torment of our souls and affirms our tongueless sadism.

    Those who dare may speak meaning to pillage and its tongued violence; the abduction of underage school kids, college and university undergraduates involves the torture of children and the supposed leaders of tomorrow.

    Such barbarity has become a pedestrian fact of our daily life. It disinters the bloody pagan spectacle of our “god-fearing” hordes: armed bandits and their victims, terrorists, and besieged communities.

    Through the scrimmage, the individual’s primitive instinct for self-preservation bursts through the mask of political correctness and good manners. Recently, it drove a so-called man of god to cheekily recommend a ‘Plan B’ (that is, relocation abroad) to supposedly smart members of his congregation. The so-called pastor stressed that he had smartly devised his family’s escape to an adopted nation, should things careen to a shove and Nigeria implodes.

    The instinct to self-preserve incited the emergence of separatists like Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday Igboho. The twin-bladed and oft selfish instinct manifests in the political class, desensitizing it to the miseries of the electorate.

    Agitators for good social infrastructure, stable electricity, affordable quality healthcare, and education are seen as vile rabble-rousers, usurpers of mirth, and social stability.

    What we have failed to acknowledge, however, is that, for a long while, Nigeria has lived through semblances of mirth, militarized peace, and stability.

    Patriots who would normally, tenderly clasp and kiss peace and unity as a gentleman would a lady’s hand are frantically seeking to sever all that binds us together.

    Yet no one must be singled out as the cause of our predicament. Together, we embarked on this Nigerian journey into savage nature, trading bromides of hope for caskets of peace. We cannot speak compassion to barbarism. Compassion isn’t speaking pity to pain either but healing with the pained and living it out.

    Nigeria kindles nightmarish ardour. Our national motto: “Unity and Faith, Peace and Progress” shrivel like branches of the Iroko caught in a bushfire, while we careen at the helm to self-seeking oligarchs, aided by kindred spirits among the electorate.

    The incumbent administration, like its predecessors, manifests like a coven of mythical orcs fanning our wildfire. But they see themselves as the proverbial foresters earnestly burning off our infested boughs. What if the foresters are the disease?

    From the northeast through the northwest and northcentral; southeast through the southsouth and southwest, men and women of doubtful intent habitually emerge chanting platitudes to hoodwink a criminally permissive electorate.

    In the southwest, for instance, some have chanted the late sage and political titan, Obafemi Awolowo’s name to endear themselves to the electorate. Among these are men of noble intent. Then there are those who wield and frantically drop his name to force open, hinges of opportunities, in their quest for political spoils and renown.

    So doing, Awolowo, who died a long while ago, in the spirit house of statecraft, is dubiously exhumed to usurp the identities of many a pretender to his wisdom and name. But does his ghost truly approve of the mischievous appropriation of his repute? Does it approve its summoning to life by politicians of impish character?

    The ongoing jostle for political spoils at the 2023 polls is the most incantatory of the latter’s political games. It is overtly ritualistic. Devious oligarchs comprising governors, lawmakers, and members of the presidential cabinet relentlessly pursue their selfish interests amid widespread suffering and bloodshed.

    Even the self-appointed progressives have shunned the lilies and languors of virtue for the raptures and roses of vice as Dolores would say. Amid our suffering, they reconstruct Nigeria into a narrow commune, beholden to their selfish interpretations of power and political office.

    Their virtues are short, and their vices extensive and implacable. Their lips, full of lust and laughter, attach to the country’s bosom like curled serpents that are fed from the breast. Every dispensation, they press with fanged lips where their reptilian predecessors have suckled. Nigeria thus becomes the doomed Cleopatra giving suck to their asps. When kicked out of office, they grudgingly recoil – but never quitting the corridors of power – to accord Nigeria the affliction of deadlier asps in the successive administration.

    Too many actors in nationhood intensely replicate our primitive experience. But they have done nothing but reenact the vast facets of evil that we groomed them to personify. It hardly matters whether we denounce them on the pages of newspapers, in the studios of popular TV, or the highly virulent comment threads of online media, Nigeria would never be rid of them until we set our grief’s needlepoint astride the prick of pain.

    We shall never attain true freedom from their affliction until we treat ourselves as the pathogens breeding their plague. Our homes, families, worship houses, schools, communities, to mention a few, produce and sustain our affliction by corrupt leadership and followership. We must surgically excise from within our penchant for corruption and yearning to self-destruct.

    At the moment, the average Nigerian manifests the electorate’s detachment from patriotic experience. Most guilty is the Nigerian in his youth. He samples dissent but will not commit to progressive intent. Rustling ‘wokeness’ out of tired bromides, his sterile passion stifles patriotic fervour.

    Our reality should scare us: unemployment rate rose from 27.1 percent in December 2020 to 33.3 percent in March 2021, said the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), stressing that the number of the unemployed rose to 23.19 million in the fourth quarter (Q4) of 2020 due to job losses occasioned by the outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic. This figure is projected to increase in 2022. Of the unemployed, many have taken to terrorism and other crimes in a country where more than 112 million people are living in extreme poverty, while our richest man cum federal government’s fortune-pet, would have to spend $1 million a day for 42 years to exhaust his fortune, according to Oxfam International. Heck! It’s his money.

    Yet we can’t but rue the cost on less fortunate Nigerians in a country where the government and banks foster a billionaires’ club through unjust concessions and illegitimate loans, respectively.

    This ruling class was borne of tragic citizenship. The best way to rid ourselves of its callousness and gall is to vote it out and deny its spawns access to public office. Nothing trumps our collective survival. No individual or group’s vanities should encroach on our collective well-being and survival.

    Separatists and terrorists comprising armed bandits, killer herdsmen, and Boko Haram emerged to play nurturant roles because the government failed us. The former assumes the proverbial mother’s parturient powers, yet terror’s nurslings evolve like vampires because they were suckled by predatory spirits. Eventually, they turn their lips to Nigeria’s bosom only to find her nurturant sacs rubbery and spent. So they drain blood instead of milk.

    They deploy organised strife, mass abductions,  sexual assault of our mothers and daughters as their ritual of coping, their sociopathic therapy to stave off mental breakdown.

    In the chaos, conscience manifests as a feeble tick, eluding creed by a protestant detour. And hunger sheds citizen blood to irrigate its spasms. Like Egyptian Ammit, it burrows deep to harvest hearts from fresh crops of the dead.

    Nigeria thus becomes the terror trove, where citizens live enchained in perpetual flight from the terror within.

  • Much ado about electronic transmission of election results

    Much ado about electronic transmission of election results

    By Jide Oluwajuyitan

     

    Amidst many serious national challenges, Nigerians have once again allowed themselves to be distracted by the National Assembly’s unprofitable controversy over the mode of transmission of result by INEC on election day. Many saw the defeat of the bill as a national tragedy while some others have said it was an assault on democracy. It is perhaps lost on many Nigerians that except the press, neither the current military baked new breed politicians nor their forbears that took power from the colonial masters at independence saw democracy more than the shortest route to power. That was why they wrecked the first republic barely five years after independence over sharing of perks of office, undermined the democcratisation process in the second republic by awarding themselves what Walter Ofonagoro described as ‘landslide and sea-slide victories in opposition strongholds, while Babagana Kingibe and Tom Ikimi, of SDP and NRC, traded democracy for ambassadorial positions during the still-born third republic.

    Beyond stealing the country blind in the first 15 years of the fourth republic, the political elite did very little to enhance the course of democracy. Their children even forged documents to siphon about N1.7trillion in the name of fuel subsidy when in the words of Audu Ogbeh, they never imported a pint of fuel.

    Little has changed under President Buhari government of change. Democracy can hardly thrive in the absence of public opinion. But President Buhari who thinks he knows what the people want without listening to them listen only to himself. He would rather deploy taxpayers’ money to build RUGA settlement for those described by World Terrorist Index as the fourth most deadly terrorist groups in the world rather than mete out the Ghana treatment to those terrorizing Nigerians as demanded by the people.

    Our institutions of democracy – independent judiciary, independent legislature, strong political parties, independent press and virile civil society groups, without which democracy cannot thrive have always been weak. Unfortunately, they have come under more serious assault in the fourth republic with Obasanjo whimsically sacking party leaders, senate presidents and impeaching state governors without following due process. Under Buhari, houses of senior judicial officers were raided at night by DSS officials, lawmakers were once prevented entry into the hallowed chambers by hooded DSS men while his minister of information continues to make attempts at muscling the fourth estate of the realm that in the battle for democracy, forced out the colonial masters just as it disgraced ‘Nigerian army of anything is possible’ out of power and out of our lives.

    Our politicians have always undermined the democratization process by exploiting our diversity. To remain part of Nigeria during the 1953 attempt at resolving our national question, the north insisted on controlling 50% of the membership of the legislature. Yet the Northern People’s Congress in spite of coercion and strong hand tactics of northern leaders came a distant third in the 1959 federal election with about 1.9m trailing, NCNC supported in the main by the Igbos and Yoruba with 2.1 million votes, closely followed by Action Group, the Yoruba dominant political party with 2million votes.

    The battle cry ever since by the north has always been ‘democracy is a game of numbers’. This was used to justify the inconclusive 1964 elections leading to a constitutional confrontation between President Nnamdi Azikiwe and Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa which snowballed to the January and July 1966 coup and counter coup. It was similarly used to justify the 1979 inconclusive election eventually validated by the courts using Richard Akinjide’s twelve-two-third formula. In 1999, it was used to justify imposition of Obasanjo as president without a political base thereby literarily climbing the palm tree from the top. The story was not different during the 2003 and 2007 massively rigged elections. With Buhari’s landslide victories in 2015 and 2019, northern Fulani irredentist including Governor Nasir El-Rufai who downplayed the contribution of the Yoruba and later boasted about the north population  was to remind us of the North’s invincibility during elections.

    It was therefore not a surprise that following the Asaba southern governors’ call for a shift of power to the south in 2023, a shadowy group that describes itself as ‘Northern Nigerian Consensus Movement’ claiming to represent 75 economic organisations, including Arewa Traders Association, Amalgamated Cattle Association of Nigeria, claim to be ready to be mobilized for the battle.

    If we see the claim as outlandish, we might also remind ourselves that everything about Nigerian population since 1953 as stated above has always been weird. Our population distribution which defies demographic logic that associate higher rate of procreation to the tropical swamp as against semi-desert Sahel region is in itself bizarre. This is why besides our political elite’s conspiracy, the major threat to our democracy since independence remains the northern political elites’ outright rejection of any form of interrogation of this weird claim.

    Nigerians have always suspected the answer to our strange demographic population spread probably lies in movement of stateless Fulani across our open borders especially in the north during census head count and elections. Baraje, a former PDP chairman and an APC stalwart until recently, not too long ago seemed to have given credence to this clam when he told Nigerians that APC imported foreign herdsmen into Nigeria for the purpose of the 2015 election.

    Northern political elite including Governor El-Rufai of Kaduna and Masari, his Katsina counterpart who admitted negotiating and paying ransom to immigrants Fulani herdsmen terrorising their people do not seem to have anything against the presence of such Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria. Their heartache seems to be over the Fulani immigrants’ failure to stop tormenting Nigerians after collecting ransom. When another northern leading political light, Governor Mohammed of Bauchi State was recently asked by a reporter on Channels Television’s Morning Ride programme whether he considered it right to channel Nigerian taxpayers’ money towards establishing RUGA settlements for immigrant herdsmen, he said without any restraint that Fulani from any part of Africa are Nigerians.

    This type of mindset and northern leaders feeling of invincibility anchored on questionable numerical strength, if you ask me, poses a greater threat to our budding democracy than manual or electronically transfer of election results. After all, a critical analysis of our election outcomes especially at the local council levels since the beginning of the fourth republic will show that there is honour among thieves. Our political leaders hardly lose elections in their strongholds.

    Intra-elite feud only set in when there are aberrations such as Ofonagoro’s ‘landslide and sea-slide victories’ in opposition strong holds as NPN did in Ondo in 1983 which contributed to the collapse of the second republic; Obasanjo’s deployment of military tactics to out-fox the Yoruba Afenifere leaders and their AD party during the 2003 gubernatorial battle in southwest and PDP’s theft of other candidates mandates in Edo, Ondo, Ekiti and Osun in 2007.

  • National security in Nigeria

    National security in Nigeria

    By Jide Osuntokun

     

    There is a general tendency in Nigeria and perhaps in most countries in the so-called third world to equate military security with national security. National security includes more than military security. It includes among other things economic and financial security, health and social security, infrastructure, transportation and communication security, power and cyber security, and above all, human and political security. Each of this arbitrary division cannot stand alone. They are indeed interconnected. It is therefore futile to think that once a military officer is installed as director of national security, the country is secured.

    In most advanced countries, the work of national security involves coordination and analysis and except in rare cases does one find a military man being put in charge of national security.  If it happens, such a man or woman must be gifted with multi-tasking ability to coordinate all inputs before arriving on the way forward of arriving at the right recommendation of policy of securing a nation. In the United States, the office of the Director, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the offices of military intelligence are subordinate to that of the office of National Security which operates within the presidency.

    Of course the president can call on any of the intelligence outfits for briefing and advice as the case may be. A military man may recommend military action because that is what he is trained to do. But military action may lead to all kinds of complications with foreign adversaries. This is why the diplomatic ramifications would need to be examined first before action can commence. Movement of armed forces would involve logistical considerations and consequences it carries with it, especially the kind of relations a country has with its allies and countries in the neighbourhood of where military action is targeted.

    There may be need to have neighbouring countries’ permission to refuel, land troops, secure  over flight consideration and sometimes military support. To be sure that some of these considerations are taken care of, diplomatic actions would be needed. Military action also requires considerable expenses and even social mobilization of the home front. A poor country taking precipitate military action may bankrupt itself which could lead to unravelling of the country itself because of the inability of the government to maintain social order as well as financial and economic equilibrium. Unnecessary military action could trigger the involvement of a more powerful country on the side of one’s intended adversaries. This is why many things need to be studied before military action commences.

    This is why looking at national security problem from the prism of the military alone is not only dangerous but may be counterproductive .This is why the diplomatic service functions  in symbiosis with the military. Simply put war is politics by other means and if war can be avoided all efforts must be made to avoid it and every war in any case ends with diplomatic negotiations before a war is concluded. This is the lesson any student of history knows.

    What operates externally has its corresponding situation at the domestic level. In fact, it is very dangerous to use force to resolve complex domestic issues. This is why it is only on rare occasions that a government would call on its military for internal operations except when it is obvious that the problem has gone beyond the capacity of the police to resolve. This is because soldiers are not technically peace makers; they are trained to kill. It follows therefore that when troops are deployed, the country has entered a very serious situation. This is the reason to ensure that the various police forces are adequate, well-trained and well-equipped to take care of internal security.

    A discontented people are a national security threat. This is where politics comes into security consideration. Political instability can arise as a result of feeling of dissatisfaction based on inequality and a feeling of marginalization based on religious cultural or ethnic basis. It can also be fuelled by lack of economic opportunities. Democracy is perhaps the best means of enlisting the support of the majority of the people by a country’s government. But democracy must be seen to work to resolve conflicts and to carry even the losing group or minority along. A government that is based on monopoly of power even by an elected majority must ensure that opposition is treated fairly. There is no point pushing the opposition underground and creating possible fifth columnists which will prove dangerous in case of foreign attack. Every country that wants to be taken seriously must give its citizens reason for patriotic support. An angry and hungry man is not likely to be fired up by any sense of patriotism and nationalism. An unsatisfied citizen will find hollow the J. F. Kennedy’s call of “…Do not ask what your country can do for you but what you can do for your country”.  War has become a rarity in state affairs but any serious country knows that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. To secure peace a country must prepare for war. This is why a holistic approach to the issue of national security needs to be taken.

    In the modern world, security involves maintaining in a secure environment, all the appurtenances of a modern state such as security of the cyberspace. In a digital world, most developed countries operate in computerized environment. Consequently any disruption of the internet connection could lead to the paralysis of the aviation network, hospital practice, power generation and distribution, fuel and food supply and distribution, rail and road transportation. The entire fabric of society in a country like the United States could be brought to screeching halt through cyber-attack by a local or foreign enemy.

    There could also be a digitized fake attack which in a world of nuclear weapons could be fatal to the world. In fact, the more developed a country is, the more it is susceptible to cyber-attack and paralysis. In less developed countries, a cyber-attack can destroy the market and destabilize the fiscal stability with economic and social consequences.

    Need one point out the importance of health security in the face of coronavirus pandemic. It follows therefore that national security adviser in any country must be a person with multi-task ability who of course would assemble a team versed in the various fields I have tried to identify in the preceding section of this piece.

    Having given these various parameters of national security, we can then ask the very relevant question of how secure is Nigeria? Do we even have the organizational structure to secure our country? Or are we so dominant in our region that no matter what we do at home, the chances of external attack on us are negligible? Is the threat to our national security likely to come from within rather than from outside? The question of whether our dominant position in the region confers automatic security from external threat is a moot question. But it seems to me that with our country’s experience of piracy in our territorial waters and possibility of submarine-borne attack, the scenario which we witnessed in the time of our confrontation with South Africa over our opposition to their policy of apartheid comes readily to mind. The infestation of Nigeria by Boko Haram with its connection to ISIS and the faction of ISIS in the West African province  “ISWAP” definitely sponsored from outside our shores, show that we are not immune to foreign aggression and subversion. Even if we discountenance foreign attack, are we immune to internal subversion, economic sabotage and political disintegration?

    In recent times in Nigeria, we have witnessed the invasion of Nigeria by foreign pastoralists who do not recognize international borders nor the title to land but seem to believe they could seize any land, dominate it by driving away the owners by force and turning them into grazing land for their cattle. Since these foreign herders appear to be above our laws, it seems our formerly peaceful herders have joined their foreign counterparts to unleash terror particularly on Nigerian farmers. This has led to natural resistance and a breakdown of law and order occasioning kidnapping, armed robbery and waylaying of vehicles on the road. This has led to food insecurity since farmers can no longer grow food crops and the herders are not having it easy because their cattle are being rustled by so-called bandits. This has led to economic and social paralysis of a big part of the northern part of our country.

    This incendiary situation has spread to all parts of the country and this has led to a general perception that the disturbers of peace are being cuddled and pampered by the federal government because of ethnic affinity of the herders with the president of our country who has apparently not handled the matter with the urgency it deserves. The situation has now gotten out of hands that people fear to travel on interstate roads for fear of being kidnapped and killed if appropriate ransom is not paid. Schools have had to close in many parts of the country because of incessant kidnapping of students. Nigeria is spending substantial portion of its national wealth on military campaigns and pacification all over the country. This has led to drastic fall in production and economic decline which has undermined the fiscal stability of our country to the extent that the voice of Nigeria is no longer respected outside our country and the weakness of our currency is a manifestation of the insecurity of our country.  Cynics now dismiss Nigeria as a failed state. The obvious threat to our national security is the poor governance in the country which has manifested in ethnic marginalization and undermining of the cohesion of the country through unfair distribution of national resources and skewed appointments of the ethnic cohorts of those in  the commanding height of the federal government. It is an irony that those charged with the security of our country by acts of omission or commissions are the very ones undermining it.

  • Two of a different kind

    Two of a different kind

    By Lawal Ogienagbon

    They have one thing in common: trouble. Although, their road to trouble is different, Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday Adeyemo aka Sunday Igboho appear to have become united in their travails. A unity forged not by association, but by their campaigns, which the Federal Government considers unhealthy. They may not have met each other, but their work serves as their meeting point. Through their campaigns, they have captured the conscience of the nation.

    The government frowns at what they are doing, but that has not stopped many of their kinsmen from supporting them. Top politicians and monarchs from the duo’s ethnic groups were in the courts in Abuja and Cotonou, Benin Republic, last Monday to witness their trial. These two Trojans have taken it upon themselves to fight the cause of their people in a society where it is taboo to confront the establishment. It is their courage in the face of danger and the support they enjoy at the grass roots that have kept them going.

    Let us face it, Igboho and Kanu are the beloved of the hoi polloi, who are in the majority in their ethnic nationalities. Some of us may not take them serious, but the masses can swear by them. The masses are their strength. This unlettered multitude will do anything to keep the flame of the campaigns of these two men burning. This is why the government must exercise caution in dealing with them. It has turned them into folk heroes by sending security operatives after them at will.

    Igboho and Kanu rose to prominence because of the undue attention paid to them by the government. If the government had let them be, they would have sooner or later, burnt themselves out and their campaigns (for whatever) become dead on arrival. The duo dominate discussions nationwide today because of the government’s (mis)handling of their matter. As the Yoruba will say, you do not react to a stormy sea in like manner. You do so with calm, the elders say.

    Igboho and Kanu do not have any political pedigree. They have made up for this with where they come from. Igboho is Yoruba and Kanu, Igbo. As we all know, the Hausa, Igbo and Yorba are the tripod on which Nigeria stands. This being so, there is no way, leading lights of the Yoruba and Igbo race will not rise in support of their sons, even if what they are doing is not good. You shoo away the fox first before returning to the chicken, so says another Yoruba proverb.

    Igboho and Kanu started out in different ways. From the outset, Kanu was and is still a soldier for the Biafra cause. He sees himself as the next person to revive Biafra, the putative republic led by Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu but killed during the civil war (1967-1970). His Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) is all about the resuscitation of the Igbo nation which died before it could emerge over 50 years ago. For his derring-do, he was arrested in 2015 and charged with treasonable felony. In 2017, he was granted bail and in September of that year, he fled the country after the invasion of his Afara Ukwu country home in Abia State. Last June 27, he was rearrested abroad and brought back home by the government in a covert operation.

    Kanu is back in court for his trial. But when the trial resumed last Monday, he was not produced. The matter has been adjourned till October. Igboho’s trajectory did not follow the same path. Igboho is an auto dealer with offices in Osogbo, Osun State, and Ibadan, the Oyo State capital. He also has a home in Ibadan. Besides, he is said to be the henchman of some politicians.

    Last July 1, the Department of State Service (DSS) invaded his Ibadan home. He escaped arrest by whiskers. His cats were not that lucky. Two of them were said to have been whisked away under the belief that Igboho might have turned into a cat to evade arrest. Where are the cats now? Are they still in detention? Who is feeding them? Now that Igboho has surfaced in Cotonou, Benin Republic, will the cats be set free? Or is it one of them that turned to Igboho that surfaced in Cotonou?

    Igboho came to limelight not too long ago. The herders-farmers crisis in Igangan, which is close to his Igboho hometown from which he derived his alias, brought out the activist in him. The government and security agencies seemed not to have a solution to the incessant Igangan crisis. In the daytime and at night, security was breached by herders who invaded homes and farms, looting, raping, killing and kidnapping men, women and children. Tension was high in Igangan and adjoining communities, as one ethnic group accused the other of being behind the atrocities.

    Then Igboho sent words to the invading herders to leave Igangan or face his wrath. At the expiration of his ultimatum, he made good his threat by coming to Igangan to enforce his order. The Sarkin Fulani, his family and others fled the community. It was the beginning of a new life and new role for Igboho. Buoyed by the success of the Igangan operation, he took it a step further. He veered into activism and with the support of the Ilana Omo Odua, Igboho became the face of the emerging Oduduwa Republic.

    Was he misadvised? Is he being used by more educated and enlightened people to achieve their selfish end? Does he know the difference between self-determination and secession? Unknown to Igboho, he stirred up the hornet’s nest when he became a Yoruba Nation activist. He became a marked man and the security agencies began to trail him all over the place. It climaxed with the July 1 invasion of his Ibadan home. On July 19, he was arrested in Cotonou. But unlike Kanu, he could not be brought back home surreptitiously despite the helicopter put on standby the government to fly him down as soon as he was caught.

    A battle has begun in Benin to bring him back home at all costs. The government has said it would do anything to get Igboho extradited, including ‘a diplomatic showdown with Benin’, if need be. Will this threat force the Beninois government’s hand in this matter? So far, Benin has shown that it is a sovereign state that can take its own decisions. It has begun the trial of Igboho to determine how he entered the French speaking nation, what he is doing there and who harboured him. A prosecution judge, an investigative judge and a judge of liberty or detention are to determine his fate. Despite its desperation to get Igboho, the government has not filed any extradition request for him.

    It may be a strategy to see how the matter will end before it makes its move. For now, the government may not do anything to show that it wants to teleguide Benin on the Igboho matter. Come to think of it, what will be its case for seeking Igboho’s return to Nigeria? Igboho is not a fugitive from the law. He was not standing trial before he fled his home country. He left after his residence was raided to seek asylum elsewhere. The government may get him back if it can prove that campaigning for self-determination is an offence. Is it? The Benin court will answer that.

     

  • Much ado about electronic transmission of election results

    Much ado about electronic transmission of election results

    By Jide Oluwajuyitan

    Amidst many serious national challenges, Nigerians have once again allowed themselves to be distracted by the National Assembly’s unprofitable controversy over the mode of transmission of result by INEC on election day. Many saw the defeat of the bill as a national tragedy while some others have said it was an assault on democracy. It is perhaps lost on many Nigerians that except the press, neither the current military baked new breed politicians nor their forbears that took power from the colonial masters at independence saw democracy more than the shortest route to power. That was why they wrecked the first republic barely five years after independence over sharing of perks of office, undermined the democcratisation process in the second republic by awarding themselves what Walter Ofonagoro described as ‘landslide and sea-slide victories in opposition strongholds, while Babagana Kingibe and Tom Ikimi, of SDP and NRC, traded democracy for ambassadorial positions during the still-born third republic.

    Beyond stealing the country blind in the first 15 years of the fourth republic, the political elite did very little to enhance the course of democracy. Their children even forged documents to siphon about N1.7trillion in the name of fuel subsidy when in the words of Audu Ogbeh, they never imported a pint of fuel.

    Little has changed under President Buhari government of change. Democracy can hardly thrive in the absence of public opinion. But President Buhari who thinks he knows what the people want without listening to them listen only to himself. He would rather deploy taxpayers’ money to build RUGA settlement for those described by World Terrorist Index as the fourth most deadly terrorist groups in the world rather than mete out the Ghana treatment to those terrorizing Nigerians as demanded by the people.

    Our institutions of democracy – independent judiciary, independent legislature, strong political parties, independent press and virile civil society groups, without which democracy cannot thrive have always been weak. Unfortunately, they have come under more serious assault in the fourth republic with Obasanjo whimsically sacking party leaders, senate presidents and impeaching state governors without following due process. Under Buhari, houses of senior judicial officers were raided at night by DSS officials, lawmakers were once prevented entry into the hallowed chambers by hooded DSS men while his minister of information continues to make attempts at muscling the fourth estate of the realm that in the battle for democracy, forced out the colonial masters just as it disgraced ‘Nigerian army of anything is possible’ out of power and out of our lives.

    Our politicians have always undermined the democratization process by exploiting our diversity. To remain part of Nigeria during the 1953 attempt at resolving our national question, the north insisted on controlling 50% of the membership of the legislature. Yet the Northern People’s Congress in spite of coercion and strong hand tactics of northern leaders came a distant third in the 1959 federal election with about 1.9m trailing, NCNC supported in the main by the Igbos and Yoruba with 2.1 million votes, closely followed by Action Group, the Yoruba dominant political party with 2million votes.

    The battle cry ever since by the north has always been ‘democracy is a game of numbers’. This was used to justify the inconclusive 1964 elections leading to a constitutional confrontation between President Nnamdi Azikiwe and Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa which snowballed to the January and July 1966 coup and counter coup. It was similarly used to justify the 1979 inconclusive election eventually validated by the courts using Richard Akinjide’s twelve-two-third formula. In 1999, it was used to justify imposition of Obasanjo as president without a political base thereby literarily climbing the palm tree from the top. The story was not different during the 2003 and 2007 massively rigged elections. With Buhari’s landslide victories in 2015 and 2019, northern Fulani irredentist including Governor Nasir El-Rufai who downplayed the contribution of the Yoruba and later boasted about the north population  was to remind us of the North’s invincibility during elections.

    It was therefore not a surprise that following the Asaba southern governors’ call for a shift of power to the south in 2023, a shadowy group that describes itself as ‘Northern Nigerian Consensus Movement’ claiming to represent 75 economic organisations, including Arewa Traders Association, Amalgamated Cattle Association of Nigeria, claim to be ready to be mobilized for the battle.

    If we see the claim as outlandish, we might also remind ourselves that everything about Nigerian population since 1953 as stated above has always been weird. Our population distribution which defies demographic logic that associate higher rate of procreation to the tropical swamp as against semi-desert Sahel region is in itself bizarre. This is why besides our political elite’s conspiracy, the major threat to our democracy since independence remains the northern political elites’ outright rejection of any form of interrogation of this weird claim.

    Nigerians have always suspected the answer to our strange demographic population spread probably lies in movement of stateless Fulani across our open borders especially in the north during census head count and elections. Baraje, a former PDP chairman and an APC stalwart until recently, not too long ago seemed to have given credence to this clam when he told Nigerians that APC imported foreign herdsmen into Nigeria for the purpose of the 2015 election.

    Northern political elite including Governor El-Rufai of Kaduna and Masari, his Katsina counterpart who admitted negotiating and paying ransom to immigrants Fulani herdsmen terrorising their people do not seem to have anything against the presence of such Fulani herdsmen in Nigeria. Their heartache seems to be over the Fulani immigrants’ failure to stop tormenting Nigerians after collecting ransom. When another northern leading political light, Governor Mohammed of Bauchi State was recently asked by a reporter on Channels Television’s Morning Ride programme whether he considered it right to channel Nigerian taxpayers’ money towards establishing RUGA settlements for immigrant herdsmen, he said without any restraint that Fulani from any part of Africa are Nigerians.

    This type of mindset and northern leaders feeling of invincibility anchored on questionable numerical strength, if you ask me, poses a greater threat to our budding democracy than manual or electronically transfer of election results. After all, a critical analysis of our election outcomes especially at the local council levels since the beginning of the fourth republic will show that there is honour among thieves. Our political leaders hardly lose elections in their strongholds.

    Intra-elite feud only set in when there are aberrations such as Ofonagoro’s ‘landslide and sea-slide victories’ in opposition strong holds as NPN did in Ondo in 1983 which contributed to the collapse of the second republic; Obasanjo’s deployment of military tactics to out-fox the Yoruba Afenifere leaders and their AD party during the 2003 gubernatorial battle in southwest and PDP’s theft of other candidates mandates in Edo, Ondo, Ekiti and Osun in 2007.

  • Kanu, Igboho and the state

    Kanu, Igboho and the state

    By Lawal Ogienagbon

    The state has been coming down hard on agitators, treating them as common criminals. It successfully brought back home Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) leader Nnamdi Kanu from abroad on June 27. After it failed to get Yoruba nation activist Sunday Adeyemo aka Sunday Igboho during the invasion of his Ibadan, Oyo State home on July 1, it set a trap for him in nearby neighbouring countries.

    Its trap caught the big cat on Monday night in Cotonou, Benin Republic. Igboho was arrested while trying to board a plane to Germany. A diplomatic and legal battle has begun for his extradition.

    Will Benin hand him over to Nigeria? Getting Igboho back home may not be as easy as that of Kanu. It is going to be an uphill task for the state. Igboho’s backers have begun a huge campaign to free him. Can the state devote the same time and energy being wasted on these harmless agitators to the hunting of the insurgents and bandits terrorising the country? Who is the most dangerous between them: the Igbohos and Kanus of this world or the insurgents and bandits? What gives Nigerians sleepless nights are those terrorising the land, and not those fighting for self determination.

  • Through the inferno and chaos (1)

    Through the inferno and chaos (1)

    By Olatunji Ololade

    One of the most curious kinks of this generation is its worship and sustenance of the oligarchic enterprise. Some have called it the Stockholm Syndrome but I would say: we simply nurture existent symbols of our inner freaks.

    In the wake of separatists Sunday Igboho and Nnamdi Kanu’s supposed rebellion against the incumbent political class, large segments of the populace hailed them as the long-awaited voices of freedom. But the duo simply railed as symptoms of our cancer.

    What we must fight is the etiology of the disease; the strange tissues where the cancer cells bloom and open their capsules. For too long, we have watched them split apart and spit malignant pips into the lush green of our homeland. The consequences are discernible in real-time.

    Yet this piece isn’t about the plots and counter-plots surrounding the emergence and containment of Kanu and Igboho; at the backdrop of extensive analysis of the duo’s romanticised victimhood and impendent crucifixion,  the Federal Government responds with characteristic insensitivity issuing careless ripostes to critics of its selective justice on the social conflicts that birthed the duo, the killer herdsmen-farmers crisis, for instance.

    The debate intensifies in real-time about the predicament of Kanu and Igboho. Are they random casualties of their own hubris? Or are they victims of the frantic plots and ambitions of desperate governors and presidential aides en route the 2023 general elections? Has the Federal Government been fair in its handling of the crisis of confidence, depressive economies, and social conflict that transformed the duo from barely perceptible human elements to accidental revolutionaries?

    How will the government contain the tide of explosive dissent of their apologists should the duo’s trial be bungled by a vindictive power elite?

    Whatever the tenor of the unfolding narrative, it must never run repugnant of truth and the cardinal principles of citizenship and political discourse.

    These are testy times and we must navigate through the turbulence on rafts of truth, unimpeachable prudence, and patriotism.

    Nigeria’s revulsion from the political class is always an emotional swerve. A selfish, juvenile pirouette, where participants trade places to suit their random lusts and sentimentality. For instance, while President Muhammdu Buhari’s apologists consider him infallible and a victim of the plotting of covetous governors and a shady cabal, his virulent critics think otherwise; for all his touted honesty, Buhari’s ascetically transparent flesh appears coarsely louche and dormant to them.

    A familiar decline from admiration to disillusionment occurs in the politics of nepotism, in Buhari’s stuporous response to intraparty bickering and the killer herdsmen-farmers crisis. But his greatest undoing would be his inability to douse the flames of bigotries and hatred incited by his actions and inaction.

    Everybody gets burnt: ruling class, opposition parties, the entitled elite, and rich upper class. At the bottom of the cauldron, however, roasts the incorrigible hordes of the boondocks or the electorate if you like.

    Through the inferno and chaos, we seek a redefinition of the Nigerian patriot. Strikeout patriot; it’s about time we redefined the Nigerian. Nigerian – a clownish, simple creature, at times even enchanting within its limitations but ultimately foredoomed to fulfill a prophecy of blind pride, insatiable lust, and politicized suicide.

    Behind this dismal picture lurks a postscript, and predictably, regret. That emotive shingle often succeeds disreputable nature. Yet we stand ignorant and proud, like a half-conscious mutter of men, craving progress and freedom, only to forsake both for a token or fleeting sentiment at election time.

    This is the tangle of witlessness and resignation that requires us all to become better patriots and rejuvenators of the Nigerian dream. If we look carefully inwards, we would find that beneath our passiveness and cowardice stirs a quest for self-preservation and gruesome airs.

    Time and over again, a few critics and self-appointed leaders of thought have decried our ethical fraudulence and lack of guts; such curious kinks of the Nigerian mind, unfortunately, do exist at a grievous price and must be reckoned with. Yet these shameful twists to our psyches make us even more vulnerable as fair game to gangs of predatory oligarchs.

    The latter cannot be wished away or successfully weeded out by violence or bloodshed even if we tried. Yet they must not be allowed continual access to leadership and power even as we accept them as grotesque manifestations of the Nigerian factor – monstrosities standing in the way of civilization, progress, and common decency.

    They can only be confronted by methodical ferocity, and eliminated by an expansion in breadth of human reason, catholicity of will, and culture. The native aspiration of such men to loot our coffers and feed their greed must not be encouraged any further nor should we persist in pitiful complacency and eagerness to acquiesce to their boorish enterprises, for the love of a token.

    Does power truly repose in the electorate? How can we stage a peaceful but decisive revolt without blood-letting? Is the current electorate capable of such a challenging and fundamentally noble exploit?

    To these bothersome questions and contradictory tributaries of thought, the potent and yet inadequately explored panacea of education towers above all others. We live in dire need of enlightenment that will awaken our minds to the timeless knowledge inherent in ideals and the practical, the realistic and the fantastic, the permanent and the contingent, in a workable equilibrium.

    The incumbent electorate comprises of two manipulable human fractions: the cantankerous, irrational illiterate and semi-literate constituted by street urchins, park thugs, petty traders, and criminals.

    The other fraction comprises of the young, upwardly mobile professionals: start-up millionaires, doctors, engineers, journalists, lawyers, teachers, the armed forces, civil servants, unemployed graduates.

    Both divides are afflicted by bitter cynicism and despondency. Yet they betray the moral transgressions and base politics characteristic of the political class particularly in instances demanding inviolable tact, sensitivity, and maturity.

    Their reactions to the arrest and subsequent trial of corrupt public officers, for instance, provide a worthy yardstick by which they might be judged. Many would adduce reasons bordering on ethnic and religious bigotries in decrying the “persecution” of alleged looters of public office even where the latter have issued confessions substantiating the charges against them.

    Such characters are incapable of rational, cognitive, and affective sensitivities pivotal to nation-building. Their vituperation reveals, among other things, that, many of them are kindred spirits with the political class.

    A visit to any nightclub, party congress, or religious office attests to this fact. There, several youths engage in excesses to the applause of mates yearning to be in their shoes; be they advance fee fraudsters, bankers, journalists, ‘prophets,’ accountants, secretaries, factory hands, or ordinary clerks, they engage in a frantic struggle to chance on sudden, stupendous wealth.

    How could such vitally impaired characters be trusted with Nigeria’s future? Oftentimes, they have argued their eligibility for leadership on the basis of affluence and youth. Youth, however, is overrated and anyone could chance on money by merit or cheat.

    Thus the imperative of a practical, ingenious process of human training in the struggle to build a truly progressive and formidable movement of the people, for the people, and by the people.

    Nigeria will never become that model nation of our dreams until we evolve a social process that enables sufficient moral nurturing, the guidance of thought, and adroit coordination of deeds as catalysts of freedom, peace, equality, justice, and national rebirth.

    This brings us back again to the issue of quality education.