Category: Olakunle Abimbola

  • Onnoghen: A postscript

    This piece is not about former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) Walter Samuel Nkanu Onnoghen, per se — and for two good reasons.

    First, the man has appealed his Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT) conviction.  After a rash of immediate post-verdict comments, fairness demands everything be put on hold, until the higher courts concur or demur.

    Secondly, decency and good breeding demand you don’t kick a man already down.  It’s simple compassionate humanity, given the heights the former CJN had crashed from.

    But the rather puerile manner the Nigerian Christian Elders Forum (NCEF) tries to rationalize the Onnoghen conviction should well and truly alarm everyone.

    Ironically, both Onnoghen and NCEF are frightening symbols of contemporary Nigeria, perhaps in its worst-ever decadence.

    Onnoghen’s symbolism of rot has more to do with the shocking vanishing of honour in Nigeria’s public space; and less with law, even if the putrescence of our laws and lawyers — “lawyers” used in the widest generic form, to capture both the Bar and the Bench — is damning enough.

    An accused Onnoghen, head of the sacred Judiciary, ruins the critical code of a saintly conclave, come to bring to heel the rest of us.

    A convicted Onnoghen completely shatters all of that myth.

    Napoleon Bonaparte declared the throne no more than a bench covered with damask.  Our own Fela, the ultimate iconoclast, in the ultimate putdown, to the uppity Nigerian military: uniform na khaki, na tailor de sew am — and that, at the apex of their swashbuckling power!

    Perhaps a throne can soak such slur and reform itself?  Incidentally, the French monarchy never did.  Perhaps a political military could brush it aside, and still continue to corral power – another impossibility the Nigerian military learned the hard way!

    But no civilized society survives a debauched Judiciary without baiting anarchy.  That is the full and unvarnished tragedy of Onnoghen’s terrible judicial pass.

    But that puts, even in bolder relief, the greater danger of a critical moral centre, deodourizing such grave moral stink; because it plays the politics of ethnic hate and jaundiced faith.

    That is the unpardonable crime NCEF has committed on the Onnoghen question, when it suggested, in an infamous statement, that the troubled former CJN was removed by Fulani “stealth” — whatever that means!

    But then, the NCEF outburst would appear to climax the moral free-fall of Christendom Nigeria, as a moral force, in the anti-sleaze war, with all its un-Christian manoeuvres, unleashed on the political front.

    Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah, the Catholic Bishop of Sokoto, fired the first salvo in 2015, when he pointedly told Nigerians to forget the nation-threatening sleaze of the Jonathan era and “move on”.

    True, he drew terrible flak from irate compatriots, shocked at the ringing illogic — not to add, the crippling immorality — of such a call.

    That was because it came from a distinguished scholar-priest; whose rippling logic and severe moral code ought to strike a hard blow for probity and public morality.

    But Kukah’s call would appear a Freudian slip.  Though no one gave it an official seal, the People’s Democratic Party’s bathetic campaign of 2015 was nothing but an emotive Christian-versus-Muslim sympathy-seeking stunt.

    Remember the “Janjaweed” quip, in regard to the then opposition All Progressives Congress (APC), by Femi Fani-Kayode, President Goodluck Jonathan’s chief campaign spokesperson?

    Father Kukah probably regarded Jonathan the closet “Christian” candidate.  After a drubbing by the “Muslim” one, the electorally vanquished sure deserved some post-defeat veneration, in holy sentiments.

    Well, if that was the case, it back-fired big time!

    Nonetheless, Kukah’s screeching whistle kicked off a virtual political match, in which leading lights of Nigerian Christendom would unleash, on the Muhammadu Buhari presidency if not outright on his person, personal bile cleverly pushed as Christian holy rile, to scam the gullible faithful.

    One of such has been Winners’ Chapel Presiding Bishop, Bishop David Oyedepo, and his periodic wail, against PMB and his government.

    In one of such, he got so worked up, over a mere satire.  That grand gaffe became a grand embarrassment to Nigerian Christendom — and Oyedepo himself, the butt of jokes.

    Prof. Olatunji Dare, celebrated columnist of The Nation, had satirized the hare-brained joke, that PMB was some cloned “Jubril” from Sudan.

    Like boiling ocean waves, the satire drove up the holy bishop’s darkest id (to borrow the language of Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalysis) — burying all his inhibiting ego and super ego; consuming his entire priestly restraints.

    Right there on the sacred pulpit, the triumphant bishop, bristling with holy rage, read out the entire satire to the cheering faithful; passing it out as concrete facts, to bury his quarry.  But alas, everything blew in his face!

    It was perhaps God Himself confounding the wise!  In Oyedepo, the hunter suddenly turned the hunted — for who would save, from the biting jokes to come, the chancellor of a thriving private university, who nevertheless couldn’t understand simple satire?

    Indeed, God would not be mocked!

    Perhaps that realization – that God would not be mocked – pushed the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Nigeria’s apex Christian body, to some post-poll detente, of congratulating PMB on his re-election.   CAN itself had had its own fair share of pre-poll theatrics and rascality.

    But CAN’s possible morphing from Saul to Paul, after the blinding flash en route to political Damascus, NCEF won’t hear of; accusing CAN of some alleged sell-out!

    Which is why the CAN-NCEF tiff could well be likened to a contemporary equivalent of the Biblical Tower of Babel, when Jehovah scatter the tongues; and planted confusion, among a lobby locked in an illicit task.

    Both CAN and NCEF have wilfullly refused to press themselves into service, when their nation faced the most lethal moral crisis, opting to play instead some political hanky-panky.

    On that account, however, the Solomon Asemota (SAN)-chaired NCEF has become the most virulent; and the latest proof, aside from its sickening reading of “Jihad” and “Islamization” into everything, is its rather silly rationalization of the Onnoghen mess.

    Besides, NCEF’s emotive activism appears bereft of any strategic thinking.  If NCEF piles up so much bile and hate, against the “Fulani-Muslim rulers” of its troubled imagination, can its preferred “Christian” future rulers withstand future rabid Muslim bile?

    Where does that then lead the polity?  To Mogadishu or even Kigali, some vile killing fields, resulting from mutual faith intolerance?  And to think most of these elders could well be gone, when their present ill wind breeds the whirlwind!

    NCEF is, indeed, manifesting political rascality instead of the Christ-like propriety its name demands.  It’s high time, therefore, it changed tack.

    Still, NCEF is only a symptom.  The real disease is Nigerian Christendom, fleeing from battle, when the country sorely needs its corrective ammo, to survive a moral ruin.

    But history would dust its sandals, as dire evidence against the present Nigerian Christian order, for its epochal abandonment; just as Christ instructed the early disciples, against the willfully unreceptive to the gospel.

  • No compromise on MINE

    The dawn of SAP (structural adjustment programme) clearly de-industrialized Nigeria. That was April 1986.

    Thirty-three years later, SAP is deep grave for Nigerian industries; down from the earliest agro-allied feats, by the coastal industrial agro-processing belts, of Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Western Region of Nigeria.

    Still, 2017 may yet signal Nigeria’s re-industrialization.  In April 2017 too, President Muhammadu Buhari launched the Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP), 2017-2020.

    It’s a medium-term road map, with sectorial baskets such as agriculture and food security; industrialization and social investment; energy and transport infrastructure.  Under the ERGP, re-industrialization has a special place.

    To implement the National Industrial Revolution Plan (NIRP), the Federal Government would set up special economic zones (SEZs) to boost basically industrial jobs, push growth, improve the industrial skills of Nigerians and accelerate industrial exports; thus making Nigeria a hub, to its immediate ECOWAS neighbours; and the rest of Africa, in processed goods.

    If that plan works — and there is no reason why it shouldn’t — manufacturing’s contribution to Nigeria’s GDP should peak at 20 per cent by 2029.

    The SEZs are supposed to galvanize the government’s Operation MINE — Made in Nigeria Exports.

    But a turf war between NEPZA, the SEZs regulatory agency; and NSEZCO, the government’s special purpose vehicle (SPV) to drive MINE, might just scuttle all that.

    That bruising war isn’t made easier, because it would appeaar a civil war between deep-rooted vested interests.

    Still, that war must be crushed; and both NEPZA and NSEZCO duly told the limit of their respective powers, even as both act, as checks and balances, on each other.

    Nothing must hinder the delivery of Project MINE, as it were, a national economic emergency. It holds the key to Nigeria’s re-industrialization, without which mass misery will continue to linger, with devastating consequences.

    NEPZA is the Nigerian Export Processing Zone Authority. NSEZCO is the Nigerian SEZ Investment Company Ltd.

    NEPZA is the regulator for SEZ activities; and has been around since Nigeria’s first SEZ birthed in 1992.  Its legal plank was Act No. 63 of 1992.  Its mandate: the government agency, to license and regulate economic free trade zones.

    NSEZCO, on the other hand, is a new kid on the block; registered as a limited liability company, at the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), under the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA) 2004, on 12 June 2018.

    NSEZCO’s mandate is to serve as holding company, warehousing the Nigerian government’s 25 per cent stake, while other international institutional and business co-investors, interested in Nigeria’s various SEZs, can lap up the remaining 75 per cent.

    It’s a public-private sector joint investment paradigm, along the model of the hugely successful Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) venture, with the Nigerian government having even less stake: 25 per cent (NLNG is 49 per cent).

    In other words, it is the prime facilitator of Project MINE.  The project’s success — or failure — therefore rests on its young shoulders.

    Still, between regulator and facilitator, there are bound to be turf wars.  Indeed, among government agencies in a modern state, with growing sophistication and numerous links, turf wars come with the territory.

    Which was why the NEPZA did well by approaching the federal Attorney General and minister of Justice, to clear the legal grey areas, on the working relationship between NEPZA and NSEZCO.

    The AG’s advisory bears a fulsome quote: “The presidential Initiative on SEZs to drive national economic growth, the provision of funds in the 2017 and 2018 Appropriation Acts domiciled in NEPZA, and the Corrigendum of the National Assembly by the letter of 23rd November, 2018 in favour of NSEZCO,” he warned “should not be frustrated by NEPZA, in seeking to retain such funds on technical interpretation of the NEPZA Act.”

    The minister continued: “NEPZA should not be found working against the purpose and direction of the policy of this Administration which has not violated any extant law. Consequently,” he added, “the funds domiciled in NEPZA should be released to NSEZCO to enable her utilize same for the Presidential Initiative.”

    That ought to have settled it all, for it would appear clear, from the AG’s submission, that the N14.3 billion, which the NEPZA lobby was trying to retain was, ab initio, put in its kitty in error.

    But perhaps it wasn’t exactly pure error?  Perhaps it was error NEPZA induced by wilful parliamentary lobby; thus misleading the parliament on budgetary appropriation, as Bernard Okri, president of the Global Economic Policy Initiative (GEPIn), alleged in a chat with the media at Asaba, Delta State?

    But even if that were so, where was the NSEZCO lobby, with its critical sponsors: the Ministry of Finance Incorporated (which supervises the Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority, NSIA); and the Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade and Investment (FMITI), which gives policy guidelines to strategic partners, in the MINE project, like African Export-Import Bank (Afreximbank), Bank of Industries Ltd (BOI), Africa Finance Corporation (AFC) and African Development Bank (AfDB)?

    Snoozing in bliss, while NEPZA made illicit hay? NSEZCO should have done far better, since parliamentary lobbying is legit democratic endeavour.  Besides, the N14.3 billion in question is its virtual take-off and seed investment grant.

    With NSEZCO suffering a still birth — which could well be, if this controversy is not quickly resolved in its favour — other international private investors, which commitment to MINE is contingent on the model that birthed NSEZCO, may well dump the project.

    One of such is the Shandong Ruyi Group, integrated textile and garment giants from China, which has announced a US$ 2 billion investment, under MINE, via the Enyimba Economic City, Abia State, the Lekki Model Industrial Park in Lagos, and similar EPZs in Kano and Katsina states.

    Another is the CCCG Industrial Investment Holding Company (CIHC), a subsidiary of China Communications Construction Group, which has also committed to being lead investor, among a concert of international infrastructure firms, to develop the entire Lekki Free Zone in Lagos, taking care of power, water, access roads and bridges.

    NSEZCO itself is in the first phase of raising US$ 250 million in equity funding to deliver MINE, which if all goes well, should by 2023 peak at US$ 500 million, from Nigeria’s Federal Government and other strategic partners and institutional investors.

    All that must not go to waste, because NEPZA insists on its democratic right to turf-warring with NSEZCO, even if the records show the regulator was fully involved in MINE’s initial spade works.

    At the end of the day, President Buhari might have to wield the big stick.  For him, it should be a question of legacy.

    Gen. Babangida, “military president”, by SAP de-industrialized Nigeria.  Another General Buhari, though elected president, looks set, by MINE, to re-industrialize Nigeria.

    That is the stuff glorious legacies are made.  But that is if NEPZA is fast and conclusively sorted.

  • So long, Onnoghen

    “Call no one happy until he is dead” — Greek saying

    The Onnoghen debacle, Nigeria’s worst judicial stain so far, brings to mind a stream of sayings, like some troubled stream of consciousness.

    One is this piece’s opening quote: “Call no one happy until he is dead”, which not a few attribute to the great Greek historian, Herodotus.

    That could well validate the Greek native belief, gleaned from great Greek tragedies from Sophocles and co, that their gods could be malevolent; and think little of cutting uppity man to size, even with but just seconds left of his breath!

    Such conspiratorial passion would resonate with the Onnoghen sympathy orchestra.

    They wail and rail over his fall, at the acme of his career — the same Onnoghen that could easily have entered Nigerian judicial-democratic lore as authentic hero: the sole courageous Supreme Court judge that voided the rotten 2007 presidential election!

    Call no man happy until their death!

    But it could also be the Greek equivalent of the Yoruba superstition (against the direr taboos), targeted at the mind of childhood, to enforce the norms.

    Interpreted that way, it could just be a logical warning: watch your ways; for your seedy past can always catch up with you!

    Seedy pasts!  That recalls a censorious tone, from one of Nigeria’s all-time judicial greats, the late Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, aka Socrates.

    Against the Onnoghen allegations, it is a dramatic juxtaposition: the thunder of a glorious past, against the dross of a sorry present.

    It’s the unfolding tragedy of the Nigerian Judiciary, shorn of old glory — by the unfazed venality of a loud and reckless minority!

    “No one should go to the Bench to amass wealth,” cautioned Justice Oputa, “for money corrupts and pollutes not only the channels of Justice, but also the very stream itself.”

    But the Socrates of Nigeria’s Supreme Court, at its finest epoch, wasn’t quite done:  ”It is a calamity to have a corrupt judge. The passing away of a great advocate does not pose such public danger as the appearance of a corrupt judge on the bench, for in the latter instance, the public interest is bound to suffer and elegant justice is mocked, debased, depreciated and auctioned.”

    Does that — the death of a dazzling legal mind versus the wreck of a corrupt judge — speak to the debacle of former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Samuel Nkanu Onnoghen, who just resigned with rather serious venal allegations buzzing around his name?

    Indeed, the glorious past and the blasted present!

    Oputa wasn’t even CJN, in a conclave of legal giants that included the late Justice Kayode Esho, the late Justice Taslim Elias, who became CJN straight from the academia and the late Justice Akinola Aguda, who never even made the Nigerian Supreme Court, though he was Chief Justice of Botswana!

    Indeed, Esho’s name would appear a sharp rebuke from the grave.  He not only decried “billionaire judges”, he also once recommended this same Onnoghen for sanction, over some alleged misconduct, during Onnoghen’s high court days!

    Talk of an epoch of Titan jurists, brilliant and upright!

    But juxtapose that era with the present, when even serious allegations of putative sleaze, wasn’t enough to make the CJN quit, until the rope virtually tightened around his throat!

    The parting shot from Socrates, to the present judicial Sodom and Gomorrah: “When justice is bought and sold, there is no more hope for society. What our society needs is an honest, trusted and trustworthy Judiciary.”

    But justice “bought and sold” takes the tale from the holy-of-holies of the Bench, to the priestly vestibules of the Bar — and again, compare the old and new!

    The late Fredrick Rotimi Alade (FRA) Williams, with his formidable “weight of evidence”, towered over the conventional bloc of the old school.

    The great FRA, Nigeria’s first-ever SAN, would get a brief from Christ; poach yet another from Satan, and plead the Lawyer’s Creed — everyone’s right to legal representation!

    But then arrayed against FRA and his bloc was a slew of radicals and non-conformists, best epitomized by the great Gani Fawehinmi, aka just Gani, SAM, SAN!

    Gani and co would rail and roar, thunder and bluster; and insist higher morality, not narrow technicality, ought to drive the Lawyer’s Creed.

    Still, look closely: nary any venality on both sides; just the fierce jousting of contrasting legal traditions!

    But now?  The abomination of some dichotomy of SANs: the ones that know the law; the others that “know” the judges!

    All too true: one SAN was convicted and gaoled one month, for a proven attempt to buy justice, with hot, fresh and smoking dollars — to parody Geoffrey Chaucer’s Pardoner, in Prelude to Canterbury Tales, with his hot fresh and smoking papal pardons from Rome!

    A few other SANs await their days in court, on integrity charges that would have been unthinkable, when FRA and Gani battled for the soul of the Nigerian Bar!

    When did the Nigerian Judiciary get to this sorry pass?  That is the grim metaphor the Onnoghen debacle presents — a stinking fish rotten from its very head!

    But again, the psychologists were right — didn’t they posit a (wo)man shows the true essence when in crisis?  So, did the leading lights of the judiciary, when the scandal broke!

    On seeming Onnoghen’s behalf, courts were trading illicit injunctions — and even the National Industrial Court (NIC) pushed its own right to be part of that sickening racket.  Pray, when did a CJN asset declaration controversy became a Labour dispute?

    Top SANs too flexed their muscles, scowling and howling, threatening and growling, not because of the intrinsic justness of their cause but because of a strange hubris, that decreed the CJN, because he is CJN, must be lord and master over the law that made him so!

    The politicians!  Never one to shun inanity, Onnoghen soon became a partisan ding-dong, in a fierce electioneering ping-pong!  Why, Abubakar Atiku, master of the political piffle, even suspended his presidential campaign, his PDP in tow, in fond hope of some rogue mileage!

    Onnoghen himself didn’t quite lead from behind, in the judicial drama of the absurd.  He hung grimly in there, not unlike the Biblical King Saul that sat pat, even if regal glory had long departed his throne!

    But why the hasty resignation, when honour decreed that needful, a long time ago?  Perhaps, because the last escape route, the National Judicial Council (NJC) was expected to conjure, had vanished!

    Since the Jonathan era, when the NJC under CJN Aloysius Katsina-Alu short-circuited Justice Ayo Salami’s career, as president of the Court of Appeal, we all knew the judiciary was in a terrible mess.

    So, a sunken Onnoghen is only a grand and fitting metaphor for a diminished judiciary.  But the judiciary, more than anyone else, must pull themselves from that rot.

    That duty they owe, both to their glorious past; and to renewed hope, for the coming generation.

  • 9th NASS: this way to perdition

    The 9th National Assembly should listen to the voice of reason.  In their quest for quality leadership, they should shun the bedlam of the politically ruined.

    Doing otherwise would be baiting perdition, as the 8th National Assembly has done.

    On the leadership question, therefore, anything from Bukola Saraki, outgoing Senate President, and Yakubu Dogara, outgoing House Speaker, ought to attract instant but negative buzz.  The duo is the tag-team that derailed the present National Assembly.

    The Muhammadu Buhari executive had its own challenges.  But Saraki and Dogara spectacularly rebranded, by their actions and inactions, the 8th National Assembly as an ultra-selfish coven, driven by its members’ primitive greed; not by the pressing need of their electors.

    That would explain the near-total clear-out of the old chamber, though many a hustler survived, just as many a dutiful member sank, in what speaks to the Biblical phrase of the innocent carrying the can with the guilty.

    Though Dogara survived, it’s immensely pleasing that Saraki, the fountain head of that rot, got consumed by voter anger.  It’s a dire warning that perfidy is execrable!

    But the Saraki debacle issued from the tragic delusion that politics was a-moral; and, with spin, you could turn the wrong right, and the right, wrong — “government magic”, in Fela-speak!  It’s reassuring furious voters won’t have that crap.

    Long before US President Donald Trump and aides dawned with their “alternative facts” (a euphemism for pure fabrication), Nigeria had witnessed own loss of pristine innocence, on that stark and sacred temple, where wrong is wrong; and right is right.

    That tragic loss was on 12 June 1993.  On that day, a presidential election held.  Moshood Kasimawo Olawale Abiola (MKO), the Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate won.  Bashir Tofa, the National Republican Convention (NRC) candidate lost.  The election itself was deemed the best ever, in Nigerian history.

    Yet, a certain Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (IBB), strutting as a self-named “military president”, decided to play God; and purported to cancel the democratic will of the people.

    Gen. Sani Abacha, his Khaliffa (successor), in those never-again days of reckless military rule, with its power sans responsibility, seized power; and clamped MKO into gaol, from where he never came out alive.

    In-between IBB and Abacha, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo too, hee-hawed: neither hailing the MKO mandate nor nailing the IBB electoral crime.  He settled for and actively pushed a grey area of peace-without-justice, the grand fraud of Interim National Government (ING), just to side-step a sacred mandate.

    Even Obasanjo’s No. 2, during their military rule days, Major-Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’ Adua, right in the Abacha era “National Constitutional Conference with full constituent powers”, played the politics of anti-MKO score-settling, against the principle of upholding the truth.

    However, when the dust cleared, all of the dramatis personae, in the anti-MKO plot, ended up in grief.

    Obasanjo and Yar’Adua got gaoled for alleged treason, from which Yar’Adua never made it out alive.  Abacha, the gaoler, himself expired in controversial circumstances, leaving behind a horrible stench of sleaze and graft.

    Ay, IBB has lived through it all.  But even he would appear much chastened, weaned from that rush of tragic delusion, of not only “being in office, but also in power”.

    That had pushed him to write himself into the dustbin of Nigerian democracy history, because of his annulment debacle, even when, in spite of his suspect motives, he ought to now be venerated, for organizing the freest election Nigeria ever had.

    But the grandest loser, of them all, would appear Obasanjo.  Yes, he made it from Abacha’s prison to president, all thanks to the Army Arrangement (AA) – apologies to Fela — of 1999; and was prime beneficiary of the June 12 debacle he helped to nurture and sustain, with his ING role.

    But somehow, he also helped to crash the conservative ruling coalition that had held from independence, and even all through the military years – no thanks to his tragic attempt at remaking the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), in his own stark image; and therefore drove away many (wo)men of conscience from that conclave.

    Now, out there in the cold, Obasanjo is self-condemned to periodically screed and bawl; screech and howl, all to grab attention – with each successive racket having less impact than the previous one!

    And now, horror of horrors!  The grand recognition of June 12, instead of May 29, as the true Democracy Day, takes off this year; and Obasanjo is alive and well to see the event – a pestilence he had done everything, in and out of office, to stave off!  But lo!  This cup won’t pass over him!

    This then, was the background to – and the hefty comeuppance of – the elite conspiracy against June 12; and Nigeria’s tragic arrival, at that terrible pass, of the loss of political innocence.

    Still, that made little or no dent on Saraki, as he waltzed his way, into his own self-made hall of shame, after which he would lose everything – including the political fiefdom he inherited from his father, the late Baba Oloye, Dr. Olusola Saraki.

    For him, it was perfidy undiluted: sold his party for personal gain; pawned that party’s inalienable right – the deputy Senate presidency – to the opposition; and conspired to turn his party’s legislative majority into a pitiable minority, in hyper-active plotting to cripple his own party’s presidency!

    That was the wind.  But then came the whirlwind, and Saraki’s political paradise got completely smashed!

    From the formidable emperor of Kwara, Saraki has become the political equivalent of the internally displaced person (IDP), fleeing for dear life, hibernating in some temporary camp!  Talk of sitting in limbo, apologies to Jamaican reggae great, Jimmy Cliff!

    But aside this personal ruin, Saraki’s 8th NASS, like Abacha’s Stone Age dictatorship, got blown away too – with crippling stench of legislative tyranny, that could well have been, but for prompt voter anger!

    As with June 12, Saraki’s personal and NASS debacle has shown trashing decency, for short-term expediency, has its grim expiry.  As Saraki himself could tell, it could be extremely gory!

    Which is why the cant oozing from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is rather amusing.  In parliament, a minority party has its place, just as the majority.  That perking order was settled by voters.

    Therefore, any attempt to grandstand to the contrary, could equal fast-paced doom — and Saraki is living proof.  That could mean morning yet, on PDP’s day of trauma – and further decline, despite the grand delusion of electoral rebound.

    But to the 9th NASS: learn from Saraki’s ‘Humpty-Dumpty’ crash.  Vote leaders that can drive the people’s representatives to serve the people.  That — not personal aggrandizement – is what you were elected to do.  Any other way leads nowhere but perdition.

  • Post-poll bluster

    Crave a window into post-poll bluff and bluster, from the electorally vanquished?  Go no farther than the lair of the Ebora Owu!

    But then, want a double-take: into the jaunts, at the victors’?  Check out the vibes, from the 11th Bola Tinubu Colloquium, the 2019 version of the yearly feast of ideas, put together to mark Asiwaju Tinubu’s 67th birthday.

    But between the Ebora Owu and the Jagaban Borgu, there may well be playing out Nigeria’s 21st century equivalent of the Greek mythical change of regnant orders: the Olympian overthrow of the Titan gods.

    The Titans were giants: powerful and strong.  The Olympians were a marvel: beautiful and nimble.  But the time, in Greek mythology, was ripe for change — from raw strength to dazzling brains.

    But the beauty was the Titans knew, not without pains, when to quit.  They bowed out with rare grace.  The Olympians too, took over with even rarer magnanimity.

    It’s the dazzling beauty of Greek mythology, as captured by John Keats’s incomplete long poem, “Hyperion”.

    But it’s all a simple yet sweeping metaphor, in Greek traditional common sense, of the grace of wisely yielding to change — as the Titans splendidly did.

    In contemporary Nigeria, however, that common sense would appear not common — and the bluff and bluster, from the camp of the Ebora Owu, is prime evidence.

    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo is, for good or for ill, one of the towering figures of the current 4th Republic, right from its dawn on 29 May 1999.

    He was not only the republic’s first elected — and two-term — president, he embraced Breton-Woods orthodoxy (most especially, in his second term, 2003-2007), which triggered “reforms” that nevertheless under-developed Nigeria; and mushroomed poverty, just for Nigeria to blissfully count among serf-countries, in the West’s neo-economic imperialism.

    Needless to say, the coming of President Muhammadu Buhari (incidentally, the only re-elected president after Obasanjo) is changing all that.

    PMB’s alternative economic philosophy not only pulled Nigeria from recession, the putative economic stability, that had resulted, has even spurred the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to cut the monetary policy rate (MPR) from 14 % to 13.5 %.

    If that heralds a new dawn, it could well result in progressively lower MPR, crashed interest rates, cheaper credit to fund business and, other things being equal, a booming economy; and eventually, development and prosperity.

    That is the sound bite that came from the 11th Bola Tinubu Colloquium, with the celebrator himself advising the PMB economic team to shun any hike in the value-added tax (VAT) — being canvassed, by the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), to rise from 5 % to between 8.5% to 10% by 2019 year end.

    Aside, Tinubu harped on the imperative of infrastructure upscale — better roads, more modern rail, etc., as the administration has already started — but insisted that electricity held the ace to power the economy into global reckoning.

    Still, he decried estimated billing: the cash cow of electricity distribution companies (DisCos), pushing their democratic right to extort payment sans service — another Obasanjo-era legacy of corrupt privatization.

    But he also charged the PMB government to deliver more electricity to power factories: to create jobs, reduce poverty and spread prosperity.  That, the Jagaban called, “the government working for the people”, thus challenging the people to also work for the government.

    The sweet mutuality of the state working for its people, and a challenged but immensely pleased people working for their state, is never more beautifully put!  That is the fundament of patriotism; and it had its apogee in ancient Sparta.

    Yet, that ethos was almost extinct, in the Obasanjo era (1999-2015).  Back then, government policy became arbitrary ticket to enrich a few friends, but ruin the majority.

    Elections themselves became a criminal selection process, to fulfil all righteousness in periodic (s)elections; with nary any righteousness in the whole charade.

    That flared in 2003, when Obasanjo “won” re-election.   But it hit the very nadir in 2007, when the outgoing president, after a crashed attempt to corral a third term contrary to constitutional provisions, pushed forth a mortally ill Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.

    To be sure, elections from 2015 have not become voter el dorados.  In 2015, violence was higher but more localized, to some traditional flashpoints, especially Rivers State.

    In 2019, there was less violence across the board.  But the violence was more spread out, due mainly to non-democrats insisting on, by hook or by crook, “winning” democratic elections.

    The more spread out violence has sent the losers’ camp howling, and projecting the electoral Armageddon that suits their troubled psyche.

    But the election results have shown Nigerian elections are getting better, even if it hasn’t hit the desirable models many Nigerians dream.

    Still, it would appear far better than the brigandage that ruled the roost in 2003 and 2007, when some lobbies, in some parts of the country, abusing the so-called “federal might”, just sat down to cook and award figures.

    Incidentally, 2007 and its do-or-die election marked the beginning of the end for the Obasanjo era, though it would take another eight years (2007-2015) for that Titanic to sink.

    Ironically now, it’s the old evil selectorate, that progressively ruined the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), that now try to pooh-pooh the electoral gains recorded since 2015.

    Obasanjo, the fountain head of that ancien regime, crunching his sour grapes, sees nothing but chaos in the emerging new order; and blusters over his old power and glory, that nevertheless brought nothing but ruin to the majority.

    That is why he would claim Nigerians were more divided today than ever – a contentious hyperbole, for Nigerian “unity” was also a serious issue under his presidency; brag he was the longest serving Nigerian leader (as if sheer length approximates quality delivery); and go to South Africa to resume his charge for the youth to “snatch power”.

    But the last time Obasanjo had the chance to walk his talk on that, he abandoned his darling “youth” and scampered into Abubakar Atiku’s camp!

    The Ebora and the Jagaban, therefore, epitomize two contrasts: the one led an old order to perdition; the other preaches salvation with an emerging order, even as the fierce transition battle rages.

    The former president, not being a classical scholar, might not gain much by the Titan-ic wisdom: of embracing change with painful grace.

    Still, the theology scholar in him should school him in the utmost danger of making false fires.  That was the tragedy of Nadab and Abihu, the two blighted sons of the Levite, Aaron, who made false fires to the Jehovah (Leviticus: 10, 1-2).

    But “false fires” is only a spiritual lingo for cant.  Hauling cant, with the fond hope of subverting change, earns nothing but extreme diminution.

    That is what the former president should be wary of, even as he comes to grip with his post-poll de-mystification.

  • Ekiti pendulum

    The Ekiti pendulum has swung yet again — this time the Yoruba progressives’ way, from the results of the February 16 and March 9 elections.

    But who knows where these progressives, now banded together in stupendous triumph, would be at the next electoral cycle?

    Still stick together?  Or, yet again get sundered by personal ambitions, killed by skewed intra-party nominations?

    It’s the Ekiti see-saw, driven by Ekiti progressives’ gather-and-scatter spells!  Since 1999, that has ensured a regular progressives-conservatives power relay, with devastating consequences for the Ekiti people.

    Indeed, the Ekiti pendulum, with its wild swings, has been something to behold:  Alliance for Democracy, AD (1999-2003); Peoples Democratic Party, PDP (2003-2007) — Ayo Fayose’s first coming; PDP (2007, in a disputed election, voided in 2010); Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN (2010-2014) — Fayemi’s first coming; PDP (2014-2018) —Fayose’s second coming); and All Progressives Congress, APC (2018) — Fayemi’s second coming).

    On the surface it has been wild power swings between the conservative PDP and a chain of AD mutants: progressive parties, that swear by the Awolowo name – AD, AC/ACN, and finally APC.

    Also, though Ekiti’s first governor back in 1999 was AD’s Adeniyi Adebayo (1999-2003), 1999 to 2019 is clearly the era of two main players: Ayo Fayose and Kayode Fayemi.

    What is more?  Both Fayose and Fayemi, implementing policies (or non-policies), along conservative-progressive divides, have shown the hopeless nadir Ekiti could plumb; and the dizzying heights Ekiti could scale.

    But both extremes have been the wonderful doings of the fickle Ekiti electorate: now, famously brilliant; then, infamously dumb; but always stoics that enjoy or endure their democratic choices.

    Still, the broad PDP-AD mutants’ power alternation hardly tells the whole story.  Look more closely and you’d see the personal odysseys of a range of individuals, on the hustle for the moment’s winning platform — ideology be damned!

    Take Fayose and Segun Oni.  Fayose is no progressive any more than Oni is conservative.  Yet, both harvested big, from Ekiti’s opportunistic politics, as PDP governors.

    Fayose, a demagogue and ideological vacuum, subscribes to no particular compass, beyond power-scalping.

    In the right place, at the right time, and buoyed by the subversive generosity of visiting perched Ekiti folks with water tankers, he was Ekiti’s local captain of Olusegun Obasanjo’s electoral army of occupation that, from 2003, sacked the South West.

    Fayose’s first coming (2003-2006) was, therefore, a protest against Governor Adebayo’s rather underwhelming performance — a crisis of heightened expectations.

    But it ended in fiasco: a controversial impeachment, that sent Fayose hopping out of town; and a hideous security nightmare, with wanton slaughter of Ekiti lives — Fayose ooooooooooo, Yes ooooooooooooooooooooo!

    His second coming was another study in rank opportunism.

    Goodluck Jonathan desperately sought a second term.  After pelting the Yoruba with stones for their vote, he saw in Fayose a ready, willing and avid tool for an Obasanjo-like encore of electoral occupation.

    But again, it all ended in fiasco: Jonathan lost his presidency.

    But Ekiti, the blighted empire of Fayose’s new “stomach infrastructure”, lost much more: its basic dignity; and the shame of the land of giant scholars, and pristine conscience of the Yoruba, fall under the thumb of an unconscionable intellectual dwarf: loud, boastful, boisterous but empty.

    And the loss, in actual brick and mortar?  Visit the ruins Fayose left of Ikogosi, the nature-tourist haven; from the great heights Fayemi drove it, all in a spade of four short years!

    Segun Oni?  A gentleman’s gentleman if ever there was one.  From his gentle mien and polite conduct, perhaps the quintessential omoluabi: the apex Yoruba urbane temper.

    But then came the sweet lure of cheap, post-Fayose power; and Oni avidly bit the bullet!  The gentleman’s gentleman goes down in history as the quiet rider of a gubernatorial tiger, who ended in its belly!

    Sacked by the courts after exercising illicit power for some three years, Oni cuts the picture of a goodly soul consumed by rank opportunism.  Though now back with the Ekiti progressives, Oni’s pristine paradise may never be regained!

    But the Fayoses and the Onis evolve naturally from the Ekiti progressives’ self-dissipation — like folks cursed — by their manic and periodic gather-and-scatter rituals.  That’s the Fayemi side of the Ekiti divide.

    A gripping tale here is the odyssey of Dayo Adeyeye, now an APC senator-elect of the Federal Republic.

    Prince Adeyeye was, back in 1999, the only AD candidate to lose his bid for Senate, in all of the South West.  In 2006, he stormed out in a huff to PDP, protesting alleged illicit support for Fayemi, as AC governorship candidate.

    But his PDP sojourn would prove, on the balance, arid — though he managed to be Ekiti SUBEB chairman under Oni, endured a failed bid for minister under President Yar’Adua; eventually, for a few months, became minister of state under Jonathan; but also suffered failed Ekiti governorship bids.

    Indeed, in the last of such bids, he stormed back to APC, decrying the PDP primaries that elected Fayose’s deputy, Kolapo Olusola Eleka as PDP candidate — ironically turning full circle, for it was for similar reasons he quit AC in 2006.

    But Adeyeye’s progressive home-coming has been well and truly triumphant.  First, his Ise-Orun votes sealed Fayemi’s second coming (neutralizing the candidate’s trail from the Ado/Ikere tally).  And now, he just stormed into the Senate, signifying his first-ever electoral triumph, after a 20-year wait!

    Still, history will chalk Adeyeye as a progressive-at-heart, who nevertheless surrendered his talents to conservative tendencies, in Ekiti and beyond, because he wanted to settle personal scores of the moment.

    Personal scores of the moment!  That aptly captures the meltdown of Kayode Fayemi’s first coming, when, in 2014, Fayemi and Michael Opeyemi Bamidele (MOB), fought to finish, over the APC governorship ticket.

    It was the classical eedi (Yoruba for spell) that left everyone a loser.

    Fayemi lost his governorship, despite a superlative tenure, if not in politics, then in policy.

    MOB laboured in vain — as he probably knew he would — with his empty Labour Party (LP) platform.

    Fayose coasted to victory — but set Ekiti back for decades, again leaving the feuding progressives of yore to clear the mess.

    The fickle Ekiti electorate proudly cut their nose to spite their face!  It was all to the glory of democracy — enjoying smart choices, enduring dumb ones!  They sure endured their choice of Fayose!

    The good thing, though, is what the Ekiti progressives could do, if they banded together. The Adeyeye-MOB-Olubunmi Adetunmbi senatorial triad, to the 9th Senate, is reminiscent of West’s Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) 1st eleven, of the 2nd Republic.

    But two years hence, when gubernatorial push-and-shove hits upon the land — will this beautiful alliance still stand?

    Time will tell.  But the omens appear not good — except, of course, the gladiators have learnt their lessons; and the APC itself has learnt to make elective nominations fair and just.

  • Koseleri 1 & 2

    Koseleri 1 (Koseleri: Yoruba for unprecedented), was Abiola Ajimobi’s historical stunner: the first-ever Oyo governor to earn re-election; a myth of glory, if ever there was one.

    But Koseleri 2 crashed that myth, even before you could mutter ‘Ajimobi!’ — and in less than four years!

    In electoral hustle-and-buckle, it is a classic glory-to-gory tale!

    The Ajimobi stumble is all the more humbling, as the Senate-as-former-governors’-retirement-coven, is one hubris that has evolved since 1999.

    A governor completes his two terms, and feels his immediate constituents, as of right, must serenade him with a senatorial slot.  What hubris!

    Ajimobi’s spectacular crash could well slow down that gubernatorial conceit.  The outgoing governor is only one of a few – if not the only case – of a failed governor-to-senator transition, much to the delight of his traducers.

    Those are quite a number, for Ajimobi, like the great Bola Ige before him, doesn’t suffer fools gladly, pressing into service his razor-sharp tongue.  But that tongue, his enemies now gaily scream, has become his grand nemesis.

    That is true, especially in the passionate present; and in the excitable short-run, when taunts turn free-wheeling jaunts, to further clobber the defeated.

    But in the long run, when legacy trumps politics?  Ajimobi may yet triumph as spectacularly as he had succumbed. This is because, by miles, Abiola Ajimobi has been Oyo’s best governor since 1999.

    In sheer wit, poise, dash and panache, none of his predecessors, since 1999, could hold a candle to Ajimobi.

    In all of Oyo history, perhaps only Bola Ige — he too of the famously sharp tongue and cutting wit! — could go toe-to-toe with Ajimobi, in a boxing bout, where wit, poise, dash and panache are the prize belts.

    Maybe Adegoke Adelabu too, the famous Penkelemesi, in all Western Region history?  Perhaps!  Ironically, not a few believe Penkele’s  grandson, Bayo Adelabu’s futile gubernatorial bid was collateral damage, from Ajimobi’s most galling political hour.

    But then, Penkelemesi, the adjudged master of political dissembling, belonged to a different age, even if at present, his grandson is consumed by a peculiar mess of mixed (mis)fortunes!

    Yet, don’t write Ajimobi off.  Long after present politics recedes into memory, legacy will emerge from that mist to robustly proclaim his case.

    Politics versus legacy!  That incidentally is what, in this same Ibadan, capital of this same Oyo, has distinguished the great Awo from Adelabu, and his peculiar mess.

    Adelabu, brilliant, pithy, witty and charismatic, among the Ibadan hoi polloi, was dramatic master of the politics of the moment — and he always gave Awo a bloody nose!

    But Awo, no less brilliant but more dogged, acute and rigorous, was a policy Leviathan, clinically focused on the next generation.

    On that score, Awo’s legacy has clearly trumped Adelabu’s immediate politics, though not a few would argue that was because Adelabu died rather young.

    That would explain why Penkelemesi’s own grandson would opt for APC, a party which South West wing claims Awo as avatar; instead of the more ideologically fluid PDP, to which Penkelemesi himself could have been more comfy.

    But even if Bayo Adelabu’s choice was only a convenience of the moment — in an age of unfazed vacuum in ideological politics — Awo’s legacy triumph still galvanized Lam Adesina to the Oyo governorship in 1999.

    Pre-office, the late Lam was an Awoist, aside from his Ibadan nativity.  He left office still proudly Awoist.  But he, as governor, added pretty little to that legacy stock.  Which was why it was easy to shoo him off, after only one gubernatorial term.

    But the band of Ibadan nativists, that shooed Lam off, were barbarians yoked to the past; not reformers primed for the future.

    First, was “homeless” President, Olusegun Obasanjo’s 2003 “capture” (to use that inglorious PDP quip) of his native Southwest.

    Then, there was Lamidi Adedibu (now dead), his Oyo enforcer-in-chief.

    Of course, there was also Rashidi Ladoja, the pitiable gubernatorial sheep led to slaughter, because of his seedy emergence.

    So, when Adedibu started laying claim to 30 per cent of Ladoja’s security vote; and the governor owed his tenure, not to the pleasure of his electors but the brute of his irate godfather; and the democratic president growled his garrison commander had the veto in a state governed by law; you knew new anarchy was loosed upon Ibadan, the town Awo’s dutiful policies conferred respectability, despite Penkelemesi’s empty theatrics!

    But Oyo would hit its nadir under Adebayo Alao-Akala (2007-2011) — first, rogue governor during Ladoja’s illegal impeachment. Then, “elected” governor, under Adedibu’s absolute suzerainty, in the 2007 elections considered Nigeria’s worst ever.

    By this time, Ibadan was mincemeat, whenever Eleweomo, Auxillary and allied local NURTW thugs decided on their turf wars — which were pretty often!  Adedibu’s golden boys were in town; and everyone had better dive for cover!

    It was this prehistoric debacle Ajimobi had to clear — and he did so with uncommon brilliance.  Security, from near-absolute chaos, is perhaps Ajimobi’s prime legacy.

    Then, winsome infrastructure.  That started with a simple flyover solution at Mokola, Ibadan, which Ladoja and his pre-historic crowd even tried to bad-mouth.

    That soon snowballed into an urban upgrade, never seen since the era of Military Governor, David Jemibewon (Western State: August 1975-March 1976; then, newly created Oyo State, now Oyo and Osun states: March 1976-July 1978).

    All of a sudden, the notorious Alesinloye and Mokola traffic gridlocks all but vanished.  The Adamasingba-Jericho-Onireke GRA areas received new vim — did anyone ever think, from that corridor, Eleyele was just a flit away?  So did Challenge extension, with its expanded four-lane free-way.

    Outside Ibadan, the eternally abandoned Oke-Ogun areas were proud beneficiaries of Ajimobi’s infrastructural touch.

    And a profile in courage!  Ajimobi’s stumble over the Olubadan chieftaincy question is only a future come too soon.  If you doubt, there was a time splitting the Ibadan Municipal Council (IMC), at Mapo, was political heresy.  Today, that era is gone and forgotten.

    Then, the Ayefele Music House crisis, and its eventual resolution, was the quintessential Ajimobi: never shirked tough decisions because of public growls — a profile in courage!

    And the environment?  In just four short years, Ibadan, almost always the dirtiest of places was striving among the neatest, thanks to Ajimobi’s street cleaning and waste disposal reforms.

    When the first-term governor sought a second term, a cynical campaign stirred, to de-market his great infrastructural strides — “Se titi laa je?” — best captured in pidgin: “na road we go chop?”

    Koseleri 1 triumphed over all that, as Ajimobi romped to unprecedented victory, on account of policy clarity and brilliant performance.

    But Koseleri 2 also sundered all that, as Ajimobi slumped to unprecedented defeat — his tongue as ruthless nemesis!

    The gripping epitaph of the Ajimobi era?  Policy brain and beauty ruined by a reckless tongue!

  • Ambo bitter-sweet

    With Jide Sanwo-Olu’s triumph in the March 9 governorship election, Akinwunmi Ambode becomes the first one-term governor of Lagos, since 1999.

    It’s a dramatic, if painful, departure from the fate of his two predecessors:  Governors Bola Tinubu (1999-2007) and Tunde Fashola (2007-2015), who enjoyed their maximum two terms.

    So “Ambo” is not unlike the comet — vanished before you even see it!  Indeed, the quintessential bitter-sweet he is!

    Bitter is his fleeting perch, on the Lagos gubernatorial couch; when re-election was his to lose.  By all objective criteria, he isn’t the worst governor in town!

    But sweet may yet be his fate, given his stoicism in the face of adversity, most of it self-inflicted, though.

    Nothing prepared Ambode for his novel but chastening role: a sitting governor, undefeated by a partisan opponent; yet condemned to handing over to another of his party mates, because he lost re-nomination.

    But Ambo has scaled that daunting test with uncommon calm, unbelievable grace and audacious dignity.

    History may yet be kind to him — but that would be in the long run.

    Talk of Ambo bitter and sweet!

    Still, Ambode is master of his own doom, which again could turn long-term grace.

    His opening power days, on the Lagos traffic street, ended in a humiliating fiasco.  He went to war, unprepared, with officers and men of LASTMA — Lagos State Traffic Management Authority, the ubiquitous Lagos traffic police.

    A piqued LASTMA, folks whispered, promptly sabotaged the new government. Lagos turned instant traffic Armageddon with hideous gridlock.  The thoroughly smitten new governor beat a hasty retreat.

    An opening gambit was never more crushing!

    Then, an initial skirmish with LAWMA — the battle-tested Lagos State Waste Management Authority — an earlier version of which, ironically, Ambode himself had had a stint, as a rising civil servant.

    Ola Oresanya, highly decorated general, in the bruising war against virulent Lagos filth, was the bruising victim of that skirmish.

    Folks claimed the new governor was after the so-called “Fashola boys”.  But Ambo’s own new voices banished such this-Pharaoh-knows-no-Joseph tales, insisting the new governor was after no one, but reforms.

    Still soon, an Ambode-Fashola antipathy became clear, though driven more, it would appear, from the new governor’s end.

    That followed complications from Ambode’s own rancorous emergence as governor, against the wish — and will — of many a Lagos All Progressives Congress (APC) powers and principalities.

    The first of those events was the formal presidential commissioning, of the expanded Ago Palace Way, Okota; a road artery that links Okota to Amuwo-Odofin GRA, Festac Town and the traffic hub of Mile 2.

    Though former Governor Fashola, who did most of the work during his tenure was there, new regnant Lagos protocol near-totally ignored him, even as Vice President Yemi Osinbajo did the commissioning.

    The other was the widely publicized Lagos-Federal Government row (read Ambode-Fashola tiff), over the Lagos Airport road re-development project; which the governor alleged his predecessor was subverting, in terms of federal approval, even if Lagos had the cash to proceed.

    All that squabble, however, receded; after the Power, Works and Housing minister visited his successor, at the Lagos House, Ikeja.

    Soon after, in a racy, glorious two years, Ambode launched his own policy and infrastructural foxtrots, which sent not a few gushing.

    In a virtual wink of the eye, Ambode had delivered the Abule Egba flyover, with a sparkling fountain to boot!

    At the Lekki end, he had also delivered the Ajah flyover, bringing immense traffic relief to the denizens of two ends — the one high, the other low — of the sprawling Lagos metropolis.

    It was a stunning triumph of his “One Lagos” philosophy, away from the perceived elite area developmental skew, of the Fashola era.

    In rural Lagos, at the Alimoso end, Ambode’s name is etched in near-permanent gold.  Suddenly, infrastructure only dreamt of — smooth roads and glittering streetlights — all of a sudden, stood at their beck and call!

    But it’s in Ambo’s native Epe that the outgoing governor stands to be a folk hero, with stupendous community value.

    In less than four years, Epe, that seemed to have snoozed and snored all ages, suddenly leapt up — gloriously recalled to life!

    With the renewed Epe Marina, glittering and penetrating network of futuristic roads, linking mainstream Epe to the adjoining Ejinrin and Eredo, Epe is making a dash into modernity, after slinking, for much too long, back into the past — all in less than four years, thanks to Ambode’s audacious infrastructure.

    But that’s only Phase 1.  The incoming Sanwo-Olu government should not abandon the Phase 2.  If it did, that would be Deputy Governor-elect Femi Hamzat’s albatross.

    But even metropolitan Lagos won’t forget Ambo in a hurry.

    With the imminent delivery of the new Lagos Airport-Oshodi road, the new Oshodi exchange and mart, the Pen Cinema, Agege, flyover, as well as the Abule Egba-Oshodi Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) track, all in four years, Ambode’s infrastructural legacy appears cemented.

    The other corridor though — the Orile-Okomomaiko-Ijanikin section of the Lagos-Badagry expressway, with its planned integrated rail track — will probably curse the Ambode governorship, for culpable abandonment.

    Still all these, benediction or malediction, would pale before a present contagion — the resurgent Lagos refuse, under which a buried Ambode jerked, bawled and yelped for second term; but to which everyone feigned merry and proud deafness.

    First, was the ignominy of losing re-nomination.  Then, now comes the pain of premature power surrender when, in fact, only a few of the re-elected governors can match his sheer achievements.

    But from this deep pit may yet spring Ambode’s eventual resurrection.

    First: none for him, a sensational huff into “enemy” camp, to seek a renewed mandate.  The Lagos PDP had hoped for such blind Samson complex.  But they have been sorely disappointed.

    Then, after a whispering post-presidential election campaign, the governor just delivered Epe for his party — and incoming successor.  That’s a study in rare grace, when faced with unbearable pains.

    Ambode started his exit from power as the clear and present danger to party unity and cohesion.

    But he could well have ended it the ultimate exemplar, in submission to party discipline, at its most rankling, most painful and most humbling worst.

    If it can happen to a sitting governor, it can happen to anybody.

    Babajide Sanwo-Olu had better learn from the Ambo odyssey; and not allow power to get to his head.

    Otherwise, the whip used to tan the old wife, could well be nestling and resting in the rafters, to thrash the new!

     

     

  • Lost and won

    “Correct the mistake of 2015.  Vote out the corrupt legislators” – That has been a running campaign, by this column (check the column mast), no less than two years now.

    From the National Assembly election results, at least 60 senators won’t return to the 9th Senate.  The actual tally is between 64 and 66.  That suggests, others things being equal, severe voter anger with the 8th Senate – and by extension, the 8th National Assembly.

    Contrast that with the thumping triumph of President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB), and you could easily see who the voters are angry or pleased with.  That revalidates the general perception that the outgoing National Assembly has been seriously remiss in its duty.

    To suggest Republican Ripples galvanized this voter anger would be vain, sweeping and simplistic.

    But it is also very pleasing that a substantial segment of the voters – even among the unlettered, who couldn’t have read the column —  shared its anger; to the extent of turning their ballot into a sweeping red card.  That is the severe majesty of democratic choice!

    Even more pleasing: Bukola Saraki, outgoing Senate president and unfazed symbol of that legislative blight, topped the electorally guillotined – not unlike Lucifer, in John Milton’s Paradise Lost, heading the cascading tumble, of fallen angels, from paradise to hell!

    Better to reign in hell, Lucifer had huffed, than serve in heaven!  Legislative Lucifers, filled with conceit over their electors, and bristling with proud hostility to voter aspirations, sure got their wish.

    True, a few like Dino Melaye somewhat escaped the drop.  So did outgoing Speaker, Yakubu Dogara.

    Even then, this voter mauling should be, for them, enough warning – never again to take their electors for granted, no matter the hollow delusion they might erect around themselves, in that otherwise hallowed chamber.

    Still for Kogi West, fighting a Yahya Bello to flaunt a Dino Melaye is nothing but a net loss.  But again, who can question the majesty – and severity – of democratic choice?

    But beyond the mundane and sundry mauling, there would appear something mystical about these elections.

    All of a sudden, there appeared strange realignments, which seemed to echo Prometheus’s famous quip, in Henry Wadsworth Longfellow’s poem, “The Masque of Pandora”, written in 1875: “Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad.”

    First, Saraki forgot the Baba Oloye’s most sacred rule: never leave the ruling party!  He did and plunged into doom – and just as well!  By the time he woke up, O-to-ge had swept away his Kwara empire of democratic feudalism!

    Olusegun Obasanjo, former two-term president, one-time military head of state and perhaps the most opaque of Nigeria’s political heart of darkness though he glows in incandescent hypocrisy, suddenly located his core in Atiku Abubakar, the fellow he had battered and traduced, all his post-presidential years, since 2007.

    His Atiku about-turn was resonant hubris: he had forgiven  Atiku, though all he wrote about him, in his My Watch, was true.

    Atiku had repented; apologized to Obasanjo. Obasanjo had forgiven him.  So, Nigerians too must! All that fitted pat into Obasanjo’s earlier boast: he had made up his mind to remove PMB from office!

    In Nigeria’s political equivalent of the Biblical whited sepulchre, leading lights of Nigerian religious faiths were gathered – all come to push Atiku’s re-beatification, in Pope Obasanjo’s holy cathedral!

    There, was Catholic Bishop of Sokoto, Matthew Hassan Kukah, Winners Chapel Bishop, David Oyedepo, with an unforgettable smack on his face; and, on the Muslim divide, Sheik Abubakar Gumi, all gathered to plead Atiku’s case – Atiku that Obasanjo had always stridently declaimed!

    Even a segment of Awoists also made own pro-Atiku visitation to Obasanjo’s Vatican City – no crime!  But in the present heat of passion, old foes freely jumped under the sheets, to push a lost cause!

    This minority segment, of the South West progressive mainstream, hid behind “restructuring”, their twin sour grape: virulent peer envy against Bola Tinubu and his All Progressives Congress (APC); and ethnic condescension against a so-called “Fulani” president!  But only the most obtuse of fanatics was fooled by their amusing disguise.

    Indeed, those the gods would destroy, they first make mad!

    Which is why Obasanjo-slaying would appear the most humbling metaphor of this election.

    But it is less Obasanjo as a person, though his over-due personal debacle would fill not a few with immense mirth and intense joy; knowing the polity would be spared, at least for now, his sanctimonious cant, served with galloping ill grace.

    Obasanjo-slaying epitomizes the electorate’s sensational checkmate, of a post-Yakubu Gowon military plutocracy.

    Though these blokes pushed the country to the brink in almost every facet, they insist, as the so-called “owners of Nigeria”, on enthroning and dethroning, subject to their wild whims — even if that would mean junking the “electorate” for a “selectorate”, to quote that brutal pun, by The Nation on Sunday columnist, Tatalo Alamu.

    Their saving grace though is that PMB, their electoral nemesis, also came from the same generation of former military officers.

    Besides, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, another belonging that troubled military epoch, has comported himself with exceeding grace, dignity and nobility, since his post-head of state years. So, theirs is not an entirely “wasted generation” — again, to use the immortal words of our own WS.

    Obasanjo-slaying also symbolizes the routing of spiritual hustlers who, at the most critical juncture of their country, sided with graft and sleaze, despite the havoc free-wheeling corruption has wrought in this polity.

    These hate-preaching hustlers, with their weird presidential election prophecies, became Nigeria’s political equivalent of the Jewish Medium of Endor; who couldn’t exactly help King Saul, after the king had gone against Yahweh’s express instructions.

    For the media, Obasanjo-slaying is but a stern warning.  The Nigerian press, over the ages, has made itself the doughty hero of democracy and good governance, just because it locates the people’s pulse; and serves as dutiful and honest tribunes.

    From the media performance since 2015, however, that can no longer be taken as given.  It is therefore time to pause, reboot and restart.  Or else, the Fourth Estate risks self-doom, thus becoming part of the problem, instead of the solution it is contracted for.

    Overall, however, the real owners of Nigeria – the long-suffering people – have won this one.  It’s a new dawn for genuine patriots.  But it’s also excruciating work, to snatch Nigeria from perpetual noxious forces.

  • Mo(u)rning after

    They call you a thief, yet you prance around with newly stolen kids” —Yoruba proverb

    The morning, after a crushing electoral defeat, is full of mourning – and moaning – for the vanquished.   But for the victors, nothing tastes like that light-headed cheer.

    Yet, it’s no time to gloat.  Winners are not saints any more than losers are villains.  Those the voters prefer are just temporary “kings” – at least till the next cycle of elections.

    As the popular Nigerian cliché goes, it’s all in the spirit of democracy.  Your loss validates my win.  Negative or positive, democracy wins in everyone!

    Still, that should come with a rider: that each side plays the game decently.  To be sure, that is an ideal seldom completely attained, even in the best of democracies.  Still, if 80 per cent of the public, parties and electorate alike, stick to decency and civility, a positive attitude to democracy would still have prevailed.

    That appears still dicey here, though Nigeria’s latest shot at democracy hits 20 years this year (1999-2019).  It can only get better, though not a few think bad democratic conduct changes rather slowly – in fact, too slowly.

    That re-echoes the opening Yoruba proverb: they call you a thief and you still caper around with newly stolen kids!  That speaks to horrible conducts en route to these elections, which nevertheless the emerging results appear to sensationally punish.

    Take the case of Bukola Saraki, the sitting Senate president, who won’t return to the chamber.  Saraki, since 2015, has been the unfazed poster boy of everything wrong with our politics.

    Beat-me-if-you-can fashion, he has trumped everything sane and decent in political conduct.  His “win”, as Senate president, was a study in concentrated perfidy.

    His brazen trade-off, for personal gain, of the deputy senate presidency (DSP), would make even Niccolo Machiavelli scramble from the grave for fresh tutorials!

    But even if that manoeuvre were bitter politics, its crossover into legislative (mis)governance was fatal to voter interests.  Saraki bossed the National Assembly, and changed the people’s assembly into a reactionary coven, subverting urgent infrastructural efforts to lift the economy out of doldrums.

    The most visible casualties are the Lagos-Ibadan expressway and the 2nd Niger Bridge, which completion got deferred, no thanks to cynical juggling of appropriated funds, for junk constituency projects.

    When he finally defected, still keeping his Senate presidency, he became Nigeria’s first minority Senate president, even if blatant parliamentary defections-with-seat-intact had become a sickening norm, across party lines.

    So, when Saraki spectacularly crashed, with his Kwara PDP virtually wiped out in all the nine constituencies at stake (three senatorial and six House of Representatives), an emerging rime rammed it all in: “When O-to-ge! (Enough is enough!) trumps O-tun-ya! (Let’s do it again), it is O-to-pe! (it all ended in praise).

    O-to-ge was the anti-Saraki battle cry.  O-tun-ya was the pro-Saraki counter.  O-to-pe was the post-battle crow.  Great drama, sweet and bitter!  It’s all the mo(u)rning after!

    But how might the morning after be, in former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s camp?  Obasanjo was he, in his Atiku support, tried to demonize the electoral process in advance, envisioning wide rigging and dreaming free-wheeling Armageddon.

    The Ebora Owu might yet rally his “international community” friends, for whatever cause.  But in fairness to him, after he voted, he sounded much more conciliatory and unbelievably nuanced, in contrast to his earlier sabre-rattling.

    Still, one thing is clear: from the emerging trend of results, Obasanjo and his proverbial co-”owners of Nigeria” would learn to take the Achebe Igbo quip much more to heart: those whose kernels are cracked for them by benevolent spirits, should learn to be humble.

    But away from winners or losers, a Muhammadu Buhari win, which appears only awaiting formal confirmation, would be a plebiscite on many issues.

    Take the economy.  From the dawn of the 4th Republic on 29 May 1999, the economy, at least from the Nigerian federal government, has been an expert’s mystique, with the masses expecting some trickle down manna, from that esoteric haven.

    But the practical manifestation (whether by corruption or delayed trickle-down) has been a near-total collapse of local infrastructure – and manufacture — which consigned the country to the mercy of imports, even of the most basic of products, that could be locally made.

    Since 2015, there has been a radical shift from that path, making not a few, even in the general media outside the esoteric conclave of economists, to label that shift as “ancient” – in any case, not “modern” enough.

    Yet, that “ancient” mode has wrought comparatively great wonders: in increased electricity power, extensive road construction, rapid rail modernization and a boom in agriculture which, in less than four years, has catapulted Nigeria as Africa’s No. 1 cultivator of rice; setting the country on the path to food security.

    A Buhari win would confirm voter approval for such a rapid shift in economic policy.

    Since 1999 till 2015 also, poverty had wreaked great but silent havoc.  The rich had been lulled into a false sense of security.  But the poor too had been seething in quiet rage, snorting something, sometime, somehow would give.  That was putative class war, ticking like a time bomb!

    But again from 2015, there has been a conscious and concerted effort at pro-poor welfare.  The most significant symbol of that is Tradermoni, a scandalous novelty, in a polity rippling and bristling with a poor, overwhelming majority.

    But Tradermoni is scandalous not because it was introduced — on the contrary, it is highly praise-worthy.  Rather, it is because it took the federal authorities 16 years into democracy, and a change of partisan guards, to birth a specific pro-poor policy.

    Even then, much of the media has been too distracted, along inane lines, to realize how this specific basket of pro-poor policies could have saved the country from avoidable but looming tragedy.

    But then again, a Buhari win would have secured a robust voter plebiscite to further deepen pro-poor programmes (Tradermoni, schools feeding programme, conditional cash transfer to the society’s poorest and most vulnerable, N-Power volunteer jobs, etc) – at least, as stop-gap measures until improved infrastructures start expanding the economy, and everyone can fairly fend for themselves.

    Still, as winners soar and loser sink, the one beams and the other scowls, both camps must realize that the joy of victory, or grief of defeat, is no monopoly of anyone.  Other things being equal, it is reward or censure for using or misusing public trust.

    On that sweet and grim note, let democracy win and public service thrive.