Category: Tuesday

  • Exhausted in America; well, almost

    If you are a member of the attentive audience in the United States, you must be teetering on the edge of exhaustion by now, driven thither by the diurnal circulation of President Trump’s twitter tantrums, reports from the Special Counsel’s investigation of the Trump Campaign’s alleged collusion with Russia in the 2016 presidential election and related shenanigans.

    This news this past week featured, among other riveting developments, wall-to-wall television coverage of confirmation hearings for U.S. Supreme Court Brett Kavanaugh, Trump’s second pick in two years, to replace Justice Anthony Kennedy, the so-called swing associate justice, whom Trump hustled out of the Court to make way for a more conservative judge.

    Trump’s first pick was a brazen theft.  The death of the arch-conservative Justice Antonin Scalia and exponent of a soulless legal doctrine called originalism, threw up a vacancy in the final year of the Obama Presidency.  Obama nominated the courtly Merrick Garland to fill the slot.

    The Republican majority in the U. S. Senate, per the dour Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, would have none of it.  They would not even accord the nominee the courtesy visits that usually preface confirmation hearings.  The nomination was killed on arrival.

    On being elected president, Trump moved swiftly to nominate Neil Gorsuch, a judge whose conservative bona fides had been established to his complete satisfaction to fill the vacancy that had been Obama’s to fill.  The Senate dutifully steamrollered the confirmation through.  It is an indication of Trump’s brand of politics that he lustily advertises this heist as one of the signal achievements of his Administration.

    With the not-so-voluntary resignation of Justice Kennedy less than four months to an election that is likely to change the architecture of Congress, Trump is set to pull off another heist.

    In justification of the earlier heist, Senate Republicans majority Leader McConnell had insisted that confirmation hearings must await the outcome of the presidential election – some nine months away — to give “the American people” a chance to participate in the process.

    But they would not apply the same reasoning to a judicial nomination made four months    to an election that could upset their applecart.  Now, “the American people” no longer deserve a chance to participate in the selection of a justice of the Supreme Court who can be relied on to harbor little consideration for organised labour, consumers rights, voting rights, human rights, and women rights, while tightening the corporatist grip on America.

    Few surprises there. The Republicans don’t do logic and they don’t play nice.  Theirs is a brass-knuckle approach to politics, and was on full display at hearings for Kavanaugh last week.

    Then there were in the news cycle the excerpts from Bob Woodward’s  — he of Watergate fame, with Carl Bernstein – book chronicling the chaos and dysfunction in the White House, the erratic and often alarming behavior of its occupant, and the abysmal disesteem in which he is held by key aides and senior staffers.

    The attentive public was still digesting the snippets from Woodward’s book and the shady manner in which Republican majority in the Senate was conducting the confirmation hearings for the dissembling Supreme Court nominee when The New York Times, which no one has ever accused of recklessness, came out with an unsigned Op-Ed piece that raised anew, and with insider knowledge, grave doubts about Trump’s mental, moral and intellectual fitness for his high office.

    The writer, identified simply as a “senior official” of the Trump Administration, identified himself or  herself as part of a “resistance” within the White House laboring behind the scenes to save America from Trump and thwarting Trump’s “more misguided impulses” until he is out of office.

    “The root of the problem,” the writer declared, “is the president’s amorality. Anyone who works with him knows he is not moored to any discernible first principles that guide his decision-making.”

    He described Trump’s style as “impetuous, adversarial, petty and ineffective.”  He spoke of Trump’s “preferences” for autocrats and dictators, and of his “anti-democratic impulses.

    He spoke of how senior officials from the White House to executive branch departments and agencies,  “would privately admit their daily disbelief at the commander-in -chief’s comments and actions,” and how “most (of them) are working to insulate their operations from his whims.”

    Meetings with Trump “veer off topic and off the rails, he engages in repetitive rants, and his impulsiveness results in half-baked, ill-informed and occasionally reckless decisions that have to be walked back,” the writer added.

    Given this instability, the writer said, there were early whispers within the cabinet of invoking the 25th Amendment that spells out how to remove a president from office.  But rather than precipitate what was sure to be a long-drawn constitutional crisis, he and the resisters within would do everything to steer the Administration in the right direction “until – one way or another – it’s over.”

    He indicted American society of complicity in Trump’s desecration of the nation’s values.  “The bigger concern is not what Mr. Trump has done to the presidency but rather what we as a nation have allowed him to do to us. We have sunk low with him and allowed our discourse to be stripped of civility,” he wrote.

    Since its publication in what Trump reflexively calls “the failing New York Times, the article has been the talk among the political class.

    As might be expected, Trump almost blew his top.  He said it amounted to treason pure and simple, and demanded that the author be turned in immediately for prosecution under security laws.  Trump’s volcanic rage confirmed virtually everything the writer and many others had said about him.

    The White House launched an internal search for the author, leading virtually all members of the Cabinet to declare publicly that none of them was the author.  Even Vice President Mike Pence and First Lady Melania Trump felt obliged to distance themselves from the article.

    In recent memory, The New York Times has been known to grant anonymity to Op-Ed contributors in only two instances.  In both cases, publication of their identities would have gravely imperilled the contributors.

    Anonymity was granted in this instance, the paper explained, because the writer would face certain dismissal and other reprisals if identified.  The writer had approached the paper through a person known to the house, and the paper had satisfied itself and the intermediary and the writer’s good faith.  Besides, the article contained important insider knowledge that might not otherwise reach a public that had the right to know – the public Trump took an oath to serve diligently, honestly and faithfully.

    What good faith, some have sniggered.  If the writer was not a showboat and a coward to boot, what was he still doing in the Trump White House?  If he had the courage of his conviction, why did he not resign, and then publish the piece under his name?  How senior was the “senior official” anyway?

    The New York Times would not tell, saying merely that the writer’s identify was known only to the Editor of the Editorial Page and a few staffers of the Op-Ed section.

    The paper has this bifurcated existence whereby the Editorial Page is separate from the newsroom and  The Editorial Board represents the opinions of its members, its editor and the publisher.

    So, even the executive editor of the larger paper does not know the identity of the writer.  But the larger paper, not being privy to the confidentiality agreement between the Op-Ed section and the writer of the explosive article, is not obliged to respect it.  Nothing in the set-up of the paper precludes it from seeking and revealing the identity of the writer.

    I will not be surprised therefore, if it is The New York Times that finally reveals in its news pages the identity that its Editorial Page has vowed to keep secret.

    Meanwhile, a frenzied search continues for the writer.  The suspects have been narrowed to twelve. One desperate Republican senator has nevertheless suggested that the entire corps of White House “senior officials” be rounded up and given a lie detector test.

    Even at its best, that is an unreliable method of ascertaining truth.  It is unscientific.  Military and intelligence operatives who might fall into enemy hands know how to beat it.

    I have a better idea, from one of the entities Donald Trump dismissed with accustomed vulgarity as “shit-hole countries.”

    Make all your “senior officials,” not forgetting Vice President Pence and the First Lady Melania, swear  by Soponno or Amadioha.

    But get the caskets ready first.

  • China and Nigeria’s development dilemma

    If you are not yet familiar with the story of the Hambantota Port Development Projecttouted by the influential New York Timesas one of the “most vivid examples of China’s ambitious use of loans and aid to gain influence around the world — and of its willingness to play hardball to collect”, perhaps you should. It is an interesting story of the growing power of Chinese money – and debt – that the poor countries of the south can afford to ignore at their peril. It is a story of how the Sri Lankan government, last December, signed off its strategic port of Hambantota to China on a 99-year lease – the consequence of $8 billion debt owed to state-controlled Chinese firms – a move, government critics said threatens the country’s sovereignty.

    Think that is far flung?

    How about the latest oneemerging from Zambia – whose electricity utility company, ZESCO is ‘rumoured’ to be on the line for China’s takeover after default on loan repayment? In a report by Africa Confidential, titled Bills, Bonds and even Bigger Debts,Zambia isreportedly in talks with China over a possible takeover of the electricity company.  Already, the national broadcaster, ZNBC is owned and run by China.

    Move over to Djibouti, the East African which lies more than 2,500 miles from Sri Lanka whose public debt put atsome 88 percent of the country’s overall $1.72 billion GDP of which China owns the lion’s share. Again, the story is one of possible takeover of vital national assets– the consequence of a debt default.

    Now, if you ignore the paranoia of the West on what is perceived to be the 21st Century Scramble for Africa, certainly not so the crushing burdens of the debts on economies that are best fragile, and more so on projects that have failed to deliver any real value beyond swelling the accounts of unscrupulous officials. Scarier of course is the real prospects of re-colonisation as most of the debts prove increasingly unrepayable. That is the tragedy of a continent that claims to have very limited resources for development, and yet borrows massively for ill-conceived projects.

    This is why thedebate on the extension of $60 billion infrastructure financing package for African countries by President of China, Xi Jinping, at this year’s Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) – first announced in 2015 – has suddenly become animated.

    Here in Nigeria, the subject, debt of course remains a touchy issue.Barely 13 years ago, the country celebrated its exit from the iniquitous creditor cartel of London and Paris Clubswith a chant– Never Again – after hefting out US$12 billion in full and final settlement.

    Today, the reality is far different. With an infrastructure gap estimated to cost about three trillion dollars in the next three decades and a terribly unpredictable revenue base, even the most rosy-eyed nationalist would deny that Nigeria, the so-called African giant, would require the scale of funds injection such as its internal resource profile – public and private combined – can deliver in order to make a dent on the infrastructural situation. Picture this side by side with the unpredictable nature of oil revenue a huge chunk of which is stolen or mismanaged and the country’s tax to GDP ratio of amiserable six percentwhich makes any serious development effort a non-starter, Nigeria’s dilemma would seem fairly easy to understand.

    And so the Chinese have been coming – with their money – lots of it. For good or for ill, we might well face it that they are going to be here for a long time – either as partners or foes depending on what our leaders make of it. Whether in the railways where they are supposed to be doing a brand new multi-billion dollar standard gauge; or in the road sector where their state-backed construction  company – China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation, CCECC,increasingly looms large, or even the manufacturing sector where they are known to churn out domestic items ranging from plastics to chinaware, or in the entertainment where they are making a determined foray in the battle of over our minds in the pay TV sector, it is now the case that the petit folks from the Far East are no longer the aliens from outer space that many had thought they were. Not only are they here as engineers, contractors, consultants, they are also trooping in as domestic workers, laundry men and women, labourers and even call girls – in a country where one out two potentially employable youth is out of job.

    How much do we owe the Chinese? Like everything Nigerian, it is doubtful if anyone truthfully knows. Whereas the Debt Management Office (DMO) – the agency managing the country’s debt stock – puts the figure at a little over US$1.9billion as at the end of June, (that is what its website says), the presidency puts its own figure at US$5 billion. To paraphrase President Muhammadu Buhari at the just concluded FOCAC summit, Nigeria is leveraging Chinese funding to execute $3.4 billion worth of projects. The projects,at various stages of completion, include the upgrading of airport terminals, the Lagos – Kano rail line, the Zungeru hydroelectric power project and fibre cables for our internet infrastructure. The president also referred to the $1billion loan for additional rolling stock for the newly constructed rail lines as well as road rehabilitation and water supply projects.

    Just for the asking: And where does the $5.792 billion (about N2.096 trillion) 3,050MW Mambilla Power Project fit in all of these? Any ideas?

    Should we fear the debt situation getting out of control? Fear, ordinarily, should be out of the question. With nearly 200 million people, the nation’s entire foreign debt, officially over $22 billion would seem modest by any standards. Rest assured however that Nigeria is neither Zambia with 16.59 million in population nor Djibouti, a country of less than a million people. That is not even talking of our GDP currently in excess US$405.1 billion which, despite the parlous infrastructure situation, puts us miles ahead on the African continent.

    What should we fear then? The answer is the 10-letter word – Leadership. In a world where leadership is everything, Nigeria continues to suffer the plaque of a blighted leadership – a blind, corrupt and utterly self-serving crop of leaders.Elsewhere, the sum $10 billion is a lot less than  the amount required to deliver one leg of the railways. Even for the Chinese, it is a pricey bill to pay for interests considered strategic to their national and geo-political goals. Thrown into Nigeria’s impregnable infrastructure of  corruption, it would come to pretty little really. The Chinese know asmuch as the multinationals ever so adept at preying on the folly of our leadership to pad up their bloated compensations do. And so they play – while we lose. Imagine blaming the oil majors for the half of century-long joke called local content policy? Or blaming MTN for hefting our billions of dollars in underserved compensation for the sins of the failure of the regulator to raise the red flag when it mattered?

    Rather than fear the Chinese or their loans– as many invariably fear they will go bad – we should rather fear the artful crooks ever so ‘careful’at leaving enough gaps in the contracts for themselves and their partners to profit from whenever the bubble bursts.

    As it was in the beginning…

  • Osun: to make or to mar

    Reading “Re: Osun: Looking back, looking forward” (The Nation, August 14), former Osun Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola’s riposte to “Osun: Looking back, looking forward” (Republican Ripples, August 8), you can’t but treat, with renewed respect, the Okuku prince.

    Oyinlola felt Ripples was unfair, by that unflattering analysis, which asserted Oyin left Osun in ruins.

    He launched a trenchant counter, reeling out his government’s achievements — Osun State University, Osun Government House, Osun House, Abuja, ending the Ife-Modekeke bloody feud, etc.

    But the renewed respect is not for his claims.  Those, anyone can juxtapose with the Aregbesola era — and judge the better or the worse.  It is rather for the civility of his riposte.  That’s how public discourse should go.

    Oyinlola, a past PDP governor, at least flaunted some achievements.  But Ademola Adeleke, PDP candidate for September 22, and future governor if he wins — what might he flaunt after?

    Bland and banal — witness the big question over his education; and legitimate worries over the analytical quality of his mind — his campaign message is shallow and hollow.

    Indeed, his banality powers a ghoulish sense of entitlement, that cynically throws the dead in your face.  Or why else does the late Serubawon’s silhouette tag every Ademola gubernatorial poster or billboard, like some benign ghost?

    This ghoulish appeal is desperate political necromancy taken too far!  Can’t the PDP candidate convince the living without resort to some morbid cant?

    Besides, his many layers of gubernatorial abstraction: first, the ghost of Isiaka; then, the huge shadow of Deji, another big brother though mercifully living; finally, the mirage of Ademola!  Pray, who are the electors voting — some eerie trinity of a phantom governorship?

    Candidate Adeleke, beautiful dancer, lugs too much emptiness to suggest he lacks the rigour to govern a post-Aregbesola Osun.

    Another ex-PDP, Iyiola Omisore, bristles and bustles, as Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate.  And to be fair, not a few swear, he runs an innovative campaign.

    Still, Omisore comes with crippling baggage. For starters, the Bola Ige apparition just won’t go away.

    Then, the Baba Alagbado of four years ago, crunching double cobs on the hustings to impress the gullible he was Osun’s Ayo Fayose, now plays the well-heeled policy wonk, hot, fresh and smoking from Barcelona, hawking the wonkiest ideas on public-private sector-participation (PPP)!

    Even the Saul to Paul conversion, in a blinding flash en route to Damascus, couldn’t have been more stunning!

    Still, the glue yoking these two violently contrasting folks, in a single persona, hints at some Jerkyl and Hyde.  It’s a befitting tribute to Himself, the unfazed political fantasist, whose eyes twinkle with hyperboles!

    Another ex-PDP,  Fatai Akinbade, a decent guy those who know him swear, holds the African Democratic Congress (ADC) ticket.  Since he was secretary to the Oyinlola government, perhaps the Oyinlola-era “achievements” would serve him in good stead.

    Still, that could be an albatross in other quarters, just as Oyinlola himself, as the first face of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s “third force”, sent not quite a few scurrying from that gambit.  ADC is the diminished result.

    Besides, the Obasanjo South West occupation era (in Osun, 2003-2010), with its sterile, painful and retrogressive memories, might just take the sting from the Akinbade candidacy — at least from the progressive-minded.

    Unlike the PDP and allied clans, pushing the PDP, SDP, and ADC tickets, the Action Democratic Party (ADP) candidate, Moshood Adeoti, is a dyed-in-the-wool progressive, and ex-APC (Aregbesola’s estranged former secretary to the Osun government).

    His progressive credentials dated back to the pristine Alliance for Democracy (AD) days; and dovetailed into that difficult era, when Aregbe’s Oranmiyan Movement was wresting power from the Oyinlola conservatives. Then, Adeoti was Osun Action Congress (AC) chairman.

    He was also a veteran of Ilesa prison, during those terrible days of mandate reclamation, when the Oyinlola government ferociously dug in; thrusting its fist of mail, to willy-nilly retain power it eventually lost.

    Whatever made Adeoti fall out with his APC comrades, he had better win the September 22 election.  Otherwise, he just might become Osun’s version of Chief Ebenezer Babatope: a progressive bawling and screaming, all alone, from conservative wilderness!

    Gboyega Oyetola, former chief of staff to the incumbent governor, is the APC candidate.  If he wins, he would be chief beneficiary of the Aregbesola legacy.  Truth be told, he stands the best chance of pushing those legacies higher, since he was part and parcel of it all, these past eight years.

    But as candidate, and even succeeding governor, he would also be peppered with the Aregbesola-era liabilities — mainly the salary back log and the ultra-emotive outcry over debts, if only to wish away the impressively visible infrastructural strides.

    Still, Oyetola must do more targeted and bloc campaigns, pitching specific interest lobbies, to build on the assets and deflate raw emotions on the liabilities.  Those who have pretty little to offer, on cutting reason, gladly shovel out hot emotions to scald the gullible.  To be elected, he must checkmate such blackmail.

    All things considered, however, Osun’s best bet would be to broadly continue with the economic policies and developmental politics of the Aregbesola years.

    Oyinlola might claim valid achievements.  But the fair-minded know they hold no candle to the Aregbesola years — penetrating infrastructure to open up the Osun economy; a novel schools feeding programme that has radically hiked primary school enrolment; a no less revolutionary youth volunteer scheme, OYES, that grooms volunteers for self-employment; futuristic schools and roads never witnessed before in Osun; and an aggressive rural-urban integration development policy, epitomized by RAMP — rural access and mobility project — championed by the World Bank and zealously embraced by the Aregbe government.

    Yet, at this crucial juncture, Osun is a throwback to that Yoruba folklore, of the magical orchard, and singing trees.

    While the noxious fruits burst out in sweet chatter — kami-kami-kami! (pluck-pluck-pluck me!), the wholesome remain near-mute, in self-assured restraint.

    A Yoruba equivalent of the biblical wide-and-merry, and straight-and-narrow; as the Osun retrogressive voices now make the most racket?

    The Osun gubernatorial electioneering is a cacophony of clatter!  Yet, the electors must make a choice.

    A wise choice would vault Osun from the puddle of “civil service state” (a euphemism for economic retardation), where the payment of salaries would be routine, since the expanded economy can cater for every legitimate need.  That is what penetrative infrastructure does.

    A foolish one?  Go no farther than the neighbouring Ekiti where, in four short years, Ayo Fayose has rolled his state, backward, into virtual Stone Age.

  • Renaissance man at 70

    Muyiwa Hassan, ace photo journalist now with The Nation but one of his former staff at the defunct The Anchor newspaper, thought he was springing a pleasant ambush.

    His photographic muse told him to create a giant, almost life-size portrait of Dr. Adewale Adeeyo, long, long before he turned 70, on August 27.  But he got the surprise of his life — Adeeyo flipped.

    “Muyiwa,” he remonstrated with his familiar, passionate loving anger, “I don’t hang giant photographs in my sitting room!  I’m no illiterate!”

    The man was grateful but pained.  Pained, because he would be loath to jettison a strong personal principle.  Yet, anxious not to hurt another, who just translated his love and awe, into his own idea of concrete honour.

    After much soul-searching, he hit a heart-rending compromise: according to Hassan, he found a place, for the giant frame, in his bedroom!

    Whether only illiterates are gaudy enough to adorn their sitting rooms with giant self-photos is debatable.

    But that impassioned protest spoke of the quintessential Adeeyo — debonair, avuncular, cosmopolitan, polite and refined; class, permanent and quiet, that need not be showy.

    Indeed, his sitting room, neither sparse nor expansive, nevertheless roomy enough, is a virtual harvest of African and continental art, crafts and sundry artifacts, some of them framed.

    Were Adeeyo to live in that epoch when the Church was fissuring, he would gladly have hugged the simple taste of the Protestant Movement, and shunned the ornate baroque of the Catholic mother church.

    That much was clear, as some 50 or so people — family, friends, business associates and well wishers — gathered in art-powered serenity, to offer Islamic prayers, ushering him into his 70th year, that Monday morning.

    But no matter their stations, everyone appeared at peace, gathered under the Adeeyo simple, serene but elegant code.  That is the quintessential Adeeyo, at peace with making friends across different spectrums.

    The ever loyal Hassan was there, clicking away to capture the landmark.  But so too, were the high and the mighty, across the professions, economic sectors and even the political rainbow.

    The Adelekes, Adedeji and Ademola, Adeeyo cousins from their Ede nativity, were there.  So was Mrs Funso Amosun, First Lady of Ogun State.

    Though no Muslim, The Nation’s very own Prof. Adebayo Williams also graced the prayers, apparently representing, at least symbolically, the literati and allies clans — a constituency the “birthday boy” can rightfully count himself to belong; with which, nevertheless, he loves to cut-and-thrust.

    That would explain his investment in The Anchor, a newspaper that, in its short life span, established a high intellectual hue.

    Much later, at the garden party, Wale Edun, The Nation Board Chairman and man of exquisite taste himself, would join the celebration.  So would Sola Adeeyo, the celebrator’s well-heeled nephew, and virtual neighbour.  And also, Adewale Maja-Pearce, famed Anglo-Nigerian with the piercing pen.

    At the morning prayers, aside from the clerics, from his native Osun and from Lagos, were two ladies with a striking resemblance.  Prof. Williams explained they were daughters of the late S.B. Bakare, one of the richest and most connected Nigerians of his time.

    I first got to meet Adeeyo, at The Anchor office suites, in Lagos.  The Anchor, then seriously unanchored, was reeling in a gale; and the staff, near-fatalism, believed only the “Chairman”, with steady hands, if not magic wand, would stay the course.

    He had been away overseas on medical emergency, following a robbery attack.  It was formative years for The Anchor, and not a few believed his absence, at that critical period, made all difference in the newspaper’s fortune.

    When he eventually emerged, atThe Anchor suites that early evening, he made quite an impression on the many, meeting him for the first time — his politeness, suaveness, exquisite dress sense, intellectual curiosity, freshness and, well, youth.

    That sense of “youth” would strike his guests even more, when in not-so-casual discourse, at his 2018 Ileya feast open house, he casually announced he would be 70 a few days hence!

    And intellectual curiosity!  That was what he brought to The Anchor Editorial Board, which he always found time to attend.  The Board’s inaugural chairman was the late Tunji Oseni, before the journalism icon became former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s chief spokesperson.

    Even after Alhaji Oseni left and Prof. Ralph Akinfeleye, of the University of Lagos, took over, the board was still a multidisciplinary dream team: Prof. Ayo Olukotun, Prof. Diji Aina, now vice chancellor, Caleb University, Bunmi Adetunmbi, rigorous development thinker and former senator of the Federal Republic, Wale Maja-Pearce, Ngozi Asoya, Osita Nwajah, now with EFCC, Tunji Adegboyega, now deputy chairman, The Nation Editorial Board, Dapo Aderionola aka Africa, and, of course, yours truly.

    That board celebrated many Nigerian and African feats, hinting at some African Renaissance, at the turn of the millennium: Agbani Darego’s historic 2001 Miss World win in South Africa; and the late Kofi Annan’s Nobel Peace Prize win, which he shared with the United Nations, as its sitting secretary-general, also in 2001, among others.

    It also helped to ventilate local political grievances, as when the late Muhammed Lawal, military-era state administrator and then sitting Kwara elected governor, came calling in late 2002.

    He swore, with solemn vehemence, that with his bruised manly honour and hurt military pride (he was a retired naval general), he would fight — and stop — the creeping Saraki “imperialism” in Kwara.  He was in a political battle of his life, even as the Baba Oloye, Dr. Olusola Saraki, with no less vehemence, counter-swore to unhorse the governor and mount, in his stead,  Bukola, his son.  Saraki won. Lawal lost.  But could the political history of Kwara have changed, had Lawal won?

    Those were exciting days, very early in this 4th Republic!

    But whether at The Anchor Editorial Board or in his serene home, Adeeyo cultivated a crop of young and brilliant minds.  Many of them, since The Anchor days, have since morphed into younger and doting friends.

    At home, the ensemble is either meeting some VIPs: The Anchor men of ideas come to cross-fertilize the powerful (wo)men of policy, local and international.  I remember meeting, for the first time, Prof.  Agboola Gambari at the Adeeyo home.

    Or, at his yearly Ileya and Itunu Aawe receptions, during the Muslim feast of Id-el-Kabir and post-Ramadan fast, Id-el-Fitri, where ideas, open and free, cascade, over choice food and drinks, as the coterie discuss and debate.

    But beyond that, you savour even more, intimate private visits, where Adeeyo shares, with his younger friends, his vast experience, on the Nigerian reality.

    From that one-on-one, you always come out better and grateful, for it’s an invaluable trove of the good, the bad and the ugly!   But then, isn’t that what life itself is all about?

    At 70, aside from an eternal thirst for knowledge, Adeeyo epitomizes God’s munificence, sans greed or venality; wealth without conceit, success without airs, but comfort with compassion.

    That is refreshingly rare, in a Nigeria plagued by money without value.

  • Matters miscellaneous

    Between Trump and Buhari

    Donald Trump never met a person he could not put down in the coarsest manner conceivable by word, image, or deed, and the person does not have to offend him to be at the receiving end of his vile tongue or his splenetic tweets.

    Except Russian President Vladimir Putin, dating from 2016, and for good reason, as I will explain shortly.

    Last week, the Financial Times (London) reported that, after his meeting with the visiting President Muhammadu Buhari, he warned his aides never to inflict such a “lifeless” person on him again.

    The report sent Nigeria atwitter.  Opposition elements latched on to it as the ultimate validation of what they had been saying about Buhari – that he lacks the robust health the job of president demands, among other qualities.

    Those on the other side said Trump was acting in character and that he was not morally qualified to pass that kind of judgment on anyone, let alone a fellow president he interacted with for only an hour or two.

    To be sure, Buhari is unlikely to be acclaimed the world’s most spontaneous statesman.  But there are things far worse than a lack of spontaneity, and the foul-mouthed, prurient occupant of the White House possesses them in superabundance.

    What is responsible for Trump’s fawning adulation of Putin?  The word in intelligence sources on both sides of the Atlantic is that the Russians have him “over a barrel.”

    Nothing to do with inordinate consumption of alcohol, I should explain.  They say he does not drink beer, wine or any liquor for that matter.  Trump drinks only diet coke, and that beverage does not come in barrels.  So, how can Putin have Trump over a barrel?

    Translated into plain English, the evocative idiom means that the Russian authorities have him in a situation where he has little choice but to do their bidding; that they have him completely at their mercy.  I hear the Russians are very good at that kind of thing.  They call it “kompromat”.

    What might have landed Trump in this highly compromised situation remains a matter of speculation.

    Some financial dealing, perhaps. Or some sexual indiscretion. Or both, all videotaped.  But the smart money is on sexual indiscretion. Remember how Trump boasted that he often grabbed women by an unmentionable part of the anatomy that they never protested, because he was rich.

    Trump could well have forgotten that he was no longer in the United States. Or probably thought that Russian women would regard it as the ultimate compliment that Himself the Donald, the billionaire business mogul from glittering New York, was paying them that kind of attentio”.

    Whatever it was, the truth will out.

    Oh no. Not again

     Just as he was emerging from Trump’s vile chastening, Buhari worked up a kerfuffle of his own.  In a prepared speech, he declared before a grand assembly of Nigeria’s jurists that the national interest was superior to the rule of law, and that in any conflict between the twain, the rule of law would have to yield.

    The law was settled on that matter, he said.

    The jurists shook their heads in disbelief.   The attentive audience in Nigeria and abroad was aghast.  Was this Decree Four being litigated anew? Had our officials not abandoned that treacherous path?

    The critiques were so withering that Buhari, who is widely credited with having an iron will, backed off, pledging that his commitment to the rule of law was unwavering.

    But how did a postulation so subversive of democracy get into the speech?  Those who prepared the speech did Buhari a bad turn and should be punished for wantonly bringing him into public ridicule.

    “National interest” is a vague concept, a Jabberwock that means whatever a speaker or writer wants it to mean, no more and no less, in the manner of Humpty Dumpty.  It has been invoked to justify colonial subjugation, to wage wars of aggression, to justify the slaughter of innocents, to dispossess other peoples of the land and to desecrate their culture, to jail political opponents, to justify “preventive detention,” as a pretext for abandoning the Constitution, and to put in abeyance those checks on power that undergird a community.

    The rule of law – as opposed to what has been called rule through law — stands as a check on arbitrary power in its many guises and disguises.  Where the rule of law operates, no one can be punished except for a specific breach of the law. You can be punished only for what you do if it is against the law; you cannot be punished for what the authorities think you might do.  Judicial review is guaranteed.  It is the province of the courts to say what the law is.  Government at every level obeys the courts.

    To avert the embarrassment spawned by the speech at issue, Buhari’s close advisers should ensure from now on that every draft is circulated among the persons most knowledgeable in the subject matter inside and outside the Presidential Villa.  It says a great deal about how they operate at the Villa that the draft was not cleared with the Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo (SAN), a legal scholar of the first rank.

    Hijackers at work, again

     In making the much-expected public announcement of his decision to enter the presidential race, the embattled president of the Senate, Dr Bukola Saraki, lived up to his reputation for opportunism.  When former Kano State Governor, Dr Rabiu Kwankwaso was denied the use of Eagle Square for the event, he staged it at a private hotel in Abuja. Other aspirants made private arrangements.

    Not so, Saraki.

    He had attained his present status through a grand and audacious hijack. One hijack begets another, and another.

    Over the weekend, he hijacked a public dialogue which he was invited to chair by the #NotTooYoungToRun Movement, a non-partisan organisation, to indulge his tiresome grandstanding and to serve as a platform to announce his presidential bid.

    “Your generation does not deserve to live in the poverty capital of the world,” he told his audience, totally oblivious of his role in aiding and abetting the condition he was deploring.

    “GDP growth rate has declined,” he continued. “Diversification remains an illusion. Unemployment is at an all-time high. Businesses are shutting down. Jobs are being lost in record numbers, and the capital needed to jumpstart our economy is going elsewhere.”

    There was nary an indication that he has been in the front ranks of those who created the dystopia he was describing.

    “I am determined to grow Nigeria out of poverty,” he continued.  “We will stimulate the growth of Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) as one of the ways of energising the economy and to create wealth for our people, especially the youth.”

    Saraki revealed that he was only answering the call of the “teeming youth” who had asked him to run for president – the youth whom he had always regarded as his primary constituency, and so on and so forth.

    He assured them that they would be given all the opportunities to realise their potential to the full within a national framework that guarantees inclusiveness.

    The man just can’t stop hijacking, appropriating and grandstanding.

    As usual, his fellow highjacker and deputy, Ike Ekweremadu, was on hand to lend support.

    “I’m in total touch with my people and that is why if I want to remain in the Senate forever, I will.” Ekweremadu told the audience.

    God help his constituency.

  • MTN’s cross

    It is unlikely that many Nigerians have full grasp of the issues that led to the action taken by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) against four banks and Nigeria’s leading telecommunications company, MTN. Days after, I still hear otherwise knowledgeable Nigerians shrug off the issue as if it does not matter ostensibly because, in their opinion, the matter concerns a company’s legitimate earnings as against what truly aspires to be a corporate scandal of the century!

    Let’s take a close look at the issues. Four banks were alleged to have aided the telecommunications company in illegal repatriation of funds. In all, the five entities together were said to have procured a dubious Certificate of Capital Importation (CCI) on the basis of which billions of dollars were shipped out of the country – conducts adjudged as flagrant violation of extant laws and regulations of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, including the Foreign Exchange (Monitoring and Miscellaneous Provisions Act, 1995 and Foreign Exchange Manual, 2006.

    Standard Chartered Bank which led the pack of alleged offenders got a hefty fine of N2.4 billion; Stanbic –N1.8 billion, Citibank – N1.2 billion and Diamond Bank N250 million.

    In all, the banks and their principal – MTN Nigeria are to jointly refund the US$8.134 billion illegally repatriatedabroad to the coffers of the apex bank.

    Even if one is able to set the seriousness of the alleged crime aside – a nigh impossible task given the immediacy of the plunge in MTN’s share value by 25 percent few hours after the regulatory hammer –particularly riveting must be the surprise sprung by Godwin Emefiele’s Central Bank of Nigeria on a matter that has been subject of intense whispers in corporate corridors for some time now.

    It is not that corporate malfeasances are anything new. What is a rarity is a player being caught out flat footed. This time, the CBN appears to have had its case well laid out in the individual letters sent out to the banks and to the telecommunications company. The high point of the letter is the reference to a meeting between the Committee of Governors of the apex bank with the management of the four banks as well as representatives of MTN in Lagos on May 25, “to give all the parties fair hearing, towards taking an informed decision on the matters.”

    Little wonder the tepid – or if you like measured – responses by the offending banks – minus of course MTN. For MTN it certainly comes across as the return of an old nightmare. Coming three years after the company was handed down a $5.2 billion fine (later reduced to $3.2 billion) for not meeting the deadline for disconnecting the Subscribers Identification Modules (SIM) with improper registration, the CBN action comes close to a blow to the solar plexus.

    And what is MTN Nigeria’s defence to the weighty charges? The standard response that one might imagine –denial and rationalisation – doused with a tinge of blackmail.

    First, it insists that it has done nothing wrong; that the CBN it was that goofed.

    Said the company: “The issues surrounding the CCI’s have already been the subject of a thorough enquiry by the Senate of Nigeria. In September 2016 the senate mandated the Committee on Banking, Insurance and other Financial Institutions to carry out a holistic investigation on compliance with the Foreign exchange (monitoring and miscellaneous) Act by MTN Nigeria & Others. In its report issued in November 2017, the findings evidenced that MTN Nigeria did not collude to contravene the foreign exchange laws and there were no negative recommendations made against MTN Nigeria”.

    Really?Does the MTN truly believe that the matter under reference ever “went” anywhere?No doubt, the corpse may have been considered long buried by the MTN; only that in this particular case, the unseemly sight of the limbs stubbornly jutting out of the earthat best makes it a fantasy that only the MTN could afford to luxuriate in.  In any case, MTN did not allude to any statute of limitation such as could be taken to preclude further inquiries on the alleged infractions at any point in time – which of coursemakes the claim utterly self-serving.

    Remember that we are talking here of issues straddling criminal conduct, of corporate misdemeanour and wilful subversion of the laws of the republic by a leading player in the economy – issueswhich ordinarilywould take more than the Committee on Banking, Insurance and other Financial Institutions of the Upper House to thrash out. Most certainly, nothing of the spectacular charade carried out by the senate committee could be deemed to be anything near “holistic investigation on compliance” gleefully presented to the world by MTN in the so-called defence.

    Even at that, does it even matter that the senate actually returned a verdict of”improper documentations in respect of capital repatriation and loan repayments” byStanbic IBTC Bankfor which sanctions were actually recommended at the time? And does this not establish aprima facie case of infractions which, in normal circumstances would have dictated further clinical and forensic investigations with a view to establishing the degree of the infractions?

    Here, by the way, is what the senate found:”There was evidence of massive capital outflow but that fact alone is not conclusive that a crime has been committed”. In other words, not that there were no crimes committed but that proofs were not supplied!

    Far from any presumption of closure which could not have been anything but premature at the time, it seems to me an open invitation to the only authority that could have supplied the proof to step in and finish the job! And now that it has turned in its verdict, it seems just about time also for the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission to step in to clear the remaining fog!

    Secondly, it counter-charges that “The re-emergence of these issues is regrettable as it damages investor confidence and, by extension, inhibits the growth and development of the Nigerian economy”.

    The comment, certainly unfortunate smacks of blackmail. For a company that has never pretended to be a model corporate player, the subtle embrace of corporate misdemeanours would seem not entirely out of character – the very reason the company is on the black book of severalAfrican countrieswith the staggering cumulative fines of $400 million since 2014 – an average of $100m each year. That’s aside the $5.2bn fine imposed by the federal government on the company in 2015.

    Finally to the question – what does it matter?

    First, for a country which not only lacks the capacity to produce basic goods but in fact depends almost exclusively on imports, it matters the use to which we put our limited store of forex. Second, if only for the corrupting influence and deliberate subversion that the development represents for our institutions, they do matter. Third, to the extent that it represents a measure of the extent to which we are able to enforce our laws and regulations, it does matter. Indeed, it matters a great deal that a country on endless shopping for foreign direct investmentcurrently takes no thought about the scourge that illicit capital transfers continue to wreak on its fragile economy. Finally, it matters because laws were allegedly broken for which the country deserves a just recompense. Over to you EFCC.

  • As Donald Trump unravels

    There was always something unsettling, repellent even, about Donald Trump.

    The liberal activist and film-maker Michael Moore has called him “a wretched, ignorant, part-time clown and full-time sociopath.”  Mitt Romney, the GOP 2102 presidential candidate described him as “a fraud and a “phony” who is “playing the American public for suckers.”  Trump lacks the temperament and judgment to be president, Romney said, adding:  “Dishonesty is his hallmark.”

    Trump as president-elect would later play Romney for sucker when, for his own private amusement and with Romney’s enthusiastic connivance, he carried on for several weeks the pretence that he was seriously considering Romney for appointment of Secretary of State. Trump even made sure that Romney’s wife and daughter were on hand to witness his humiliation.

    Why Romney would want to serve in any capacity whatsoever in the Administration of a president he had rightly excoriated in the most abhorrent terms says at least as much about Romney as it says of Trump.  But I digress.

    Trump had framed bigotry, xenophobia, demagoguery and misogyny and vulgar name-calling as nothing more than a rejection of the political correctness that was choking American society. He had for 18 years run a bogus university awarding fake diplomas upon payment of fees that it would courteous to call unconscionable.  He had waltzed unscratched through a trail of bankruptcies even as his business partners and shareholders faced certain ruin.

    He regularly stiffed his workers.

    On his way to the nomination and The White House and subsequently, he broke virtually every rule in American political practice. He called the U. S. military “disaster.”  He derided Senator John McCain, the naval aviator who was shot down over Hanoi during the Vietnam War and held captive for five years, saying he preferred soldiers who were not captured.

    McCain, who died last weekend, declared that under no circumstance should Trump attend his burial.

    Against photographic evidence, Trump maintained that he had a much larger crowd at his Inauguration and the one that had filled Washington DC to  overflowing for President Barack Obama’s.

    He denigrated women, mocked the handicapped, and fanned the embers of racism and religious intolerance.  He declared the news media America’s public enemy.

    In his angry, embittered speech that passed as his acceptance of the nomination,  Trump situated America in a frightful dystopia of strife and violence, decay, and decline. Police officers were being killed in the line of duty while chasing down illegal aliens. Radical Islamists were overrunning the country.

    “I alone can fix it, “he said of the dystopia he had conjured up.

    Trump was going to build a wall across the border with Mexico, and Mexico was going to pay for it.  He was going to bar Muslims from some nine countries from entering the United States.  He was going to bring China to heel for cheating on trade rules and currency valuation.  No agreement, domestic or foreign, was sacrosanct.  If it could not be re-negotiated to meet his objections in every material, the United States would pull out.

    He has not shot anyone on New York’s Fifth Avenue yet, but he has been busy undoing decades of ameliorative work on the environment, education, trade, commerce, mining, pollution, and water and air quality.  He has undermined NATO and other alliances, humiliated his foreign hosts on their own turfs, unilaterally repudiated multilateral treaties, forcibly separated babies and children from their migrant parents and detained them in cages.

    He has made the world more dangerous.

    Trump is no respecter of law or morality or tradition.  He is a law unto himself, abusive, vindictive, vulgar, and given to lying uncontrollably.  He would not submit his tax returns for public scrutiny, claiming that they were being audited.  His lack of transparency led to widespread suspicion that he might have paid no income tax for 18 years and counting.

    The conventional wisdom, with which I allied myself, was that a person with such a tawdry political baggage and a threadbare résumé of public service to boot had no business seeking to be president of the United States, and that a critical mass of Americans who believe that decency and integrity and  trustworthiness matter in public life would see through the bluster, the bombast, the mendacity and the megalomania and send Trump back to the world of Reality TV for which his talents are best suited.

    Even the Trump Campaign was bracing itself for the worst, despite polls suggesting that the race had tightened almost to a statistical dead heat in the face of the controversy surrounding his opponent Hillary Clinton’s use of a private server when she was secretary of state.

    Trump defeated Hilary Clinton in the Electoral College to win the presidential race, even while trailing her by more than three million votes in the popular poll.

    It was an upset for the ages.  Never in the history of public affairs had so many people — experts, pundits, and laity – been so perfectly wrong.

    These were the recollections that flashed across my mind this past week as Donald Trump’s tawdry past finally caught up with him and he went unravelling before a global audience.

    He had set out shortly after taking office not merely to undo everything President Obama had done, but to cast his immediate predecessor in the most damaging light.

    Obama, he claimed, had placed him under security surveillance and spied on an official of the Trump Campaign.  But the table soon turned on him. Allegations that Russian hackers operating at the behest of the Kremlin  had compromised his election swirled, raising questions about his legitimacy.  Opposition research by a former British spy which had gained no traction during the election campaign bobbed up with compelling salience.

    These and other developments led to the appointment of a Special Counsel to investigate allegations of Russian meddling in the election.  That investigation spawned other lines of inquiry, which in turn spawned other lines of inquiry, all culminating in the perfect calendar of scandal in which the Trump White House is now inextricably enmeshed.

    Last week, Trump’s long-term counselor and fixer Michael Cohen in sworn testimony implicated him in criminal activity.  His former campaign chairman Paul Manafort was convicted on eight of 18 charges of financial crime.  Only one dissenting juror from a pool of 12 stood between Manafort and conviction on the remaining financial fraud charges.

    Whereas some former presidents have been unscrupulous in certain areas—infidelity, lying, dirty tricks and financial misdeeds– Trump, said an influential commentator, is “the most thoroughly and comprehensively corrupt individual ever to be elected president.”  Others, remarking how he talks like one and acts like one, have likened Trump to a mob boss.

    Robert Mueller, the Special Counsel whom Trump has denigrated endlessly along with the Department of Justice and the CIA and the FBI in tweet after tweet, is yet to report on his findings on Trump’s alleged collusion with Russia in 2016 U. S. presidential election.  But already, there is talk of impeachment in the air.

    Don’t even think about that, Trump has warned.  If he is impeached, the stock market would crash, and everyone would become poor, and his extraordinary brain that has wrought all the wonders America had witnessed since he took office would no longer be at the service of society.

    It may never come to impeachment. But Trump is going to find it well-nigh impossible to tweet  himself out of the mess in which his hubris and his unbridled sense of entitlement have landed him.

    Within months of taking office, and with almost no achievement under his belt except a stolen Supreme Court seat and hefty tax cuts for high-income income earners and the wealthy, Trump launched a campaign for a second term.

    The best he can now hope for is to serve out his current term, hobbled and much diminished.

    Whoever succeeds him has the daunting task of making America decent again.

  • Changing times, awry temper

    The tragedy of our time is that those who still believe in honesty lack fire and conviction, while those who believe in dishonesty are full of passionate conviction” — Archbishop Fulton J. Sheen (8 May 1895-9 December 1979), American Catholic priest.

    Fulton J. Sheen, the American Catholic priest whose beatification is only a matter of time, gifted us this opening quote.  He could well have been living in — and speaking of — present-day Nigeria.

    Add the opening of the full quote, and the moral gargoyle, that today’s Nigeria has become, glares at you in all its cold menace:  ”The refusal to take sides on great moral issues is itself a decision.  It is a silent acquiescence to evil”.

    That captures the many critical segments of Nigeria today, especially the religious elite; whose forte ought to be moral radicalism, if not outright puritanism.

    Now, when you link the Sheen opening quote to “The Second Coming”, that famous poem by the no less famous Irish, William Butler Yeats, the resonance is startling: “The best lack all conviction, while the worst are full of passionate intensity”.

    Again, that is today’s Nigeria: the upright keep mute, while the roguish rattle without end.  Yet, the polity teems with folks easily swayed by cant.

    But might culpable moral ambivalence, if not outright indifference, be a function of about every society, going through critical but painful change?

    The partisan spat between Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and embattled Senate President Bukola Saraki on the defection question was a media feast.

    Yet, not a few must have completely missed Tinubu’s posit — true in all its evidential proof — that the country is going through a critical phase: where old ways are, willy-nilly, yielding to new.

    Many, of course, with sundry motives, would rush to controvert that claim, and query whether that “new” way is indeed better or worse, in the best tradition of the liberal press, that holds great stock by fairness and balance — a great and noble tradition, to be fair.

    But even that runs the risk of becoming otiose: a cheap medium for the evil to rant, not because it is right, but because it’s a democratic right.

    Yet, a democratic right to do what is patently wrong is nothing but absurdity. That is the danger of mechanical balancing — that artificiality to be seen to reflect all sides, when common sense clearly demands you praise the good; and raze the bad.

    Democratic right to do what is patently wrong?  That is the crippling absurdity of Saraki and supporters, rippling with humbug on why a minority senator must retain the Senate presidency.

    They, of course, know that has absolutely no basis in logic and common sense, not to talk of morality, pristine mores codified into formal laws.  But more on that presently.

    Right now, suffice it to say mechanical balancing is the clear grave of any national consensus towards development and progress, particularly at grave junctures as now, when you transit from the wilful ruin of 2015 and before, with all its pains.

    But that is the comfort zone, where much of the media, now snooze in false bliss.  And spurred by this moral cowardice, a reckless breed, on radio and social media, has barged in with vacuous controversy — a euphemism for the suspect, the abominable and the repugnant — in the name of democratic right!

    Talk of the honest cowering with no power of conviction, and the crooked bristling with passionate intensity!

    Still worries, earnest or roguish, would appear natural in a changing society.  That the past was horrible, and the present woeful, would appear not enough motivation for many — if not most — to hug change!  The human fear of change is real!

    Today, the Romantic phase of English literature could have turned admirable trove, historical, emotional and intellectual.  Yet, back then, in 19th century England, when the industrial revolution was “ravaging” the English life, the fear of the unknown, and acute anxiety it ensued, forced that impassioned rally for Nature, against Nurture.

    You could feel that in the pathos of William Wordsworth and Samuel Taylor Coleridge, the leading poetic voices of that era; in the gripping melancholy of John Keats, he of the many personal challenges and family tragedies; and even in Thomas Hardy’s novel, Tess of the D’Ubervilles, the passionate debacle of Tess, the novel’s ill-fated heroine.

    Yet, that change, two centuries later, has shaped better living across the board, even if Nurture has brought own universal peril. The radical altering of Nature has brought climate change, with its grievous health hazards.

    So, as Nigeria moves from a past of free-wheeling gravy, that suited a few but ruined the most; to a future of applying scarce public funds, to “the greatest happiness of the greatest number”, in the famous words of Jeremy Bentham, the old parasites won’t go down without a fight.

    So, you can feel their media clatter, since the democratic space seldom boasts a consensus on manifest goodness; as everyone tries to push his view and discredit others’.

    That cannot — and should not — be stopped.  But after fair and equitable media access, to every shade of political opinions, public good takes over.

    That vaults the media — of conscience — from the democratic right to personal-institutional preferences and partisan sympathies, to the sacred altar of journalistic duty.

    And it dare not subscribe to any standard lower than Immanuel Kant’s categorical imperative, which takes duty as rather serious business!

    Neither, for that matter, should any judge or priest, or anyone whose job comes with the privilege of lording it over others.  Only that sense of rigorous duty can reimburse the society for that golden privilege.

    From that, a vigorous sense of right-or-wrong, would evolve; from the present neither-nor moral placidity, that gifts the evil the audacity to rattle.

    It is at this key juncture that the media appears flailing, if not outright failing. But the religious order suffers the same, if not worse, debility — talk of the Sheen damning verdict:  ”The refusal to take sides on great moral issues is itself a decision.  It is a silent acquiescence to evil”!

    That brings the discourse back to the Tinubu-Saraki spat.

    With a more exerting public ethos, Saraki and confederates wouldn’t have dared to test the sterile controversy of a minority senator staying on as Senate president.  Anything but honorable resignation would have been infra-dig, if not outright political apostasy.

    Neither would the polity buzz with macabre toast of parliamentary defections, when what that execrable fraud deserves is nothing but sweeping lambast.

    Also, the changes Tinubu referred to: the slew of pro-poor policy injections into the polity and sundry developmental projects — Trader Moni loans to the lowest cadre of market folks; the schools feeding scheme, novel as a federal policy; and the renewed rail activism — ought, as duty, to compel serious media attention: critiquing, analyzing and trading ideas on how to push the least kobo to the best value.

    That is what serious media do — jousting with the government on serious policy issues.  Besides, grappling with such would banish, from the public space, current inanities.

    Nigeria’s navigation of change, difficult and painful, ought to come with a strong moral component, across the board. That could make the crucial difference between a past lost and a future regained.

  • These strange times

    I have just read your today’s piece. I have this question to ask you. You wrote so glowingly about how it will be dictatorial to use executive orders to haul thieves into the jailhouse by the president. Where is the judiciary to which you altruistically refer? I am miffed at how we hypocritically denounce corruption with one hand and cozily embrace same with the other, forgetting that the cancerous disease deserves all round attention”.

    That was the reaction to my piece by a reader – W. Jones to my column of last week. There were of course more extreme reactions to the suggestion in the piece that the Buhari administration would certainly do better to create legacy institutions that would guarantee equal opportunity to the citizens as against the current preoccupation with fighting the fires after the event.

    As for the other suggestion on due observance to the due process of law which in normal, democratic settings would be deemed as given and inviolate, I also got reactions which tended to suggest that niceties of rule or law and due process were the kind of luxuries that Buhari’s war on corruption could ill-afford at this time.

    In all, I could almost hear the now famous Trumpian chants – Lock ‘em up – among the hordes that constitute the Mai Gaskiya base, shorn of any pretense to any law or reference to a statute under which citizens could be herded into jailhouses without the rigour of process. The president, some seems to be suggesting, should neither be circumscribed by the due process of the law nor those age-long conventions that imbue the democratic spirit.

    These are extraordinarily unsettling times no doubt. Remember that few weeks ago, a certain senator-to-be, Lawal Yahaya Gumau, actually declared that his sole interest in wanting to go to the senate is to join other like minds to make President Buhari life president. Before then, one heard not too infrequent whispers in supposedly knowledgeable quarters about deploying extra-legal measures in the push for a new ethical and moral order. Now, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has been sniffing round in its lone war that betrays more of showmanship with nary rhyme or method leaving the judiciary, ever the whipping boy, to gawk in horror at the critical tasks left undone.

    Of course, to every pushback that the current constitutional arrangement neither recognizes the rule of a lone sovereign nor does it contemplate the idea of an elected government governing by decrees let alone ouster clauses by whatever name; or that the task ahead requires more than the agencies appear willing to undertake, the inevitable counter push goes like – since the author and finisher of the anti-corruption war is himself without blemish, just about any means and tool ought to be permissible in the bid to rid the country of its Augean stable!

    Again, these are strange times.

    However, stranger still is the treatise by President Muhammadu Buhari at the 2018 Annual General Conference of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) in Abuja on Sunday. According to the president, the rule of law must be subject to the supremacy of the nation’s security and national interest.

    “Our apex court”, he said, “has had cause to adopt a position on this issue in this regard and it is now a matter of judicial recognition that where national security and public interest are threatened or there is a likelihood of their being threatened, the individual rights of those allegedly responsible must take second place, in favour of the greater good of society.”

    The president has, clearly not hidden his frustrations with the unrelenting criticisms that the continuing detention of former National Security Adviser (NSA) Sambo Dasuki, the Shiite leader Ibrahim El-Zakzaky and his wife has courted for his administration, despite the unambiguous ruling of the courts. Even at that, his patently specious interpretation of the position of the nation’s apex court on an issue that touches the heart and soul of constitutional governance seems to have stretched the issue beyond comprehensibility!

    What is national interest? Aside failing to provide the context for the statement credited to the apex court, the president didn’t bother to explain how the continuing incarceration of an individual and his wife would fall in the realm of “national interest” more so after the individual in question has since been arraigned before the courts. But even permitting that citizens could in exceptional circumstances be held indefinitely, our practice of constitutionalism, which borrows extensively from the United States, also allows courts to intervene through writs of habeas corpus if only to convince the judiciary – another arm of government – that a valid reason exists for that person’s detention.

    To the extent that this goes to the heart of the doctrine of separation of powers, the least the president could do is recognise and accept it as such. Even then, it seems strange that a converted democrat could not see that such failures to observe such measures necessary to prevent arbitrary exercise of power by one arm of government against the individual as something to be avoided. That route can only take the country straight right back to the era of divine rights of kings where arbitrariness rules!

    Which takes us right back to the growing disdain for the rule of law in the frenzy to extirpate corruption. It needs putting simply that the rule is everything. It is a guarantee for inviolability or sanctity of contracts; its observance regulates behavior of parties in business and where dispute arises, the parties are guided to seek succor in the process. Far from being another catchy phrase, it is the surest insurance against arbitrariness. It goes therefore without saying that the open deprecation of the concept by the president who should ordinarily play the country’s marketer in chief can only spell trouble in a republic where foreign investment has become something of a religion.

  • Before PMB expands the jailhouses

    Fresh from his 10-day working vacation in the British capital at the weekend, the media pointedly put the question to President Muhammadu Buhari on what Nigerians should expect from him going forward.

    “More Nigerians”, he said, “are expecting that we are going to jail more of the thieves that brought economic problems to the country. I think that is being expected of ME and I will do it”.

    No one, it seems to me, ever doubted where the president stood on the monster called corruption. However, if the expectation was that the rest period in the United Kingdom would have afforded our president ample time for deeper, perhaps more comprehensive reflection on those seemingly intractable problems that have hobbled past and current efforts to build a united, peaceful and prosperous country, it must have come to many as disappointing that he almost instinctively, relapsed into his now traditional default mode of chasing after the wind of the ‘looters’ of our commonwealth.

    To start with, it should alarm Nigerians that the president will implicitly and perhaps most cavalierly, discount the strictures embedded in our constitutional order simply to press the case against the so-called looters even when they are yet to be put to trial. As far as yours truly can see, the president, as the symbol of executive authority, could cause the building of as many jailhouses as the national appropriation would permit; he could even sign as many executive orders to address perceived lacuna in the existing laws as he deems fit – the most recent being Executive Order No 6 which seeks to restrict the use of suspected stolen funds; nowhere in the constitution, it needs to be made clear, is the president empowered to declare any Nigerian a looter any more than the presidency could procure any extra-legal measures to put any citizen out of circulation – no matter how heinous or grievous the perceived misdeed might be.

    That role, it bears stating, belongs exclusively to the judiciary.

    That a president sworn to the observance of the due process and of the law would harbour such exaggerated notion of presidential powers would seem to me at the heart of all that is wrong with our country. The same would apply to the anti-graft and security agencies, all of which, in the frenzy of the moment forget that they are in fact creations of law, going overboard with mindless activism – despite the clear delineation of their roles as investigative and prosecutorial bodies – all in the cause of a so-called presidential anti-corruption agenda.

    No doubt, the president may be right in his assumption about Nigerians sharing his revulsion for corruption. Most likely, they do. After all, they bear the direct consequences of the uncountable billions routinely filched from the treasury – monies that could have been judiciously deployed to improve their living conditions. What is debatable is whether they – by this I mean citizens – would tolerate means that are more foul than fair all in the name of stanching out the scourge. This is even more so, from a presidency, which although imbued with such awesome powers, have neither enhanced the institutional capacity of the anti-graft bodies to do the hard work, nor evolved a coherent strategy to stop corruption from budding.

    Let me preface this by admitting that the president has done quite a lot to bring corruption into the front burner. Perhaps more than all the previous leaders before him, he has deployed the moral force of the bully pulpit to awaken Nigerians to the consciousness of the scourge as a lethal, not-too-silent killer of nations. The implementation of the Treasury Single Account (TSA), for instance, has not only eventuated in massive curbs in wastes in the federal bureaucracy in particular, it has somewhat, streamlined our public finance and its unfathomable processes. As it is, gone as it were, is the era where public officers, did as they pleased with public funds, only because their helmsmen thought little of the appropriation process.

    Of course, we have seen a new zeal on the part of the anti-graft institutions to confront the menace, even if the agencies are still largely light years behind as far as the cutting edge technology required for the fight is concerned. This we must also admit is when showmanship is not allowed to undermine the rigour of due diligence needed to deliver. And with the judiciary recently providing a spark in what had hitherto proven to be an unwinnable war, a country primed to confront the un-silent killer has finally begun to emerge.

    Clearly, while the economy may not have returned to robust health, the mindless haemorrhage is increasingly becoming history.

    As important as these are, they are certainly not sufficient to deal a fatal blow on corruption. That factor, long lost in the current treatise on corruption in these parts, would again be missed by President Buhari in his single-minded resolve to herd the nation’s colony of looters into the jailhouse. That factor, if I may put it simply is the push for a fairer, more just and equitable society.

    Surely, the fight is certainly not exclusively that of the executive to fight. While the president could prod the anti-graft agencies to investigate corruption whereever found, the job of determination or exculpation from guilt obviously lies with the judiciary. To go beyond that is to undermine the institutional integrity without which the body is at once reduced to an executive lackey.

    But the more fatal is the assumption that the anti-corruption stands any real chance without a deliberate move to expand the frontiers of opportunity for everyone.

    To be sure, that factor boils down to the basic question of how a diligent worker is expected to own a home without a mortgage system in place without dipping his finger into the treasury; we are not even talking here of a pensioner, who, after, toiling faithfully for 35 years in public service has nothing of shelter to boast of. Or a young man, who after spending more than decade in employment and on a salary that would hardly suffice to take him home, and with all the societal pressures, is nonetheless expected to cough out more than a million cash upfront to purchase a car in the absence of a functional credit system.

    And we sure know how rents and wages are paid in these parts; whereas the former are in advance, sometimes as many as two years; the latter, which comes in trickles, are oftentimes hopelessly in arrears, sometimes for as much as six months as we have seen in some of the states in recent time!

    That is the reality of our society.  Time we began to evolve  functional institutions in credit delivery.

    It is not too late for the president to ponder on these even as he moves to expand the jailhouses.