Category: Sanya Oni

  • Back on the beat

    Back on the beat

    Glad to be back. By now, even the most ardent observers of Nigeria’s public finance must have given up on the possibility of ever finding those ‘unknown’ elements in its many-sided, quasi-federalist, quadratic equations. Unlike the traditional quadratic function where you keep some elements constant while cracking the unknown, the Nigerian equation, like a perennially moving target, keeps morphing not very much amoeba-like, of better still, like a mutant variant of a wayward gene; until you find that the solution you sought was neither understood nor in any sense captured in the originating hypotheses! And so the problem, like the gangrenous ulcer, not only festers but actually defies imminent solution!

    A lot has of course happened since early August when this columnist went on vacation. First, the apex bank has ‘duelled’ with the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC over what is remitted into the nation’s piggy bank. Then, at issue was an alleged non-remittance of dollars into the nation’s foreign reserves by NNPC which the apex bank claimed to be the reason for the plunge of the naira in the official and parallel markets. Although a document from the NNPC later surfaced to show it remitted a total of $2.7bn into its accounts with the CBN from January to June, it still fell short of satisfactorily addressing the underlying discrepancy as both of them could not have been right at the same time! The last that was heard on the matter was that the presidency had waded into a matter!

    That dust had barely settled before another joust erupted between the NNPC and the National Customs Service. This time, the issue is on the former’s claim that it supplies about 98 million litres of petrol for the country on a daily basis even when actual consumption is no more than 60 million litres. In essence, that a whopping 38 million litres of fuel are smuggled across the borders daily – and this under the watch of the men of the customs!

    Expectedly, the Customs Comptroller-General, Hammed Ali, would have none of it. While appearing before the House of Representatives Committee on Finance, he had asked somewhat incredulously: ‘If you say you release 98 million litres and then, we use only 60 million litres; the balance will be 38 million litres.

    How many trucks will that 38 million litres every day be? That will be almost 500 trucks; which roads are they following, where are they carrying them to’? He had asked.

    By the way, that was the same million naira question raised by the revered columnist Olatunji Dare last week.

    This columnist is not aware that the question has been satisfactorily answered by the NNPC. Or by anyone in government for that matter. Yet, this quantum – more than half of the national requirement – form part of the stock on which the country is expected to pay the subsidy under which the economy currently reels.

    Finally, the Nigerian Navy, as if waiting to be prompted has, amidst the unrelenting claims of massive theft of crude oil, has sought, perhaps finally, to demolish the claim by the NNPC and by extension, the federal government, of that massive theft.

    Read Also: NNPCL: petrol to sell for N462/litre without subsidy

    Occasion was the briefing to commence the 64th anniversary celebrations of the Nigerian Navy in Abuja. There, Chief of the Naval Staff (CNS), Vice Admiral Awwal Gambo, would argue that much of the talk about crude theft is sheer hogwash. Maintaining that the figures, which range from 200,000 to 400,000 barrels a day, was impracticable, he insisted that many of the presentations on the subject was borne either out of ignorance or mischief.

    Says he: “We need to understand the differences between oil theft and of course, oil loss. While oil theft is siphoning oil from vandalised pipes into barges, oil losses occur when there is non-production, especially during shut-ins and force majeure as the federal government does not earn the desired revenue it should”.  To him, the problem is that oftentimes, the volumes from shut-ins due to non-production are added to oil theft data instead of accounting for them as oil losses by the authorities.

    For context, he says 100,000 barrels of crude oil is equivalent to 15,800,000 litres of crude, which requires a five-ton barge making 3,160 trips per day to convey out of the creeks!

    And the ponderous question: “How do you pass the estuaries with this? So, let’s assume now you even have many barges because of the time required to carry out this product. That means you entirely close the navigable waters heading out to sea, through the estuaries, to embark them or to transit them into a mother vessel that will eventually take them out of the country.

    “Of course, this is most unlikely considering the heightened presence of security agencies in the maritime environment as well as the launch of the subsisting operations by the Nigerian Navy, including of course, the deployment of the maritime domain awareness facilities”.

    So much for the clarification that leaves out the million-dollar the question of how a country that once delivered in excess of two million barrels of crude has failed to meet up its 1.8 million OPEC quota. Not once or twice have yours truly heard from those who should know, that we may have all along been looking at the wrong direction for the unexplained or better still, unexplainable shortfalls in crude production. Rather than those barges in the creeks, some have actually suggested that we shift our gazes to our marble palaces where all things unimaginable take place!

    And while the blame game goes on, between the triumvirate of a corrupt, inept and hopelessly inefficient national oil corporation, an out-of-control apex bank that has virtually re-written all the rule books about central banking and a customs service off the leash, our dear president Muhammadu Buhari, has finally found an answer in the Presidential Committee on National Economy inaugurated last week!

    The committee, according to the president, is expected to review the national economic situation and propose measures to ensure the progress of the economy, receive regular updates on economic conditions in the country, identify issues that require urgent intervention to improve macroeconomic and fiscal conditions, review the impact of existing and new policies on the economy and provide directions to relevant institutions responsible for fiscal, monetary and other relevant policies.

    By the way, does this president still have Economic Advisory Council (EAC)? And what is the role of the National Economic Council in all of these?

    Were the country not to be in dire emergency, the latest development would have been tagged comical. In other words, no garlands for leaving the country on auto-pilot; a country which the fiscal side of governance has been on a long Rip Van Winkle sleep and the apex bank in the absence of the established restraints of convention and governance has not only been left to fly solo, but also blind.

    Is anyone still in wonder why the naira, the symbol of the nation’s economic strength, is on a free-fall with no respite in sight? Or why inflation is running riot while those in charge would rather shop for alibis?

  • Has this house finally fallen?

    Has this house finally fallen?

    Exactly three weeks after, the country continues to grope in search of explanations for the stupefying breach of that supposedly impregnable custodial centre within an earshot to the Nigeria’s seat of power. Built in 1989, the Kuje Custodial Centre came under the fire of terrorists at the end of which over 800 prisoners, notable among of which were 60 Boko Haram terrorists, simply took a walk. Before the Kuje incident, there had been similar attacks on correctional facilities in Owerri, Bauchi, Ubiaja in Edo State, Kurmawa in Kano, Jos, Kabba in Kogi, and Abolongo in Oyo State.

    Never mind the serial humiliation of the country and the astounding rationalisation of incompetence that followed, Nigerians, if not the world, has since been gifted with copious literature on how not to handle a sensitive national security institution like a correctional centre. Now, the joke in town is that no institution is inviolable; not even the supposedly sacred precincts of Abuja’s Three Arm Zone – no thanks to the bungling by officials who, were things to be normal, should have no business in the sensitive security sector.

    So much for the running national security tragedy thought to have climaxed in the March 28 blow-up of the Abuja – Kaduna rail and the consequent killing of eight people and abduction of 63 others. Clearly, if that terrible incident was meant to present a teachable moment for the nation and its security apparatus, other serial humiliations that have followed, topmost of which is the horrendous killing of at least 43 people including 30 soldiers and seven mobile police personnel in an attack on a mining site in Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State, have since presented in stark colours, the difference between a de facto government and a de jure one.  For without as much as the hoisting of the terrorists’ flag on the soil of the Nigerlites, the good people of Shiroro, like their kin in Zamfara and Katsina, surely know the difference between the formal authority flowing from Minna and the raw power oozing from the redoubt of the terrorists not to appreciate the essence of true allegiance!

    Of course, if anyone ever imagined those serial killings would somehow mark the moment to draw the line to what seems to be a determined humbling of the African Giant by the rabid band of terrorists; two recent but related events – the turbaning of the bandit leader – Adamu Aliero – as Serkin Fulani (leader of Fulani) by the now suspended Emir of Yandoto, Aliyu Garba Marafa, and the trending video of the victims of the railways abductions being flogged by the terrorists, would appear the final rite of humiliation for a country whose armed forces were once rated among the best, not just in the continent but in the global south. Just imagine – the loonies, now emboldened, are no longer content with hunting for high net worth victims, they now want the heads of President Muhammadu Buhari and Governor Nasir El- Rufai served on a platter!

    Talk of a country that has gone full cycle. A little while back, Governor Aminu Masari of Katsina not only embraced the bandits, he actually negotiated and granted them amnesty. His words: “Because they (terrorists) said they are Muslims, we went as far as asking them to swear to the Holy Qur’an that they will never participate in banditry again”.

    Well, they did – only to return to the lucrative business of banditry a little while after.  He would later tell a visiting United Nations Development Programme delegation that he had negotiated with “thieves”.

    “Anybody who says he is going to engage them on anything is free. I will pray for him but I will not do it again,” he was quoted to have said, saying that after failing him twice, he would be a fool “to go the same way”.

    That was then. The bandits have not only become implacable, they have since transformed into full-time terrorists, setting up camps and military bases with highly sophisticated network of informants complete with communications systems. With Rocket Propelled Guns, they even dared to take down an aircraft at some point! Just as they have camps that can house hundreds of their kidnapped victims, in all likelihood, they have hundreds of fighting men primed to engage at any given point. And then the matching logistics to guarantee not just that the basic living standards are met but such other equipment considered necessary for their deadly operations.

    Their modus operandi as has become evident is to deploy the instrument of fear to enforce their will. Now, the government, initially reluctant to declare the terrorists as such, have since done so.

    Sadly, whereas the scale appears to have fallen from the eyes of the Nigerian leadership, nothing in their new awareness of the character of the enemy appears to have led to any change of strategy or tactics. If anything, it has been more of the same. From imponderable dilatoriness to sometimes empty posturing, government’s responses to the terror challenge has been most pathetic.

    When they talk about engagement, negotiation or whatever, it is oftentimes more out of weakness than strength; from dictating the terms and conditions for releasing their luckless victims to such profile escapades and show of force, such has been the daring attempt by the terrorits to present the government as weak and ineffectual and the military as lacking the fighting spirit.

    Say what you may of the poor Zamfara emir; he probably had enough good sense to know what it means to hearken to the daily yearnings of his people to be left to enjoy their lives in peace than what the government in Gusau or even the Federal Government cares to understand. For while his understanding might have been that a title on the bandit leader would be worth more than its value in gold should peace finally to return to the beleaguered emirate, the chap in Gusau, Bello Matawalle, who wears the title of the Chief Security Officer, and President Muhammadu Buhari, the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces would in the same vein seem to him as far too distant, and certainly too remote to be able to address his immediate existential challenges hence his resort to self-help! Talk of an unenviable position to be in! His banishment to Siberia should afford him enough time to rue the lessons.

    Finally, on the trending video on the flogging of the kidnap victims. Truly, it is gut-wrenching – so much so that some have described it is the final (?) crossing of the proverbial red line. Agreed. But then, how many of such red lines have those savages crossed in the last seven years with the government betraying utter helplessness? And why should anyone expect this latest provocation to be different?

  • So, what happened at Osun?

    So, what happened at Osun?

    Against all predictions, the Peoples Democratic Party governorship candidate in the Osun gubernatorial election, Senator Ademola Adeleke, won the election. It was as decisive as could be: he polled 403,371 votes to beat the incumbent, Governor Adegboyega Oyetola of the All Progressives Congress party who polled 375,927 votes. Whereas the PDP candidate won in 17 of the 30 local government areas, Oyetola came top in 13 local government areas. The electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC) not only proved that its investment in technology was not a waste, it came off in the end as a body ready to do credible electoral business.

    The winners of course have since been savouring their sweet victory.  Adeleke’s PDP has, as one would expect, been gloating, convinced as it were that the win, beyond mere symbolism, would amount to something in the assumed electoral calculus that is still some eight months away.  And then our ubiquitous but partisanly charged netizens; they have said just enough to leave the unwary public the impression of an electorate reduced mere tools in the electoral sweepstakes as against their being the principal driver of the process. To this trenchant army, the weekend gubernatorial election was a proxy war of sorts; something of a referendum on the APC and its flag bearer, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the outcome of which was supposed to be a pointer to the shape of things to come.

    Particularly interesting is how some newspapers actually gave the fantasy a wing, a trend that has become an inescapable part of the orchestrated onslaught against the APC presidential runner in the current hyper-charged political season.

    I guess the APC leaders in Osun would have, in the coming days, enough time to reflect not just on the election and its outcome but also on the many other developments tangential to it. In the meantime, the rest of us are left to speculate on why a governor who was obviously cut of a different cloth from his controversial and sometimes divisive predecessor, and who did well to tinker with some of the more outlandish policies that pitted the preceding administration against the people, couldn’t in the end, count on the same people to deliver him when it mattered most.

    Talk of fate playing its hand; few today remember that the man who later became famous as a dancing senator would perhaps have not smelt politics let alone being elected as a senator, had his more illustrious elder brother, Isiaka Adeleke not died in April 2017 while serving as APC senator. In the same vein, had the party, then under the leadership of Rauf Aregbesola as governor, yielded the seat to the younger Adeleke in deference to the mourning family and in recognition of the powerful interest the family represented and continues to represent in the state’s political matrix, the individual, who has now become his party’s nemesis, would in fact have contested and mostly likely would have won as an APC candidate with things possibly taking a different trajectory.

    Unfortunately, Aregbesola, the leader would have none of it – and the rest as they say, is history.

    A lot of water has of course passed under the bridge. Unquestionably, the 2018 election was a referendum on the departing administration of Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola. A bruising contest in which the eventual winner only managed to scrape a victory by the proverbial skin of his teeth, then, the issues were not so much about what the then candidate, Gboyega Oyetola, was bringing to the table but the burden that the departing administration had become to the people and with it the many controversies that it had courted many of them needlessly. Clearly, if many of the policies such as the controversial re-classification of the schools and with it the introduction of single uniforms across the entire schools system left the citizens breathless, some others, like the equally controversial the restructuring the local government system were such that left many in wonder as to the extent that the administration would go to elevate forms over substance. With the administration almost in all cases preferring to listen to itself as against the voices of the people on whose behalf it claimed to govern, the hapless citizen could only seize on the 2018 ballot to express their displeasure. And yes it did at great cost to the party and the candidate.

    The 2022 election obviously presented a different scenario. As the incumbent, Oyetola’s record in nearly the whole of four years would of course come to play. Although lacking in the activist temper of his predecessor, here, even his most ardent critics would readily concede to his superior performance both in the management of the people and the resources of the state – the very department in which the preceding administration was rated low both by the bureaucrats and by the ordinary folk. So, as against being a referendum on performance, the contest would come down to basically a grudge rematch in which countless but disparate players – without and within – were involved, one in which victory was not so much about records but the extent to which the ruling party was able to tame the insidious forces of division and cleavages promoted by those who felt excluded from the gravy.

    In all, the difference between those rejoicing and those gloating over an assumed electoral rout would seem as clear as the line between those savouring the sweetness of victory and those relishing the shellacking of their erstwhile comrades. The former of course wanted the top job for their man; the latter – enemies within – were more about ensuring that the governor and by extension, their party paid a huge price for leaving them in the lurch.

    This is where those talking glibly of referendum miss the point.  As for those who suffer the delusion that the gubernatorial contest was anything more than a local affair, they are of course entitled to their dream world where anything is possible.

    Could Governor Oyetola have done better? Of course, those who say that the state’s helmsman, being the number one political leader, could have done things differently have a point. He could have played better politics. Some say he could have been less obsessed with his predecessor to the point of being paranoid. And that he could have been more trusting of his aides as a leader.

    On the other hand, some have also pointed out that the predecessor, under whom he had served as chief of staff for eight years, not only demanded being consulted on everything from party affairs to governance, but also insisted on being the last word on every matter. That a former boss would routinely mouth continuity as some cast-iron article of faith to which his successor is inextricably bound, would sound not only galling to a self-respecting leader but roundly offensive to an elected one.

    That, in a nutshell is at the root of the problem. Now the famed state of the Living Spring has found itself in a sorry pass in which a barely literate governor would have to be in the saddle for four dreary years.

    The situation is a huge lesson in the mismanagement of power and its correlates.

  • Pastor Poju and the lynch mob

    Pastor Poju and the lynch mob

    Faith is not just blind belief or hoping for a miracle. Faith sees. Faith has her eyes opened and possesses the evidence upon which it builds its belief. Faith prepares long, sometimes for years just as Joseph did for the years of famine. Faith counts the cost before embarking.”

    “Without having real evidence upon which you are acting or preparation for the task, recognizing real obstacles that lie ahead and making concrete plans, one is just being delusional about the outcome. The enthusiasm of the youth must not be wasted on poorly planned projects.

    “Noah spent months/years planning for the flood and he was operating in faith. Jesus said no man goes to battle without taking stock first nor lays the foundation of a tower without counting the cost first lest he will be mocked. Our faith is intelligent it doesn’t live in denial.”

    You already know the author of the above verses. It is no other than Poju Oyemade – the medic turned cleric; founder of the Covenant Nation and the initiator of The Platform, a national conversational podium that has not only provided a veritable outlet for engagement on matters of governance but also on the future of the country.

    The pastor’s sins, we are told, is daring to stick a pin into the bubble of the amorphous movement that has now assumed the tag – Obidient – but which is in fact no more than a group of loud distraught supporters of the Labour Party presidential flag bearer, Peter Gregory Obi.

    It wasn’t that the pastor spoke out of context; he merely spoke in the background of an evolving national conversation around the presidential politics, the preparedness of the candidates, the imperatives of groundwork and the whole question of the viability of the candidacies.

    To be sure, he certainly did not call the candidate’s bonafide into question neither did he as much as call any candidate by name. Although he came across as one of those swayed by the so-called Peter Obi phenomenon, he probably felt compelled to put out some warning just in case someone out there might care enough to pay attention. Hence the well couched verses quoted above.

    Even at that, we must make the point that the pastor didn’t say anything new that those with the most elementary knowledge of Nigerian politics have not said in one form or the other.  To his hordes of followers, Peter Obi, the man who once ruled the relatively backwater state of Anambra, the ‘squeaky clean’ guy who daily mesmerises with stats, is supposed to be the new messiah at whose appearance all things should take a  new turn or pivot. Yes; all of us, without question, must be Obi-dient! And so, nothing ill, no matter how tangential, is to be spoken about him!

    Like a man schooled in the hard school of Nigerian politics, the pastor has apparently come to the understanding that the path to the presidency cannot be a walk in the park; that in a country of multiple complexities of faith, tribe, religion and social class, that any candidate for the high office requires a vast network of relationships that requires years of planning and nurture to operationalise; and that without that, the quest is as good as doomed; Only that Pastor Poju didn’t reckon with that Obidient school where dreams and virtual activism rule!

    And this is even when he didn’t as much as refer to the rather competitive field in which veterans like Asiwaju Ahmed Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress and Atiku Abubakar of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party are running.

    See how letting out the odds facing marginal runners as something of one to a million would be akin to grating on the raw nerve of the hordes of our angry netizens who fancy such talks as no more than an affliction of an old plague!

    Compare this with the description of the presidential run of Barack Obama by ex-US President Bill Clinton as ‘fairy tale’.

    For that reality check, a cautionary note to underscore the organisational imperative in the presidential quest, perhaps to foreclose a future alibi for anarchy in the event of a comprehensive failure that is all but guaranteed; a mob, already sworn to neither rhyme nor reason in their quest for change no matter how nebulous or ill-defined, has gone beyond merely pronouncing it as Satanic Verses to issuing a fatwa. Such benumbing superficiality and disdain for reasoned argument ought to leave the rest of the orderly society truly worried.

    It certainly comes as a new twist to the evolving local variant of the cancel culture that seeks the pulling down of the dominion of national superstructure in the march to the fangled Eldorado.

    And to think that a good number of the hounds currently baying for the blood of Pastor Poju probably knew nothing of their new found ‘messiah’ until his unveiling at that annual discourse that seeks to showcase the infinite possibilities of the Nigerian dream.

    It is a tragedy that the pastor chose to delete the tweet. For an individual that has invested so much energy into the national cause, it is hardly the way to go.  On the other hand, being  a leader of a faith community – a community of diverse nationalities, he probably felt that the brewing controversies were needless – something of a distraction to his calling – hence the path of discretion.

    Of course, the issues provoked by the crass intolerance, and the cancel culture are such that would not be forgotten in a hurry. Not anytime now or in the near future as the season of presidential politics goes into the full swing.

    Clearly, if the events of the EndSARS movement and the ensuing tragedy and atavism unleashed in its aftermath are any reminders, it is that Nigerians have a lot to worry about in the activities of the group of tribesmen and other  closet revolutionaries so consumed in their rage that they wouldn’t mind pulling the roof down over everyone’s heads.

  • Religion and politics

    Religion and politics

    It is most probable that most Nigerians missed the deeper import of the big stick wielded by the presiding bishop of Catholic Diocese of Enugu on his wayward cleric, Fr. Ejike Mbaka and his Adoration Ministry, based in Emene, Enugu on Friday last week. It wasn’t that most didn’t know that the man’s cup had long been full and running over. Rather, it was a question of how long the church would continue to suffer the embarrassment by that immensely charismatic individual, who, in his show-boat appropriation of the church liturgy, had become something of a law unto himself.

    As the story went, Peter Obi, the Labour Party presidential candidate, had visited the controversial cleric in the course of his weekly ministration services in his Emene base. Apparently recalling an earlier visit during which the businessman-politician refused, despite entreaties, to donate money to the church, he had pointedly accused him of being “stingy man” and thereafter proclaimed that unless Obi returned to his ministry to apologise for refusing to make donation when he was asked to do so, his ambition to become president of Nigeria would be fruitless.

    As it turned, if the world barely paid attention to the individual who had come to relish the self-appointed image of being scourge to the high and mighty, particular the tribe that refused to yield their pockets; a figure that only a few years back predicted political doom for President Muhammadu Buhari following his refusal to do a project for his ministry, after prayers on adoration altar made him president; and then Atiku Abubakar whose presidential dream he had dismissed on the same grounds, the matter of Peter Obi, a practising Catholic, had to be the red line.

    “And after having given him pastoral directives and guidelines for the Ministry Chaplaincy, which he persistently violated; and in fulfilment of my pastoral duties as the Chief Shepherd with the obligation to promote and safeguard the Catholic faith and morals in Enugu Diocese, I hereby prohibit all Catholics (clergy, religious and lay faithful) henceforth from attending all religious and liturgical activities of the Adoration Ministry until the due canonical process initiated by the Diocese is concluded”.

    The above, the pastoral injunction issued by the Bishop of the Diocese, Most Rev Dr. Callistus Onaga, on Friday, would seal his fate and that of his adoration grounds ministry. More than a routine sanction of a wayward cleric, an emphatic disclaimer of the errant doctrine of infallibility and the cult worship of that individual for whom the sacred altar meant no more than a political, an ego-massaging altar; the more profound but underlying message of the dangerous lurch by the church into the arena of politics as the nation cruises into the 2023 elections is one that should not be missed.

    As it is, the nation is still torn right through the middle on which path to take going forward. Thanks to the leadership of the leading political parties for yielding to wise counsel, despite the many misgivings about the many booby-traps in the electoral laws and the parties internal democratic practices, the conventions of the parties finally and the results generally accepted as representing fair outcomes. The Peoples Democratic Party has its flag bearer in Atiku Abubakar, the old war-horse and veteran presidential contestant; so does the All Progressives Party, APC, in the doughty Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who not only surmounted the impregnable odds laid on his path, but left with such margin of victory that left no doubt about his acceptance among his party’s rank and file. Now, we have Peter Obi for the Labour Party and Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) as indeed a motley assembly of other fringe players in a race whose outcome would prove decisive for the largest black nation on earth.

    Few months back, the main topic was the part of the country that the successor to President Muhammadu Buhari, would come from. The argument was thought to be fairly straight-forward: after an eight year presidency of Muhammadu Buhari, the southern section of the country was unreservedly deserving of the top position. Not so however for the PDP, a party that has been shut out of the presidency since the electoral shellacking of 2014; their chief concern was which candidate was best – geography or not; and equity be damned – to lead the party to victory!

    In that, they found an Atiku Abubakar, another northerner, and Fulani like the incumbent to lead the charge!

    Unfortunately, if one had thought that the APC had a lesser dilemma to deal with, they were to be reminded that Nigeria, a country of multiple cleavages of tongues, tribes, clans and altars, still has a hurdle to cross in the tribe of opportunistic leaders sworn to mislead the people using the bully pulpit of their supposedly sacred altars.

    Today, the supposedly hot-button issue is the religious ticket; whether the APC could afford to push on with a Muslim-Muslim ticket. In other words, the quest for balance between the altars of the principal and the running mate!

    I do understand why a powerful body like the Christian Association of Nigeria, CAN, would insist on having its voice heard on the subject. Only the most hypocritical would deny CAN what other religious bodies, notably the likes of MURIC and the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) routinely does. In any case, the current climate of intolerance not only makes religious sensitivities compelling, it is something that the nation’s diversity recommends.

    But when a supposedly distinguished body, in a fit of emotion, leaves out the substance to chase shadows, the adherents of the faith have reasons to worry. My worry of course is the fatwa pronounced by CAN on any political party that would dare to field candidates whose combination does not pander to the nation’s religious plurality.

    Says CAN’s General Secretary, Rev. Joseph Bade Daramola, in a statement “We give notice to all political parties that we will protect the religious diversity of the Nigerian state and will mobilise politically against any political party that sows the seed of religious conflict by presenting to Nigeria a presidential ticket that is Muslim-Muslim or Christian-Christian”.

    Such a statement, coming from CAN smack of desperation as against wisdom. How will the body achieve this? Call out its members within the party to withdraw from the party?  How? It certainly speaks to a new low in leadership that a body that was once led by such moderate and eminent voices such as Cardinal Olubunmi Okogie, John Onaiyekan would descend into such ignoble arena. Clearly, if we thought we’d seen enough in the galling politics of influence that the CAN leadership played to the hilt under the Jonathan administration that took its reputation to the nadir, surely, the latest tantrums must have come as a new low in the chequered history of the body.

    If we may, at least for a moment, lay aside the credentials of the APC flag bearer; a man whose sojourn in the Lagos Governor’s Lodge has remained a reference in leadership possibilities; in fairness and equity, there is a lot that could be said of the process that produced the APC flag bearer as not only transparent, credible but world class. Of course, the party, like any serious institution, would certainly have its own internal mechanisms for carrying out its business. For yours truly, one of the high moments in the primary sweepstakes was when the party’s northern governors insisted, while emphasising an earlier pact to return power to the south, restated its resolve not to be swayed by what the opposition chose to do or not to do – an argument that could be pressed to mean that the party would insist on following strictly its own rules and electoral calculus on who runs alongside its candidate!

    Imagine a body like CAN – certainly not the body of Christ – thinking it could stampede the party into making a choice on the exaggerated assumption of power and influence!

    Of course, we have seen more bizarre moments before. In the build-up to the election of the 46 president of the United States, Joseph Robinette Biden Jr., the America’s Christian Right, obviously convinced of possessing the heaven’s hotline not only announced Donald Trump as the anointed one, the likes of Paula White, the White House Religious Counsellor sought the services of the Nigerian Pentecostal movement to help force the Divine Hand in foisting another Trump term.

    I’m told they are yet to live down the embarrassment of the ignoble defeat.

    Nigeria at this time needs praying men and women, not tradesmen in the altars of worship.

  • APC: Game over?

    APC: Game over?

    Those who expected that President Muhammadu Buhari will, by some stroke of luck, find some genius to recover and re-direct the ship of state must have finally realised to their grim disappointment that nothing of sort will happen: the man is far too gone to make things happen. It is obvious that neither the leader nor the team that he leads still pretend to any understanding of the moment, the fierce urgency of action to arrest the reign of anarchy set upon the nation, let alone the mood of a distraught people, enough to pull the brakes.

    It is apparent that the leader and the cabal surrounding him simply do not care. For some, it must have come as a grave tragedy, that the individual, in whom many had invested much hope, could squander same in such cold-blooded, cavalier manner.

    Remember those tears at Abuja’s International Conference Centre? It seems like yesterday when the CPC candidate Buhari swore that the 2011 contest would be his last pursuit of the presidency.

    And those beautifully couched words: “I need nothing and I have nothing more to prove. I am in this solely for the love of my country and concern for its destiny and the fate of its people. And that is why, despite the many disappointments along the way, I am still in the struggle and will remain in it to the end. I have decided to dedicate the remainder of my life to fighting for the people of this country-until their right is restored to them”.

    That was April 2011. A decade and one year plus and a gifted presidency to boot, the people of Nigeria now know better than to take appearance for real substance! That if the man was ever prepared to govern in any meaningful sense; that must have been aeons ago! Now, the realisation is that his pretence to any appreciable understanding of the Nigerian terrain after years of being out in the cold is just as suspect as his avowal of being a born-again democrat! How about the rather strange but pervasive philosophy of leadership couched in abdication that has turned to the nation’s Achilles’ heel? And the pledge to fight for the people until their rights is restored to them? Now the debate is on which people the president has in mind? Talk of a teachable moment for all!

    Today, on virtually all fronts, the country is either broke or broken. Unemployment is currently at the highest levels ever; the same with inflation. Power remains as it was – unavailable. From being the poverty capital of the universe until a year or two ago, we have managed to slip to the second place with India on the top spot only on account of the absolute number of the poor in the Asian country! Thanks to our frenemy – the IMF, we are said to spend amount nearly equal to our entire revenue on debts service. Greater thanks to the on-going industrial scale theft of our crude oil; it is on record that we can’t even produce enough to cover our OPEC quota.

    By the way, once upon a time, our erstwhile minister of petroleum sensationally declared fuel subsidy a hoax; now his presidency, after seven years of inaction of the nation’s four refineries, is asking for N6 trillion to pay for the same subsidy! Never mind that the administration has also expended billions of taxpayers’ money into a fruitless rehabilitation with nary hope that the contraptions will ever refine a single litre of fuel.

    As for security, the situation remains extremely grave. Two days ago, 50 worshippers at St. Francis Catholic Church, Owo, Ondo State were mowed down by unknown gunmen. But then, as it is in Katsina, the president’s home state, so it is in Kaduna, his adopted state; the terrorists, misnamed as terrorists, continue to run rings round the security system. Although the country is not officially at war; yet the daily casualty exceeds those of Ukraine currently fighting a war with Russia.

    All of the above would however seem only a minor part of the wholesome mismanagement ingrained into the administration’s DNA that has left the nation severely sundered.

    However, if anyone ever harboured a thought that the administration would somehow find the wisdom to halt its arbitrary nature and its inverted sense of justice and equity so it does not end up in bringing the roof crashing down the heads of everyone, yesterday’s play within the play, by elements within the All Progressives Congress, ought to have cleared by now. Thanks to Abdullahi Adamu, the now, re-purposed vehicle; the same Special Purpose Vehicle on which the president rode to power in 2015 and on whose platform he was re-elected in 2019, finally took the dive; the first step in its hitherto barely concealed mission to stop Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu from gunning for the nation’s topmost job. Yesterday, the party of Adamu,  under the direction of President Muhammadu Buhari is said to have finally declared Ahmed Lawan, the anointed one!

    Just like that!

    Yes; the game is finally in the open! The bits, formerly apart, are finally coming together. The charade on the Electoral Act and the associated cat and mouse game of amendments; the artful manoeuvres and judicial manipulation by Abubakar Malami and co; the extravagant presidential lapsus linguae (slip of tongue) and the ensuing crass, nonsensical but patently indulgent semantics that followed by devious, unscrupulous officials for the most part of the past week; add to these the shifty electoral umpire – the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC forced to bend backwards to accommodate the shenanigans of the ruling party – all of them finally let out in the shameless disregard for the rules of fairness, decency and the law – under a strange variant of consensus!

    And where do these all lead? For now, it is hard to know. One thing is sure though: the party, APC will never remain the same – certainly not after this. The northern governors will no doubt attempt to salvage the situation. How long they will hold out is however a different matter. So also will some sensible members of the National Working Committee of the party be expected to press their dissent? In the end, the hawks in the party, guided by the Abdullahi Adamu, will still try to force their way.

    Such is the awesome powers of our nebulous presidency that no one could be said to be in charge; hence laws could be broken without fears of any real or potential consequences. Yet, the chief of state is Mai Gaskiya!

    Is the wait then, finally over?

    Ours may be an incredible country; there are still some things that will not simply pass – and rightly too!

  • Incredible country!

    Incredible country!

    Watching last week’s Abuja thriller starring Rochas Okorocha, former governor of Imo State and the men of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, one is immediately let into that sordid spectacle that governance has been plunged by the supposed midwives of the establishment. Whereas some aptly described it as a show of shame and national embarrassment, both of which in the circumstance qualifies as an understatement, it is in fact a fitting characterisation of the elite pathology and one whose symptom is to be found in the most avant-garde contempt for laws and national institutions, that have become so commonplace by wielders of power and influence.

    Now, in the height of the past week’s drama, it seems highly likely that few still remember where it all started from. I mean the alleged heist involving billions of naira of funds – N2.9 billion –said to belong to the state where the governor once ruled, a section of which he currently sits as its most distinguished senator. Even more unlikely perhaps are the minor background details such as an alleged jumping an administrative bail granted him by the commission and evasion of service all in the bid to get the individual to answer questions on same. At least, not when the images of doors being smashed and roofs of the building being removed by supposedly overzealous operatives are all over the social media – including images of their ostensibly frightened ‘victim’ spread-eagled, praying mantis-like, on the luxuriant canvas in some contrived supplication to an apparently distant god! Talk of the minor suddenly assuming the central plot in the intriguing, never-ending scandal of a nation on a roller-coaster ride to the abyss. And talk of the past week passing as another teachable moment for Nigerians in civics education on the broad provinces of state power and the obligation (or lack thereof) of the citizens to acquiesce to the majesty of the law!

    That was last week. The preceding week, by the way, was similar in kind – without of course the preambles of drama. Then, it was the nation’s number one book keeper, Accountant General of the Federation, AGF, Ahmed Idris being picked up by operatives of the EFCC over an alleged N80bn fraud.

    The AGF, said the EFCC, “raked off the funds through bogus consultancies and other illegal activities using proxies, family members and close associates”, funds said to have been laundered through real estate investments in Kano and Abuja.

    Like Okorocha, Idris was arrested after reportedly “failing to honour invitations by the EFCC to respond to issues connected to the fraudulent acts”. This newspaper in its update on the unfolding scandal, has since reported another separate finding of N90 billion to bring the alleged heist to N170billion said to involve an unnamed permanent secretary and a minister.

    As all Nigerians probably know, this is where the real drama is expected to begin. First, the battle over the rights of the accused to bail – stemming as it were from their presumption of innocence. Expectedly, the courts will be pressed for accommodation to enable this class of Nigerians travel abroad for elite care and other medical exigencies. And while these play out, the main trial would be held in abeyance. If the precedence from the Orji Uzor Kalu case is anything to go by, the nation had better prepare for a long running farce of a trial!

    Remember; the alleged N7.65 billion fraud by the former governor, now Chief Whip of the Senate took 12 years to prosecute. But even when, against all odds, the trial ended in a committal, the Supreme Court would later pronounce the judgment a nullity strictly on the ground that the trial judge, Justice Mohammed Idris, had, at the time he delivered the judgment, been elevated to the Court of Appeal!

    Months on, we are stuck with the drama, or if you like, a play within the play: the contestation on whether the apex court actually ordered a retrial, which would seem a fair summary of what the eminent justices said, or the averment by the accused persons and their legal teams that a retrial will put them in double jeopardy – which in effect means scuttling the process!

    And so to those putting much stock on the events of the past few weeks, my unsolicited advisory would, in the circumstance be the seven letter word: caution!

    But surely, the drama is not restricted to the justice sector alone. Perhaps, unknown to most Nigerians, a more riveting drama actually played out at the National Assembly also within the month. And the subject? You guessed right; the controversial Electoral Act 2022.

    Now a little background.  Nigerians would remember that President Muhammadu Buhari had sometime in December last year declined to asset to the draft bill sent to him. His reasons were that the law in prescribing only the direct primaries needlessly tied the parties to pick their candidates; in other words that the parties should have the leeway to pick from the options of direct, indirect and consensus options as against the single prescription of direct primary. He also alluded to the issue of insecurity the cost of direct primaries to the parties should the option be allowed as passed. Subsequently, the lawmakers amended the bill, sometime I believe in January. A month later, the president signed the bill into law.

    Case closed? Not quite as there remained a troubling provision: Clause 84(12).

    The clause reads, “No political appointee at any level shall be a voting delegate or be voted for at the convention or congress of any political party for the purpose of the nomination of candidates for any election.” Needless to state that the president wanted the section deleted hence his letters to the leadership of the two chambers which were promptly rejected. Little did they realise that they had an unforced error in section 84(8) – a provision which also excludes statutory delegates from participation in the conventions, congresses or meetings of political parties.

    “This is an unintended error, and we can only correct it with this amendment now before us”; crooned the Deputy Senate President, Ovie Omo-Agege (Delta Central) moments before the rushed amendment. An error by a parliament which boasts of seasoned lawyers and supposedly high fliers in other professions?

    Too late? Nada!  An articulate silence would appear more preferable to our apparently seething president!

    Thank heavens, we have more manageable elected delegates taking part in a major landmark event of electing parties flag bearers; an unprecedented one in which the president, vice president, the all-powerful governors, national and state lawmakers and the hordes so-called statutory delegates are mere spectators.

    I imagine that the 109-member assembly of senators and 360-member representatives would rather have the inexplicable omission – which border on gross ineptitude and criminal dereliction – passed off as a non-event?

    Trust me; it can only happen in Nigeria.

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Atiku: Silence would have been golden!

    Atiku: Silence would have been golden!

    “There cannot be a justification for such gruesome murder. Deborah Yakubu was murdered and all those behind her death must be brought to justice. My condolences to her family and friends”.

    That was supposed to be the tweet from Atiku Abubakar, the Turakin Adamawa, the former vice president who – until recently seemed on steady cruise to his self-absorbed quest to the presidency of the republic.

    A tweet that would, in normal times be deemed as right, humane and something expected of a gentleman/statesman; not only has it spawned torrents of controversies and issues far more than the man could have imagined or anticipated, it has turned into a revelation in leadership abdication by an individual known to be desperately seeking the nation’s top job.

    The subject, of course was Deborah Yakubu, the young lady that was lynched before her remains were later incinerated by a bunch of religious extremists over an alleged blasphemy at the Shehu Shagari College of Education, Sokoto. So utterly misguided (or is it deranged?) the mob was in their rage that they even took the extra step of not simply owning the crime but posting it on the world wide web for the rest of the world to see.

    Like most Nigerians who saw the video, Atiku or as he later claimed his media handlers, must have been just as outraged – hence the controversial tweet.  At least, that was the situation until the closet supporters of the mob took notice and summarily let it be known that Atiku had crossed the red line. Their ensuing tweet on the same thread was a fatwa – in which the cost of the indiscretion would be proclaimed as equal, if not greater, in sum to the million votes to be lost in the still largely hypothetical 2023 presidential run! For Atiku, the threat of the mob would seem the very beginning of wisdom!

    For an individual with a claim to being a man of the world, it would, sadly be, one moment to realise that the dizzying sweepstakes of presidential politics is no time to mix with the ethos of humanism –hence his order that the offensive tweet be pulled down – and fast too.

    Only that he forgot that the internet never forgets. Indeed, cleaning up the messy affair has proven to be arduous; far more damaging than the man himself could have been imagined. In fact, if repudiation of that initial high moral ground which the deletion of the tweet symbolised was deemed as egregious, the shibboleth of process offered as rationalisation came off as most pathetic and utterly spineless.

    “This evening I received information that a post was made that doesn’t agree with my orders. I use this to announce that any post without AA is not from me. May God protect – AA”, was all he could muster!

    He couldn’t even get himself to restate the initial demand that “all those behind her death must be brought to justice”!

    Yet, for that sin of indiscretion, the mob and their sympathisers still won’t trust him and so quickly cast him off as pariah. And now the other side of the national divide won’t touch him with a 10-feet pole for failing the test of character when it matters! For a man adept at playing political poker, it was for once an unenviable position to be in! Talk of the cost of prevarication in time of grave national crisis.

    By the way, compare this with the unequivocal statement of His Eminence, the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar: “The Sultanate Council condemns the incident in its totality and has urged the security agencies to bring the perpetrators of the unjustifiable incident to justice”.

    That was a firm, simple and unequivocal statement that left out neither doubts about what the ‘incident’ was, nor sought any rationalisations to mitigate the gravity of a most heinous crime.

    And the object: justice, which, to echo the words of Nobel Laurate Wole Soyinka, remains the first condition of humanity! That was leadership at its best.

    As Atiku’s case has since proven, the art of condemning evil when it manifests, and the resolve to stand by one’s convictions when things become rough, would appear a virtue extremely in short supply among Nigeria’s political elite in particular.

    As for Deborah, one understands that there are a large number of Nigerians out there who still insist that the sin of blasphemy was unforgiveable and that she brought the damnation upon her own head! The irony here is that this will also include those who took it upon themselves to execute instant justice including their army of supporters who, in their phantom theocracy, have long sworn not to recognise the law that binds everyone let alone subject themselves to its due dictates. Now because the nation’s law is set upon them, they and their promoters now seek to bring the roof down on everyone!

    Among the lot is a certain Professor Ibrahim Maqari, said to be the Deputy Imam of Abuja National Mosque. According to the cleric, the Muslims should not be faulted for fighting for themselves if their grievances were not properly addressed.

    Here is his tweet as reported last week: “It should be known to everyone that we the Muslims have some redlines beyond which MUST NOT be crossed. The dignity of the Prophet (PBUH) is at the forefront of the redlines…If our grievances are not properly addressed, then we should not be criticized for addressing them ourselves.”

    Group grievances? Are there limits to such more so in a country where each group seems to have a word or two to say about oppression and feelings of marginalisation if not persecution?  And the open invitation to self-help in a country with a surfeit of laws? Where would that lead to in our culturally diverse and multi-religious country?

    Mercifully, not a few disagree that the route which the cleric seeks to promote – which affirms the primacy of street jurisprudence and mob justice over the dictates of the law and process – is the surest path to anarchy. Even the controversial Sheik Gumi has since scoffed at the very idea that some individuals can simply wake up and decree fatwa on fellow citizens without the niceties of process.

    Even at that, the highest court in the land, the Supreme Court has long before now provided a general guide on crime and punishment all of which brooks no arbitrariness.

    I refer here to the lead judgment of Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammad (now Chief Justice of Nigeria) in the Abubakar Dan Shalla versus State 2007.  The Islamic law, said the learned jurist, never left the killing open in the hands of private individuals. Where offences are alleged, he said further, this has to be established through evidence in the court of law in which the rules of fair hearing are scrupulously observed.

    For now, the world can’t wait to see the killers of Deborah brought to the standard of justice denied her. That will be one sure way to establish that mob justice, whether in the streets of Lagos or Sokoto has no place in our justice delivery system – and certainly not in this day and age!

  • Season of political delinquency

    Season of political delinquency

    With one score plus presidential hopefuls and countless other pretenders crowding the field weeks to the primaries, those who brought up the idea of a hefty prize for the first hurdle must be ruing the decision not to make the cost even stiffer. I understand that some Nigerians still can’t wrap their heads around the princely N100 million fee for a job whose entire compensation package over a four-year comes to a mere fraction of the tidy sum. But then, that – given the experience of the past week – has in itself, has turned a gross misreading of the psychology of the cult from Nigeria’s College of Comedy. For whereas APC Abdullahi Adamu’s N100 million hurdle – and to a lesser still, Iyorchia Ayu’s N40 million presidential tag – may have been meant to separate the boys from the men, a bridge to cross if only to spare the citizen the headache of separating the line-up of delinquents from the row of serious contenders, we have again been handed additional evidence of the peccadilloes of elements so utterly out of touch with the Nigerian reality; a band so tragically lacking in character and so irredeemably impervious to good judgment that it would be a travesty to describe them as leaders!

    Yes, the Nigerian delinquency with its infinite capacity to mutate never ceases to amaze. The other day, newspapers reported the nation’s number one law officer, Abubakar Malami, as distributing 30 exotic cars to his political associates and supporters in Kebbi State. Among the pricey toys are 14 Mercedes-Benz (GLK) said to be for ‘dedicated social media influencers promoting his gubernatorial ambition’, eight Prado SUVs, four Toyota Hilux, and four Lexus LX 570 for other sundry operatives.

    Now, did he do any wrong? Of course the answer would depend of which end of the moral totem pole the assessor chooses to stand. Yes, Umar Gwandu, his media hand has since clarified that the vehicles in question were donated by friends and associates to members of his foundation and not to APC delegates or stakeholders in the state. I believe him. We all should. In any case, as the Chief Law Officer of the federation, he should know enough of the law not to run afoul of the provisions of Paragraph 6 (1) of the Code of Conduct for public officers. That section provides that: ‘A public officer shall not ask for or accept property or benefits of any kind for himself or any other person on account of anything done or omitted to be done by him in the discharge of his duties”. Never mind that the public officer in question has only days before declared his intention to run for an elective office in his home state of Kebbi.

    Why bother with optics when politics is in full bloom?

    Today, the critics ought to know better than query the powerful individual whose word is now law; a legal functionary who, vide an ingenious judicial manoeuvre in a Federal High Court in Umuahia, Abia State, outsmarted the parliament and rendered the entire Section 84 (12) of the Electoral Act a nullity! To those who do not know, the provision says: ‘No political appointee at any level shall be a voting delegate or be voted for at the convention or congress of any political party for the purpose of the nomination of candidates for any election’.

    Take a bow – Messrs Chris Ngige, Rotimi Amaechi, Chukwuemeka Nwajiuba; some laws are best kept in abeyance particularly when some powerful political operatives of the Buhari administration are involved!

    However, it is Godwin Emefiele, the nation’s number one banker under whom the apex bank has transmuted into the lender of the first and last resort that we must turn for a classic in political delinquency. Never mind his penchant to play the coy mistress; that the man covets the top job is no longer news. The only problem is that the corpse that the Meffy gang has sought to inter deep beneath the earth has its legs jutting out as if to dare the sun!

    Talk of the scores of Meffy branded campaign vehicles which speak to months and perhaps years of careful preparation; the choice media ads that leaves no one in doubt about the deep pockets behind the quest, the spectacular endorsement by some loonies wearing military camouflage while brandishing AK-47s. Minus the latter’s display of illegal weapons and heedless outlawry, all of the above would have been just fine! To these fuzzy backgrounds has now been added last week’s disclosure that a group of amorphous farmers under the banner of a coalition of commodity associations has finally taken the unprecedented step of pooling N100 million to enable Emefiele run for the dream office.

    Yes, not a few worry that the man may have crossed the line.  In this, no one has suggested that the chief superintendent of the free-spending CBN is not ‘qualified’ to run for the highest job. What appears at issue is his fidelity to the CBN Act which governs the appointment of the number one banker, his professional judgment in the circumstance that the office requires a hands-on tenure; the dictates of public morality and the imperative that goes with safeguarding its institutional integrity.

    Needless to state that two top lawyers – Rotimi Akeredolu SAN, the Ondo State governor, and Chidi Anselm Odinkalu, a law professor – see the man as coming miserably short on all the counts. They say he wants to eat his cake and still have it. And that rather than the three-month notice which the law demanded in the circumstance, the man would rather latch on some threadbare legality as if to inoculate himself from the harsh judgment of history.

    Imagine, to his full time job at the CBN corporate headquarters would now be added the potentially enervating shuttles to the courts all in the desperate bid to secure a legal shield to remain in office. A distraction? Think of the hustings that go with the quest for the presidential trophy – something that the CBN Act neither envisaged nor permitted; and all of these in the midst of an unprecedented social and economic crisis. That is how costly political delinquency can sometimes be under an ineffectual, vacillating presidency!

    I end today’s piece with a little note on Tambuwal Doctrine. Yes, there’s no guessing the name behind it – it is Aminu Tambuwal, the Sokoto State governor. Although not fleshed out in any formal sense, the doctrine was supposed to be a caveat, a sort of warning, meant for the proponents of zoning in his party – the PDP even if I dare say that the APC has since caught the bug.

    It goes like this: Zoning might be sweet music to the ears and perhaps choice strategy for those who seek justice and fair-play in the Nigerian federation; winning is far sweeter still!

    In a clear message to those angling for the former, he says they only need to consider the demographic composition of the country and the trend in past election results to appreciate the difference!

    You summed it right; political opportunism has no other name!

  • Pensions: Making the good better!

    Pensions: Making the good better!

    If you have followed the on-going debates on the amendment of the Pension Reforms Act 2014, you are most likely to be struck by how much has changed in terms of the tenor, substance and everything in-between of the subject matter. A revolutionary piece of legislation that has changed the face of pension administration in Nigeria, that the Pension Reforms Act has remained one of the most solid, or if you like, enduring dividends of our current democratic experience is not only beyond debate; even the tilted dynamics, now very much in favour of the retiree as against the pension authorities is something that Nigerians ought to be proud of.

    Thanks to President Olusegun Obasanjo and the technical crew led by former top banker, Fola Adeola, the country has certainly come a long way. By this I mean of course the transition from the so-called Defined Benefits System (which assumed – rather recklessly then and, as it turned out, most unrealistically long after – that governments will always have the will, mechanism and the means, to settle their obligations to pensioners in their grey years); to the current Contributory Pensions System (under which future retirees and employers are mandated to set aside a fraction of current earnings to guarantee certainty in meeting pension obligations).

    Only those who are probably either too young or perhaps uneducated about the sheer agony that retirees had to put up with under that old system, would describe that transition as anything but revolutionary.

    There is therefore a lot to celebrate in its coming and evolution. The original legislation in 2004 that set the pace of the reform, the subsequent amendment of the law in 2014 which further raised the stakes and now a solid pension structure with an impressive N13 trillion in RSA to boot has become a living proof of its unqualified success.

    This is where the latest quest by the National Assembly, to make things even better particularly for the retiree can best be situated for better appreciation.

    At issue – and this is yours truly’s way of framing it –is Section 7 (1) (a) of the Pension Reform Act (PRA) 2014 which allows for only 25 per cent of the retirement savings to be paid as lump sum to a retiree. Now, the National Assembly seeks to push for 75 per cent of the RSA instead; to be paid upfront to the retiree, convinced as it were, that the retirees deserve a fairer deal than what the current paltry one-quarter of the whole would permit.

    Both parties surely, have done their bit to press their cases.  To the regulator – the Nigerian Pensions Commission, Pencom, those behind the agitation actually miss the point. “That suggestion”, it argues “converts the CPS into a Provident Fund and leaves such a retiree with no periodic pensions, contrary to the requirement of Section 173 of the 1999 Constitution’’. That was Pencom boss Aisha Dahir-Umar in her widely publicised objection to the amendment as presented to the National Assembly.

    She would carefully remind that the provision of monthly pensions is central to the objective of mitigating old age poverty under the CPS particularly as the retirement benefits payment template ensured that the RSA had enough balance and should be sufficient to provide at least 50 per cent of the retiree’s terminal pay as monthly pensions.

    ”It is”, she said, “inaccurate to suggest that there is a fixed lump sum for all retirees; rather the lump sum is determined after securing a minimum replacement ratio of 50 per cent of last pay as monthly pensions.”

    “It is doubtful if the 25 per cent balance in a retiree’s RSA, after deduction of 75 per cent lump sum, would be adequate to reasonably cater for his livelihood in old age.

    And this: “It is important to note that the payment of 75 per cent of RSA balance as lump sum upon retirement is not obtainable in other jurisdictions operating the CPS”.

    To her, he way out of the agitation for the payment of “at least 75 per cent lump sum’’ is the full “implementation of the provision of Section 4(4) (a) of the PRA, 2014 dealing with payment of additional benefits upon retirement. It provides that notwithstanding any of the provisions of this Act, an employer may agree on payment of additional benefits to the employee upon retirement.

    Fine, unassailable arguments, no doubt. And she’s probably right up to a point – except that the other side of the debate would appear just as persuasive. Beginning with the whole idea behind the pension reform; those pressing for the amendment have argued that this was primarily to serve the interest of the retirees as against the interest of big business represented by fund traders or custodians.

    Second, that it was ludicrous, if not entirely unjust, to hand the retiree a mere 25 percent of his savings – call it a pittance – leaving the balance in the custody of the fund administrators.  Point is, many people can’t understand why an individual at a relatively ‘youthful age’ of 60 – the public sector’s mandatory age of retirement –couldn’t be allowed to exercise the discretion of drawing a minimum of 50 percent – at the very least – from his/her Retirement Savings Account (as against the prescription of 25 percent under the current law) to engage in profitable activities, which aside potentially guaranteeing higher returns also serves keep the mind and body of the retiree healthy and active.

    Third, is the usual fear of institutional subversion at some point; a living reality in an environment where nothing is guaranteed or held as sacrosanct. Here, Nigerians recall the nation’s ordeal in the hands of bankers; how can anyone forget that era of institutional lapses and outright delinquency under which some hitherto vibrant institutions were plundered by their supposedly savvy minders and which took nearly a trillion naira to underwrite?

    From here I guess flows the question – why should the individual, who after working his hands to the bones to put the funds in his RSA, shouldn’t be given the benefit of the doubt when it comes to exercising the options to deploy his funds for future welfare and economic interest?

    And now that the government and other powerful interests are swooning over the huge pension outlay supposedly to fund critical infrastructure and what they argue as best serving the public interest, who on earth can guarantee that the government actually mean well or isn’t up to its usual mischief?

    That we are no longer discussing issues of unfunded pensions, the endless bouts of verifications and the attendant indignities suffered by our citizens on pension verification rounds is one sure sign of progress. But that that progress, for it to endure must seek to preserve the primacy of the retiree’s interest as against that of the Pension Funds Administrators.

    Except there is something that the pension establishment have not yet told the National Assembly and the rest of us, nothing in the current amendment which is essentially about making the current ‘good’ to be ‘better’ can be said to be objectionable. If anything, it seems to me as part of the dynamics of change that the pension establishment would have to embrace.