Political analyst and Sunday Editor of The Nation Newspapers, Festus Eriye, joined by Senior Correspondent Dare Odufowokan to discuss the 2019 Presidential and National Assembly elections, Senator Godswill Akpabio and Senate President Bukola Saraki losing their senatorial seat.
Category: Festus Eriye
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2019 Elections: Sympathy for INEC
After the false start of February 16, Nigerians finally went to the polls yesterday to pick the man who would lead them for the next four years. As you read this, emerging trends would be pointing to the direction they have elected to go.
This election is likely to impact the political landscape in more significant ways than we can imagine because of the starkly contrasting visions of the leading contenders.
If President Muhammadu Buhari and his All Progressives Congress (APC) are re-elected, we may see more of his much-vaunted onslaught against corruption – especially with his firm declaration that it is his duty to jail looters.
We would see continued controls on foreign currency exchange rates and investment in infrastructure projects across the country. But more importantly, he would – at the end of his tenure – have had eight unbroken years to shape the nation in his image.
Were Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to prevail, then we are equally in for interesting times given his ambitious reform agenda. For starters, his signature campaign promise on restructuring the country is to be activated within six months of his assumption of office.
He has also promised to sell of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and discontinue the foreign currency controls of the Buhari administration. We should definitely expect that his approach to the war against corruption would be markedly different. I expect him to roll back a lot of things that Buhari has done in this area in much the same manner that the late Umaru Yar’Adua did after succeeding former President Olusegun Obasanjo.
The outcome of the presidential and National Assembly contest would also affect the governorship and state assembly polls in two weeks. Whenever we have had the presidential contest first, there has tended to be a bandwagon effect, simply because Nigerian politicians are terrified of languishing in the opposition wilderness.
So I expect that whoever wins between Buhari and Atiku, the impact would be profound in states where the margins between the parties are small.
It also means that we may see a greater level of desperation and violence in two weeks as key figures fight for their political lives.
That is par the course as far as Nigerian politics goes. Indeed, this campaign season shows us that not much has changed in the behaviour of our political elite in over five decades. Our elections are still fraught with chaotic preparations, violence, fraud and deliberate action on the part of politicians to make things unworkable.
As usual, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is caught in the eye of the storm. This is nothing new as virtually all who have had the misfortune of superintending this agency have come away with their reputation in tatters.
A sorry cast of names like Eyo Esua, Michael Ani, Justice Victor Ovie-Whiskey, Professor Eme Awa, Professor Humphrey Nwosu, Professor Okon Uya, Chief Sumner Dagogo-Jack, Ephraim Akpata, Abel Guobadia, Professor Maurice Iwu and Professor Attahiru Jega, highlights how a bunch of distinguished Nigeria were messed up by the electoral assignment.
It is not for nothing that the job has been dubbed a poisoned chalice over the years. Some of these men were mercifully relieved of the burden before they went too far, while a couple were virtually broken by their experiences.
A clear case is Nwosu who was in charge of the June 12, 1993 elections now perceived as one of the freest and better organised in Nigerian history. In the end, that election process was disrupted shortly before the results were announced by the military rulers and entrenched interests who desired a different outcome.
Nwosu was driven into internal exile – taking a virtual vow of silence ever since – simply for doing his job too well.
Jega was another one who left the position of election chief with limited damage to his reputation, still his tenure was characterised by notable shortcomings. We remember how the elections in 2011 were abruptly called off after many voters had been accredited and started voting in several locations.
While the postponement of 2015 was not entirely the fault of the commission – given that the Goodluck Jonathan administration virtually forced it on INEC on account of the security issues in the Northeast, it soon became clear that had the polls gone ahead on the earlier advertised dates they would have been marred by logistics challenges.
The improvements under Nwosu and Jega notwithstanding, the electoral process remains plagued by poor planning, logistics hiccups, fraud and compromise of electoral officers, vote buying and violence.
The shock announcement by INEC’s current chairman, Professor Mahmood Yakubu, in the early hours of February 16 calling off the polls was in keeping with the image of a bungling electoral body.
But with the benefit of hindsight, even the worst critic would admit that the commission deserves some consideration because even the best laid plans can go awry – especially when they are ‘Made in Nigeria’ plans.
Of course, there are legitimate questions to be asked of Yakubu and his team, about how they contrived to deliver a damp squib after four years of preparation. Still, it was not only the commission that was complicit in the latest cock-up.
It is suspicious how a succession of INEC offices in some states quickly went up in flames with the upshot being the incineration of thousands of Permanent Voters Cards (PVCs) and card readers.
What is known so far suggests that this was clearly the work of arsonists. These were not just random criminal minds fascinated by flames: this was clearly the handiwork of people with an interest in the electoral outcomes in their localities.
Several people have also been arrested after scores of card readers and voters cards were found in their possession. In some cases, the readers were located in bushes where they had been dumped. These incidents confirm reports that politicians have been actively going about buying the cards off potential voters.
A day before the abandoned February 16 polling day, hundreds of thugs imported from neighbouring states, were apprehended in Akwa Ibom. Although the elections ended up not holding, these characters still managed to wreak violence in some communities leaving the charred remains of several vehicles in the wake.
Across the states it has been the same story of bloodletting as tension built up towards polling day.
So even if INEC had been perfect in its logistics arrangements, the direct consequence of criminal elements being let loose in their hundreds on hapless communities would have been untold mayhem and disruption of the electoral process.
Again, the point has to be made that the people mobilising and financing hundreds of armed thugs are not INEC officials but politicians across the divide.
One of the big stories of this campaign season was the decision of the electoral body to bar APC from fielding candidates in Zamfara and Rivers States. As at Friday, the former got a reprieve with the commission agreeing to put the party’s members back on the ballot.
Forty-eight hours to polling day, APC in these two states was still trying to convince INEC to include it on the ballot. This crisis situation only compounded the logistics dilemma the commission had to deal with – through no fault of theirs.
The party had sufficient time to address the simple matter of picking its candidates but egotistical leaders and local godfathers insisted on having their way – thereby creating a needless crisis.
It all makes the job of managing elections in Nigeria an impossible one. Perhaps the electoral body can take some consolation from the fact that it being savaged by APC and PDP – which suggests to me that it is doing something right. An agency that has stood up to the ruling party and shut out its candidates in Rivers, and until Friday in Zamfara, certainly has earned the ‘Independent’ in its name.
Re: Obasanjo: Elder statesman or political fixer?
Thank you Eriye for that clinical dissection of chief Obasanjo, the nation’s tormentor-in-chief. Obasanjo knows the much harm he had inflicted on the country while in power and is always on guard to shield himself from the unpleasant consequences whenever he sensed one coming.
President Buhari has said he would go tougher on all that had looted the country one way or the other from 2019, and Obasanjo understands exactly what he mean. Tell a tree it will be cut down tomorrow it would still be standing there waiting for you. But you don’t let out such a threat to human being and expect him to stand there waiting for you.
So Obasanjo sensing danger in Buhari’s determination to go after all the looters of the nation’s treasury after his reelection shouldn’t be expected to just fold his hand watching the reelection of Buhari come true, knowing the implication to him.

•Chief Obasanjo Which is why he is all out to stop Buhari at all cost. And this he hopes to achieve using the platform of distractive letter-writings usually couched in the garp of his ‘love for the nation and a desire to move it forward’.
This is the very complex that inspires his messianic delusion always aimed at diverting our attention away from his numerous harm against on the country. Its quite disturbing that a man who had spent his entire life as a soldier, not doing any other busines, and who as well ended up as rich as the country itself should be the same accusing every other Nigerian of corruption and nobody is asking questioning about his own source of humongous wealth.
While in power, Obasanjo knew exactly what those that worked under him were looting from d country from the day one but would feign ignorance of it so long they remain submitted to his manipulations. But God help u d day u disagree with him; then you would know that EFCC wasn’t there for nothing.
To him, just as you had reflected, no Nigerian president is a performer except those who would allow him to still control the reins of power by proxy, though that doesn’t stop him from tagging you the worst president the nation ever had still, the day you dare want to be your own man. That’s Obasanjo’s nature of love for the country and method of assessing who a true Nigerian leader is.
So when all of a sudden he severed relationship with Buhari and in quick succession came up with different kinds of letters accusing the president of all manner of wrongdoing, Nigerians should know exactly where he is coming from.
- From Emmanuel Egwu
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State of The Nation: There will be massive voters turnout – Eriye
Political analyst and Sunday Editor of The Nation Newspapers, Festus Eriye, joined by Senior Correspondent Dare Odufowokan to discuss, the rescheduled 2019 election, President Muhammadu Buhari, ballot box snatching, INEC, Mahmood Yakubu, PDP and APC.
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State of the Nation: Amosun biggest loser at disrupted presidential rally – Eriye
Political analyst and Sunday Editor of The Nation Newspapers, Festus Eriye, joined by Senior Correspondent Dare Odufowokan to discuss, the disruption of Ogun State Presidential and 2019 elections.
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Ezekwesili, Moghalu and other also-rans
Only the All Progressives Congress’ (APC) Muhammadu Buhari or the Peoples Democratic Party’s (PDP) Atiku Abubakar, have a chance of being elected Nigeria’s next president come February 16.
Yet, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has a long list of other names aspiring to this office, even if the closest they would ever get to becoming president is on their beautifully-designed posters!
These are the latest in the long line of eccentric characters who have added colour to our politics through the years. I speak of the likes of the late lawyer, Tunji Braithwaite, who running on the platform of the defunct Nigeria Advance Party (NAP) threatened to exterminate mosquitoes and cockroaches across the land. Many took him literally, and when they recovered from their fits of mirth, his presidential dreams became the primary casualty.
You had the late Fela Anikulapo-Kuti who, had he been improbably elected president, would have had internecine warfare on his hands deciding who amongst his 27 queens would have been First Lady. Mercifully, his political ambitions melted away like the notes one of his less-than-successful songs.
Who can forget the foray of the effervescent Pastor Chris Okotie, founder of the Household of God Church? He plunged into the race confidently assuring Nigerians that he had the assurance of heaven to make the bid. Who are we to query God? But the Lord must have backed out of the project somewhere between the pastor’s declaration and polling day, because he only managed a couple of thousands of votes nationwide.
Still, we are grateful to Okotie whose campaign wasn’t noted for the novelty of his proposals for governance, but for stump speeches laden with earth-shaking English words that would have required a battery of professors to decode for the National Assembly had he ever entered Aso Rock.
This recollection would be incomplete without mentioning the inimitable Gani Fawehinmi who ran on the platform of the National Conscience Party (NCP). He was often referred to as the Senior Advocate of the Masses (SAM). Unfortunately, they abandoned him when he needed them most – on polling day. The poor man was then left to carry out his political campaigns in the courts.
The 2019 class of also-rans equally has its own share of interesting characters – although none of them as colourful as any of the aforementioned. They include the Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate – and one-time PDP rising star – Donald Duke.
The list has former Central Bank Deputy Governor, Kingsley Moghalu, businessman and one-time activist, Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim of Peoples Trust Party, activist and publisher Omoyele Sowore, as well as motivational speaker Fela Durotoye.
One of the most well-known names among the lot is the Bring back Our Girls (BBOG) campaigner and former Minister of Education, Oby Ezekwesili. Even after dramatically throwing in the towel, INEC would not let her go.
I suspect that beyond the soundbites for television cameras and newspapers, these individuals know deep down none of them would be president this year. So what would make an ordinarily rational, well-educated, experienced, accomplished and widely-travelled man or woman, persist in a very expensive race to nowhere?
I can only guess that their running for president, specifically, is a means to some other end. You could also argue that some have outsized egos that need to be caressed by the notion they ran for president – albeit on some rickety political platform.
But then politicians are also some of the most optimistic beings on the planet. They know they can’t get the prize first time out, but keep coming back in the hope of hitting the jackpot along the line. Who remembers today that there was a time when Rochas Okorocha used to entertain us with is presidential bids? But one day he rationalised his ambitions and now is governor of Imo State.
The thing about these fringe candidates is that sometimes they make a difference in a tight race – especially if they are people with grassroots following. In the 1992 US presidential contest, the third party candidate – billionaire businessman Ross Perot – took away enough votes from the Republican George H. W. Bush, allowing the Democrat Bill Clinton to emerge victorious.
The problem for the 2019 bunch is that none of them really has the kind of grassroots following that counts – except on Twitter and Instagram. In the social media age that might mean something, but is not likely to get you anywhere near a local government chairman’s seat.
Some of them are vociferous critics of government and are usually brimming with ideas on how to transform the economy and the nation at large. But you cannot implement your ideas unless to find the right platform and get elected.
If your ideas are to address today’s problems, then you must use the existing vehicles that can get you there. Anything else is just utopian daydreaming. In Nigeria at this point, only the APC or PDP can get you the presidency and it doesn’t matter how badly you think they stink.
But such is our fascination with the presidency that we’ve become seduced with the notion that it is only through that office that you can impact governance and society. Some of those dreaming of becoming president – given their training and exposure – would make excellent representatives or senators.
People forget that Barack Obama was an ambitious community activist who didn’t jump from nowhere to run for US president. He first got into the Senate and used it as a platform to showcase his extraordinary political and oratorical gifts. It worked a charm because just four years after he became a lawmaker, he was elected president.
But that said, I am full of admiration for these men and women who even in the face of ridicule have stuck to their guns and invested resources on what may appear at this point a futile exercise. They chose to get their hands dirty rather than sit idly by cursing our bungling rulers.
We should encourage them to stay the course irrespective of the fate that awaits them on February 16. Perhaps, they could, like Okorocha, rationalise their ambitions and get into positions where they can begin to push their ideas through the system. And who knows, one day we may all be calling today’s ‘joker’ Mr. or Madame President.
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State of the Nation: Onnoghen suspension reinforces Buhari anti-corruption credentials – Eriye
…Buhari won’t perform poorly in Southeast
Political analyst and Sunday Editor of The Nation Newspapers, Festus Eriye, joined by Senior Correspondent Dare Odufowokan to discuss, Walter Onnoghen suspension, 2019 election, President Muhammadu Buhari and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar chances at the 2019 elections.
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Obasanjo: Elder statesman or political fixer?
A Nigerian electoral cycle cannot be complete without former President Olusegun Obasanjo inserting himself into the middle of things.
That is because despite providence assigning him a privileged position as an elder statesman with enduring respect within and without the country, what he really hankers after is to be the nation’s preeminent political fixer.
His latest epistle on the state of the nation titled ‘Points for Concern and Action’ is a perfect example of this disposition. The said piece which compared President Muhammadu Buhari to the late General Sani Abacha, questioned the competence and integrity of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), accused Vice President Yemi Osinbajo of corruption and vote-buying among other things.
The piece reiterated Obasanjo’s assessment of Buhari’s performance as president. He wrote: “It is no use, at this juncture, to keep lamenting about the failure, incompetence, divisiveness, nepotism, encouragement and condonation of corruption by Buhari administration as there is neither redeeming feature nor personality to salvage the situation within that hierarchy. You cannot give what you don’t have.”
The ex-president first made his new-fangled contempt for the incumbent public last year when he called on Buhari to perish any thought of a second term. New-fangled, because four years ago he openly endorsed him in his concerted bid to topple then President Goodluck Jonathan.
As part of that early move to pre-determine the outcome of the 2019 electoral process, Obasanjo denounced the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and main opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as damaged beyond redemption, and not fit for the purpose of restoring the country’s fortunes.
He then dramatically proposed the emergence of a so-called ‘Third Force’ which he was prepared to midwife. Suspicious of this shiny new object which was being dangled before them so close to the next elections, both mainstream and fringe politicians, passed.
Left carrying the cadaver of his failed ‘Force’, Baba retreated for a season to his Abeokuta hilltop redoubt to collate every political grievance he could lay hands on – no matter how lame – while biding his time. Only the naïve would think that the timing of his most recent intervention was for anything other than ejecting his latest bete noire from office.
I have heard it said that as elder statesman, Obasanjo has an obligation to speak out on troubling issues in the polity and that the rest of us should patiently digest his message and ignore the messenger.
I have no problem hearing him out. I equally concede to him the right to freely express himself as a Nigerian citizen – especially an eminent one. But in doing so, he speaks from the exalted position of a former Head of State and now elder statesman.
Those in his place are very influential and their words attract attention inside and outside the country. It is only fair then that they don’t take undue advantage of their privileged position, and the only way to prevent that is to thoroughly examine both the message and the cleanliness of the hands of the messenger.
For starters, the very notion of being a statesman suggests the use of language that is restrained, temperate and diplomatic. Obasanjo’s communication is often abrasive, aggressive and often detracts from whatever message he seeks to pass across.
Rather than be bothered by that, he apparently revels is his ability to be as corrosive as possible – even if that means he, too, becomes the recipient of some pointed insults. Back in 2011, in one public exchange following comments made by former President Ibrahim Babangida in an interview to mark his 70th birthday, called him ‘a fool at 70.’ IBB replied that his one-time commander-in-chief was ‘a bigger fool, a failure and witless comedian.’
I know we always lament the failures of our leaders but I strain to recollect any time Obasanjo had something generous to say about any of his successors. He has judged everyone from military President Babangida to Buhari and found their performances wanting.
Even the likes of the late General Shehu Yar’Adua, who was only aspiring to be president, received putdowns in the form of questions about what he forgot in State House that he was returning for. The late M.K.O. Abiola was dismissed as not the messiah the nation was looking for. Apparently, that messiah had come in the form of ‘you know who’ and we didn’t recognise him!
The censorious tone he often takes suggests that his eight years in office error-free and we lived in heaven on earth in these parts. Many Nigerians would paint a totally different picture.
What is especially amusing about his latest public statement is the attempt to accuse Buhari of unconstitutional actions. Even if the administration were guilty of the charges, Obasanjo is hardly the one to be lobbing stones when he wrote the manual for undermining the constitution.
Under him a number of governors were hounded out office using dodgy impeachment procedures. To his shame, the courts restored all the governors that were so removed.
A couple of weeks ago, former Oyo State Governor, Rasheed Ladoja, in a newspaper interview replayed how, giddy with power, the former president displayed his contempt for the law of the land. He and a couple of other senior PDP politicians had gone to Obasanjo’s Abeokuta home to plead with him to stop the threatened impeachment.
Ladoja picks up the story. “We went to Abeokuta. I, (Olagunsoye) Oyinlola, (Gbenga) Daniel and (Olusegun) Agagu,” he said. “We went to see him and they said: Baba, you can prevent the impeachment and he said ‘Rashidi, go and resign’. I said no, I won’t resign. He said, ‘Well, if you don’t resign, then you will be removed’. I said no, they can’t remove me because they cannot get two-thirds of the members of the state House of Assembly to remove me. He said ‘two-thirds my foot, the constitution my foot!”
Admittedly, the fact that Obasanjo abused the constitution does not make it acceptable behaviour for any of his successors. What most people find revolting is the pot calling the kettle names. Hypocrisy is not a word is he’s familiar with.
Obasanjo is not infallible as we have seen from his botched bid to foist himself on the nation for a third term, as well as the stillbirth suffered by his ‘Third Force.’ That means that his ideas and public interventions must be challenged vigorously – especially where they are calculated to influence electoral outcomes.
In the recent past, he has been lucky to correctly judge which way the wind was blowing and jump on the bandwagon. He did so successfully in 2015 – but it wasn’t prescience on his part but opportunism. Four years ago it was so obvious that something momentous was about to happen in the polity.
Granted, the APC were glad to have his endorsement and add his voice to the coalition for change – so they beat the bush path to his door. It is the same way today: with the PDP singing his praises for hanging Buhari out to dry. Truth is, the contest for power is brutal business and the protagonists will co-opt any ally to achieve their ends.
The success of the 2015 experiment may have encouraged Obasanjo’s latest intervention. He is clearly a man who believes that he has the power to make and unmake rulers in Nigeria. He is also someone who throws his all into his battle: even if it meant making up with his former deputy. He once swore God won’t forgive him if he did that.
He has made his play with regards to the February 16 election. Now that the battle has been joined, Buhari, Atiku and Obasanjo are all fighting for their political lives.
If PDP wins, Buhari retires to Daura. An APC victory will not only retire Atiku, it would also abruptly terminate Obasanjo’s reign as the ultimate kingmaker. The ruling party would have achieved victory despite his best efforts to undermine them and they would owe him nothing.
But whoever wins it is time to question Obasanjo’s letter-writing pastime. While it is not against the law to speak out against your successors, the convention around the globe is that you give them space to govern and leave the people to decide their fate.
Whether it is in the US, UK, South Africa or Ghana, you don’t find ex-presidents or Prime Ministers engaged in running verbal combat with incumbents.
That is why Barack Obama isn’t jumping down Donald Trump’s throat, why Thabo Mbeki wasn’t haranguing Jacob Zuma whilst he was in power, and why you don’t hear John Kuffuor or John Mahama excoriating Ghanaian President, Nana Akufo-Addo, every now and then.
Hopefully, Baba would give his pen a rest… very soon!
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2019 polls and the gaffe factor
This was the week the humdrum 2019 election campaigns came alive.
First, it was the opposition gloating over President Muhammadu Buhari’s performance during the NTA town hall programme ‘The Candidates,’ where he took questions in company of Vice President Yemi Osinbajo.
The consensus of the critics was that the president was clueless on most subjects he was asked to address – leaving Osinbajo to helpfully spring forward with illuminating answers. In fact, the Vice President’s interventions became too frequent that the anchor, Kadaria Ahmed, had to interject that Buhari ‘can speak for himself.’
Supporters of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Atiku Abubakar, were all over social media sharing memes supposedly of leading All Progressives Congress (APC) figures looking stricken at the responses of their principal.
While the ‘Atikulators’ were still licking their chops in anticipation of what would happen at the forthcoming presidential debate, the ruling party’s campaign train berthed in Lokoja to a stunning welcome by another massive crowd. But what was news on social media was the image of the president tripping on the wing of his babanriga.
This was quickly celebrated by his foes as a ‘collapse’ by reason of ill-health. The APC twitter account soon hit back with an image of Barack Obama tripping on a public stage while still in office as US president. The message? The young also fall!
But even the most quick-witted of presidential defenders must have been stumped by what came next. Before a packed stadium in Warri, Delta State, Buhari while handing a flag to the APC’s governorship candidate, Great Ogboru, referred to him as ‘presidential candidate’! When a nearby official corrected him, he said ‘senatorial candidate’, before finally getting it right as gubernatorial or ‘governortorial’ candidate – depending on what you heard.
I am sure that even APC diehards with a sense of humour would have found the incident amusing, after getting over their initial embarrassment.
It was a gift from heaven to the opposition hordes starved of something to beat the president over the head with. The videos went viral with accompanying commentary that it was further evidence of the man’s unsuitability for the office he seeks.
So how much will Buhari’s public speaking skills or his being prone to gaffes affect his chances? Will they became the game-changers at this election? Not likely, if you ask me.
The jury is still out as to the impact of these debates. Around the world we have seen that they can tip things one way or the other in tight races. They can also help introduce upstart challengers to the electorate in dramatic fashion.
But that is not the case in this election. Buhari and Atiku are figures whom Nigerians are fairly familiar with. Both the president’s supporters and opponents also know he is no debater. In 2011, when he showed up for one such event he was outshone by the dazzling performance of Ibrahim Shekarau who was the candidate of the then All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP).
In spite of Shekarau’s oratory, he was a mere footnote at those polls dominated by Goodluck Jonathan and Buhari – two men not noted for their oratorical skills.
In environments such as ours, these debates are mere elite entertainment with little influence on electoral outcomes. The market woman who is going to vote Buhari or Atiku would not be doing so because of the candidates’ gift of gab, but based on more mundane factors.
So, we come to the gaffes. Up till date there’s a standing joke that PDP supporters entertain themselves with. They claim that at a press conference called late in 2014 to introduce his running mate, Buhari referred to Osinbanjo as ‘Osinbade’!
I am sure there were other gaffes made by the man during that electoral cycle, which people no longer remember. Depend on it that he would mangle a few more names before this campaign season is done. What is important is that, just as it had little or no impact in 2015, it’s won’t change much this time.
You only need to look at examples elsewhere to understand the limit to the damage gaffes can do. Ronald Reagan was one of America’s most popular presidents in the last four decades, but he was also a gaffe machine.
George W. Bush often stumbled from error to error – mangling syntax in the process. As for the incumbent US president Donald Trump, the less said the better. I am sure if you typed ‘gaffe’ in Google search, the image of the president would pop up! But in spite of the outrageous things he spews out of his mouth, his base of support remains rock solid.
British Prime Minister Theresa May goofed at her party’s last conference and one of her predecessors, Gordon Brown, sometimes had to have his foot extracted from his mouth.
I understand that the opposition has to do what it must do – which is hurl at Buhari whatever they think can damage him. Unfortunately for them, in the president they are confronted with one of those political foes that are difficult to handle.
They are polarising figures who are loved with as much passion as they are hated. Those who love them do so warts and all; those who despise them would remain that way even if they are transformed into angels.
Reagan, in his day, was nicknamed in the media “the Teflon President,” because of public perceptions that he was never tarnished by the controversies that arose during his administration.
According to the Congresswoman Patricia Schroeder, who coined the phrase, and the Washington Post reporter Howard Kurtz, the epithet referred to Reagan’s ability to “do almost anything wrong and not get blamed for it.”
He was never respected for his intellect – indeed many in the chattering classes viewed him as very shallow. He was notorious for dozing off during cabinet meetings. But despite his well-advertised shortcomings he had some of the highest popularity ratings of any US president ever.
Just like Buhari, Reagan was an old man – almost 70 when he took office and was 78 when he left – and this was blamed for his struggles. In the last few days as the president went from poor town hall outing to campaign ground stumble, his critics started raising old questions about his age.
These were the same questions he was confronted with in 2015. Back then he was running against a man in his 50s – so the contrast was stark. This time, one of two old men – Buhari, 76, or Atiku 72 – would be elected president come February 16. Based on existing parameters they are the only ones that stand a chance. Their parties are also not about to substitute them. So, our choices are set in stone for now.
You would expect that it would cause us to leave age and move on to other things. However, this is a campaign where serious issues have become non-issues, so age has been thrust to the fore again.
Any fair discussion about age should address the fact that Atiku is also in his 70s. He may look like he’s in better health than Buhari, but the long term fitness of a septuagenarian is not something you can bet a bank on.
Recently, an attempt by a BBC reporter, Mayeni Jones, to raise the age question with the PDP flagbearer had him protesting about people discriminating against him because of his age. He said he had not stopped younger people from running. So, I suspect that this will not be comfortable territory even for Atiku.
Which safely leads me to conclude that this election will not be decided by factors like debates, gaffes and age. You can also discount any serious discussion of issues like security, corruption or the economy.
It would boil down, as often as is the case, to the personalities of the leading candidates. Over the years Buhari’s selling point has been the public belief that he’s honest and straightforward. The crowds baying ‘Sai Baba’ won’t be too bothered if tomorrow he mistakenly hands the APC flag to the President of Ghana!
As for Atiku, the best the opposition can say is that he’s the anti-Buhari: energetic, a democrat and advocate of restructuring. But the other side of being the anti-Buhari is to be branded the poster boy for sleaze.
For years he’s been struggling to separate himself from the tag of corruption hung on his neck by his foes. He would require the skills of a political Houdini to successfully deodorise himself before the electorate in just four weeks.
Atiku goes to America
Atiku Abubakar’s surprise trip to the United States is a public relations coup for him personally and for his party.
His inability to enter the US over the past 12 years has been a cloud over his head and a reference point for those who accuse him of wrongdoing. He has been able to strike off one negative and deny the ruling APC a major weapon of attack.What I find especially impressive is the fact that details of the trip were so closely guarded and were not made public until the team was landing at Dulles Airport. It was stunning because there was no certainty that he even had a visa and thoughts that the visit would actually happen had receded in the public space.
While the trip lasts, the feel-good factor would help to energise his base. But I don’t see many defecting to his side because he finally entered Washington D.C. Crucially, I doubt whether this close to the elections there are still many undecided voters who would be sufficiently impressed by the fact that he finally got an American visa.
Unlike the 2015 polls when so much was made about the influence of Obama and the Americans on the polls, any suggestion that there could be external influence that may significantly affect the February 16 outcome, would be gross exaggeration.
To all intents this was at best a meet-and-greet trip – nothing for the PDP to get too rapturous about and nothing for the APC to mourn over.
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2019 and Nigeria’s kidnapping epidemic
It is amusing watching government spokesmen discomfit the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) with allegations that it is playing politics with the blood of gallant Nigerian soldiers who fell to the firepower of Boko Haram insurgents during their recent raid at Metele village in Borno State.
A choice characterisation was to say they were ‘dancing on the graves’ of the unfortunate soldiers. How exactly did the PDP do this? By criticising the administration’s management of the long-drawn war against the insurgents in the Northeast.
In 2014 when roles were reversed and the Goodluck Jonathan administration was battling unsuccessfully to contain the Boko Haram hordes, it was the then opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) chiefs who used to excoriate the government as ‘clueless.’
Its candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, a retired army general was pumped up as the tough guy with the know-how to bring the sect to heel. Back then, presidential spokesmen would make the same condescending noises about not politicising everything – especially national tragedies.
In the end, insecurity became one of the key issues that undermined Jonathan in the North and cemented his profiling as weak and incompetent.
Four years down the line, Buhari has grappled with the Boko Haram challenge with a measure of success. The group’s so-called caliphate with headquarters in Gwoza is now history, while all the local governments it once controlled have since been liberated.
That said, the sect as it showed with its recent deadly sortie in Metele, is still capable of launching devastating attacks against lonely outposts. Its alliance with Islamic State (IS) ensures that it can access finance, weapons and training to continue its reign of terror.
This reality has caused untold embarrassment to the government whose leading lights have been in a hurry to declare the insurgents ‘technically defeated.’ They didn’t learn any lessons from the experience of former US President George W. Bush who, famously, prematurely declared victory in the post-Iraq war conflict in 2003.
Barely weeks after posing triumphantly on an aircraft carrier with a ‘Mission Accomplished’ banner as backdrop, guerrilla warfare intensified – totally demolishing any notion that the Americans had successfully pacified the country.
Buhari and the APC may not have knocked out Boko Haram, but the most uncharitable of persons cannot deny that the Islamists – even with IS support – are not the force they were three or four years ago.
Back in 2015 all talk about insecurity revolved round the activities of the terrorists in the Northeast. Violent crimes of other types had not reached a crisis as to become critical in determining the outcome of the elections.
Two months to the next elections, insecurity remains firmly on the national agenda. Indeed, the security challenges have metastasized. While Boko Haram may be down, banditry and cattle rustling have been on the up in places like Zamfara where even leading members of the traditional leadership institution are being suspected of being in league with the criminals.
Until a few months ago, killings by herdsmen left scores of Nigerian villages desolate as the rampaging pastoralists vented their anger over lost cattle or denial of access for indiscriminate grazing. One of the most gripping images of this year remains the scenes of bereaved women weeping uncontrollably at the mass burials for victims of the killings in Benue.
After a series of missteps, the government seems to have come to grips with the problems by taking drastic steps such that killer herdsmen have since been displaced from newspaper front pages. Similarly, the bandits who forced Zamfara Governor Abdulaziz Yari to throw in the towel as chief security officer of the state, have suddenly become quiescent.
Even the Niger Delta which was troubled in the early days of the administration, has been pleasantly still. It has been ages since faceless bombers attacked isolated pipelines or crude oil production platforms. All the militants ‘generals’ with flamboyant nom de guerre have gone deathly silent.
But whatever successes the administration might claim on these other fronts is greatly undermined by the uncontrollable spread of kidnapping across the country. Whatever it has done to tamp down banditry in Zamfara and rein in killer herders, has not had any effect in discouraging abductors.
A few years ago I described this crime as Nigeria’s latest growth industry. That description is still very apt today. We are all witnesses to the gripping testimonies of witnesses at the ongoing trial of alleged billionaire kidnapper Evans.
Everyday there is a harrowing story by some victim. A few days ago, a House of Assembly candidate of the All Progressive Congress (APC) in Nasarawa State, David Ayele, was snatched as he left his home in Lafia. He was rescued in Pandam, Qua’an Pan Local Government of Plateau State after paying a ransom of N2 million to regain his freedom.
On Thursday, a Lagos High Court, sentenced a man who abducted the sister of the Managing Director of Emzor Pharmaceuticals, to 15 years imprisonment.
In the last two weeks there have been unending tales of people kidnapped while travelling between towns in Ekiti and Ondo States. Some of the victims even paid the ransom demanded by their abductors who still went ahead to kill them.
Nobody is safe. The pioneer kidnappers targeted foreign oil workers as part of the Niger Delta struggle. But when the expatriates fled, the militants started targeting the wealthy in their midst.
Today, it is not only the reasonably affluent that should worry. Kidnappers target even the poor: anyone that has a family that is sufficiently concerned about their welfare is fair game. A while back, former Kaduna State Governor, Balarabe Musa, raised the alarm about poor almajiris being seized from isolated farms and held for ransom as low as N3, 000!
Some of these accounts may seem like distant, impersonal – almost fictional tales. That is until it happens to you. In March this year, my family became victims of kidnappers. My younger brother, who is a pastor, was travelling with his wife to Abuja for a church event.
On the outskirts of Abuja, at a point called Kwaita Junction, gunmen suddenly opened fire on cars travelling on the road. Vehicles screeched to a halt and frightened occupants fled into the bushes – into the welcoming hands of kidnappers.
That was to be the beginning of four of the most harrowing days of my life. I contacted a very senior Police officer who is very knowledgeable about the activities of the kidnappers who operate in the axis between Abuja and Kaduna.
I equally reached another senior officer in the State Security Service (SSS) who assured me they were tracking the kidnappers and would soon catch up with them. Somehow his words rang hollow.
In my discussion with the police officer I was struck by the seeming helplessness of law enforcement confronted by a criminal activity that has reached epidemic proportions. He told me frankly that they always advise the families to negotiate first and secure the release of their loved ones while the police then chase after the abductors.
We followed his counsel and paid a ransom. Luckily for us, the story had a good ending as my brother and his wife, along with another woman who was abducted with them, were freed on the evening of the fourth day – after difficult and dramatic negotiations with erratic gunmen.
My brother told me that while they were being marched through the forest at night after being captured, the gunmen grumbled bitterly about their conditions – with some saying if they had a job that paid as low as N25, 000 they would prefer it to roaming around in the bush like animals.
I have never accepted poverty as an excuse for criminality. Millions of our people live below the poverty line yet they have not succumbed to a life of crime. That said, there are the weaker elements for whom economic pressures would always become a trigger to veer off the straight and narrow path.
It is no surprise, therefore, that we are witnessing this upsurge in kidnapping coinciding with the recession of the past three years. The abductions are not tied to any religious or political ends: they are simply business transactions.
Unfortunately for the rest of us, this is one very attractive business where for very little outlay you reap a mindboggling return on investment. Those who snatched my brother started negotiations at N15 million but they got nowhere near that. In some other cases, the pay-out can be truly bountiful.
For as long as the economy continues to struggle, we will have a problem with abductions for ransom. Even if Nigeria becomes an economic Eldorado, greed would still make kidnapping an attractive proposition because of the returns. We don’t have enough policemen in Nigeria to combat freelance kidnappers now operating at will North, South, East and West – or those they are likely to spawn.
Ever since the campaigns I have been waiting for the major parties to make statements recognising the gravity of the situation and offer policy suggestions on a matter that is affecting all categories of Nigerians – rich or poor, child or adult.
Hopefully, we can start a serious discussion on the changing face of insecurity in today’s Nigeria. The focus of the campaigns thus far is indicative of how out-of-touch some of those canvassing votes are concerning the issues that truly matter to the average person.
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The wonder called Jubril al-Sudani
The ‘Cabal’ in Aso Rock don’t always get the credit they deserve. We say the most uncomplimentary things about them when, actually, the guys are geniuses. Over the Jubril Aminu al-Sudani saga, they have gone and outdone themselves.
Now the whole world is talking about us and comedians on late night American TV shows are making jokes about President Muhammadu Buhari.
Just think of the breath-taking conception of the Jubril project and the flawless execution. It is unbelievable that Nigerians, long derided as serial bunglers, could have pulled this off.
God works in mysterious ways but to have created a Jubril who has Buhari’s almost exact physical attributes – such that he can pass for the president without raising curiosity – must be the 8th wonder of the world.
When I contemplate how many months the Sudanese impostor has been embedded in the Presidential Villa, I break out in cold sweat at night.
But what I find most impressive is how the Cabal managed to track down this doppelganger in some dark corner of Africa, ready and willing to be pressed into service in Nigeria without much ado. This surely rates as the 9th wonder.
Credit for that must go to Independent Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) leader Nnamdi Kanu for providing the intelligence. Never mind that not too long ago he was calling leading lights of the Cabal zoo keepers. In the dark, shadowy world of espionage anything can happen: even bitter foes can swap information when conditions permit.
Remember that shortly before vanishing form these shores Kanu constituted the Biafran Intelligence Services or something in that general direction. With such resources and far-flung network it would have been a piece of cake scooping the CIA, KGB, MOSSAD, SSS, NIA, MI6 and media – Western and local – to what was, until he blew it open, the world’s best kept secret.
Truly, Jubril is a wonder who deserves an Oscar for his amazing acting skills. He managed in a matter of months to perfectly replicate Buhari’s mannerisms, idiosyncrasies and speech patterns, developed over 75 years without anyone being the wiser.
Imagine, he successfully fooled members of the Federal Executive Council who regularly interact with him and even sometimes travel overseas with him. He managed to pull wool over the eyes of the likes of Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, APC national chairman Adams Oshiomhole, governors and the like.
Aside Osinbajo, I accept he could have beguiled these other gentlemen because of their irregular interaction with the president. What I find incredible is that Governors Ibikunle Amosun and Rochas Okorocha fell for his tricks! Given that they virtually moved into Aso Rock in pursuit of lost gubernatorial tickets, you would think they would have noticed something fishy.
Come to think of it, the real Buhari would have simply ordered Oshiomhole to hand the APC tickets to the governors’ chosen ones – given how close they are to him. Only a Sudanese could have been so obdurate, as to be taking orders from a mere party chairman. So, if you needed further evidence that there’s more to this Jubril business than meets the eye, this is it.
Jubril and the Cabal are a wonder to have successfully procured the cooperation of First Lady Aisha Buhari – a noted straight talker who shoots from the hip and would not have any truck with monkey business.
Someone who just nearly outed two unnamed powerful men who have grounded her husband’s administration, is not the sort of figure to casually acquiesce in such a grand conspiracy without turning whistle-blower. To have secured her silence is the 10th wonder of the world.
Let’s not forget that Aisha and the Cabal have not always been the best of pals. Her outburst against them back in the day, forced Buhari to openly assure the international community that her influence was limited to the “other room.” But then in power circles there are no permanent friends or foes, only permanent or common interests.
Jubril and the Cabal are a wonder because in their rush to install the usurper, they forgot to put in place an exit strategy. Would the man retire to farm life in Daura or would he be shipped back to the Sudan in a crate in 2023 when Buhari’s second term – assuming he wins in 2019 – expires?
We’ve only been given sketchy outlines of the complicated deal that would keep Jubril in power, presiding over our commonwealth ad infinitum. The only way that would happen is by passing a constitutional amendment that takes away the executive’s two-term limit.
For this to work, Senate President Bukola Saraki, would have to be co-opted. But I doubt that the man, still embittered at his treatment in APC, would play ball. The sheer prospect of another four years of Buhari, or of Jubril carrying on his policies, would surely have the Kwara strongman grinding his teeth in rage. That would leave the Jubril project in grave danger of implosion. Surely, the Cabal wouldn’t want that.
But let’s not get ahead of ourselves. There’s still the little matter of 2019 and how the outing of the impostor from the Horn of Africa could affect the outcome of the polls.
An influential church leader has already preached an explosive sermon on the matter demanding answers. It didn’t matter that Buhari had just told Nigerians in Poland that he was not a clone: it was really him in flesh and blood.
Rather than douse the fire, the president’s use of the word ‘clone’ inflamed things. The suspicious insist they never raised cloning but talked about an impostor who is in situ in the seat of power running things. All talk of cloning was simply a clever attempt to muddy the waters!
On social media, diehard believers in the legend of Jubril would have none of the president’s explanations. As one post sagely put it: what do you expect him to say? Did you really think he would admit to being the Sudanese mystery man?
After digesting the comments, it suddenly dawned on me why over 40 million Nigerians have mental disorders according to the Federal Ministry of Health. But the more this saga rumbles on, the more I am convinced that even this figure is a grievous undercount.
As for the PDP, it has not come out to say it believes its presidential candidate would be running against a foreign impostor. I suspect that at the right moment it would raise the grave constitutional implications of the matter and call on INEC to declare force majeure.
What they have said, however, is that the Jubril saga would not have arisen had there been greater openness at a time Buhari was hospitalised in London for over 100 days. Flowing from that, the president is being bashed over the head for making Nigeria the butt of jokes internationally.
But let me respectfully disagree. Even if there was livestreaming of Buhari’s 100 days in London, people would still believe what they want. And that is not unique to Nigeria.
America has one of the highest literacy rates in the world but despite their supposed enlightenment, the cancer of racism caused the Birther Movement to thrive for much of Barack Obama’s presidency. One of the key promoters of the suggestion that the US’ first black president might be a foreigner born in Kenya or Indonesia, is the incumbent Donald Trump.
Even after the official birth certificate showing that Obama was born in Hawaii surfaced, many chose not to believe. Instead, another round of conspiracy theories flared with many carefully scrutinising the document to point out supposed flaws suggesting it was faked.
As far as 2019 is concerned, I would say that Buhari might just be the luckiest man in politics. Given the state of the economy you would expect his foes to focus on that and the security challenges in different parts of the country to embarrass him.
Instead, those who say they want to conduct issue-based campaigns are allowing themselves to get sucked into celebrating the Yusuf story in the vain hope that it would somehow hurt the incumbent and the ruling party.
Unfortunately for them, outlandish stories never toppled anybody in these parts. In the late 80s the activist Tai Solarin got himself into trouble by lending his distinguished voice to the rumour that a certain $2.8billion oil proceeds had evaporated from the federation account. The story was part of the fuel that fired up the SAP riots at the time.
After he was grilled by a panel of inquiry as to the source of this weighty allegation, he said he picked it up from Ebony magazine. Sadly, there was nothing of the sort ever published by the paper. He equally said he heard it in the Molue bus! The Ibrahim Babangida regime ruled for several years thereafter, while a respected and honourable man was ridiculed and humiliated.
The opposition can continue offering Nigerians comic relief by giving life to the Yusuf tale by moonlight. But they may wake up on Election Day to discover that they have wasted time chasing shadows and have not offered the electorate a reason to oust the incumbent.
On the other hand, they could get back to the serious business of discussing the challenges facing our people and make this a competitive race.
The choice is theirs. They may be presently enjoying the jokes of American comedians Jimmy Kimmel and Trevor Noah, but what matters is who laughs last come February.