The Nation Newspaper

Category: Niyi Akinnaso

  • Governors, EFCC and the Supreme Court

    Governors, EFCC and the Supreme Court

    We always knew that other Governors would be interested in the ongoing cat-and-mouse, hide-and-seek, charade between the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and former Governor of Kogi state, Yahaya Bello, over alleged embezzlement of Kogi state funds. What we did not know is that as many as 15 other Governors would join him in fighting the EFCC. It is interesting that, for twenty years, no Governor realised the alleged illegitimacy of the EFCC since it was established in 2004, except these 16 wise Governors.

    Officially, according to court records, Bello wants the Supreme Court to declare that the EFCC and the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit operating within the Commission or any agency of the Federal Government cannot investigate, obtain records, invite, or arrest anyone concerning offenses arising from the administration and management of funds belonging to the state.

    Bello and the Governors joining his case think they have a legal basis to challenge the legality of the EFCC. According to them, the EFCC Act did not follow the provision of section 12 of the amended 1999 constitution, which requires the concurrence of majority of the state Houses of Assembly for the establishment of a treaty.

    The question is whether the EFCC Act is, indeed, a treaty, if by treaty is meant a formal agreement between two or more states (that is, countries). True, the establishment of the EFCC in 2002 was initially in response to pressure from an international organisation linked to the G7 group of countries to combat money laundering, for which Nigeria had been blacklisted, the Act was repealed in 2004 and replaced with the present one with a broad mandate to prosecute all kinds of financial crimes. There appears to be nothing in either the 2002 or the 2004 EFCC Act that makes it a treaty. At least, neither was an agreement that some other country had to sign, and the concurrence of any other country was not necessary for the Commission to carry out its work.

    But then, the Governors cited a precedent in which the Supreme Court alluded to Section 12 of the 1999 constitution, apparently in a similar case. It was the case of Dr. Joseph Nwobi vs Fereral Republic of Nigeria, in which the Supreme Court was said to have held that the EFCC Establishment Act emanated from a United Nations Convention against Corruption, without following the provision of Section 12 of the amended 1999 Constitution. As such, the Governors argued, the EFCC Act is illegal.

    True, the UN Convention against Corruption is a legally binding international anticorruption multilateral treaty, adopted in October 2003, it was not effective until 14 December 2005 apparently in order for participating countries to develop their own instruments for fighting corruption. Recourse to the UN was not required for such an instrument to be developed or to take effect. Nigeria already had an instrument in the EFCC Act of 2002. However, the Act was withdrawn and reenacted in June 2004 with a much broader mandate, and over a year before the UN Convention against Corruption became effective.

    A good reference point in this matter is the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in the United States from which we borrowed our system of government. In Nigeria, there are federal offenses and there are state offenses. So it is in the United States. Like the EFCC in Nigeria, the FBI investigates all kinds of federal offenses, including corruption, wherever they may occur. In all countries, corruption is a federal offense. At least that is the import of the UN Convention against Corruption, which is now binding on all member states. But ever before the UN Convention in question, the FBI has been investigating and charging offenders of all kinds in the United States.

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    When it comes to corruption alone, Legislators, Governors, and Mayors, have been indicted and found guilty of corruption, following FBI investigations. At least four past Governors of the State of Illinois have gone to prison on corruption charges, following FBI investigations, namely, Otto Kerner (1961-1968); Daniel Walker (1973-1977); George Ryan (199-2003) and Rod Blagojevich (2003-2009). As recently as July 2024, a New Jersey Senator, Robert Menendez, was indicted, and found guilty of corruption, while the FBI has referred the case of Mayor Eric Adams of New York City to a Grand Jury.

    Interestingly, while our Governors are busy fussing over the legality of the EFCC, the FBI was created in the Department of Justice by Attorney General Charles Bonaparte on July 26, 1908 as Bureau of Investigation. He did not even notify Congress about it until December of that year. It was renamed Federal Bureau of Investigation in 1935. In contrast to our use and drop hiring practice, one man, J. Edgar Hoover, was the Director of the FBI for 48 years (1924-1972) under eight Presidents (4 Democrats and 4 Republicans). The present FBI building was named after him to commemorate his long unblemished service. Today, the FBI has a much broader range of activities than the EFCC, and it carries out its activities across the globe, even here in Nigeria. Yet, no politician or anyone for that matter has questioned the legality of its creation.

    The case before the Supreme Court is beyond the legality of the EFCC. There is the question of the public good that has resulted from EFCC’s work in over 20 years. What about corrupt officials, who have been indicted by the EFCC, and jailed for corruption? What about the funds and property recovered from them? What about ongoing cases involving many Governors, including Bello? And what about the pyschological relief that at least the EFCC has been able to hold some officials to account?

    I am sure our Governor-Plaintiffs are aware of all this. Which is why observers think there is a hidden script behind their official posture. They may be afraid that the axe may soon fall on them like Yahaya Bello. After all, they have been under public scrutiny lately over their use of palliative funds and the huge federal allocations to the states. Not a few also think that they may be fighting back over the direct financial link established recently between the Federal Government and the Local Government Areas in their states. Otherwise, why would they join Bello in crying over the legality of a 20-year-old EFCC? The Supreme Court consists of citizens who live their lives in this country. They are aware of this prank too.

  • On resistance to change

    On resistance to change

    “Convincing them to accept a better way of doing things was a mountainous challenge. You know the initial reaction to anything new is resistance. To convince civil servants to accept our reforms was a big challenge.”

    Folashade Yemi-Esan, speaking at the Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation in Abuja on September 27, 2024

    “I think the biggest challenge we have when we are driving reforms is the mindset and the resistance to change. Once you are used to a certain method, a certain way of doing things, a new method comes in and we are not ready to even give that new method an opportunity.”

    — Folashade Yemi-Esan, speaking at a programme in Abuja for the Partnership to Engage Reform and Learn (PERL), a public-sector accountability and governance programme funded by the Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) of the UK. on October 7, 2024

    Within the past two weeks, the former Head of Service of the Federation, Dr. Folashade Yemi-Esan, CFR, has been making the rounds, speaking about what she described as “my biggest challenge in service,” namely, resistance to change. It must be assumed from her speech that it was a problem she noticed throughout her service but which she particularly encountered while driving reforms as Head of Service.

    Reforms come to the civil service from two major sources: (a) from outside the service, often from the executive and other political officeholders and (b) from within the service, often initiated by the Head of Service or Department Heads, such as Permanent Secretaries or Directors. In most cases, government policies are the major drivers of reform. In some cases, the government may be motivated by external forces, including lender agencies, such as the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund, or by protests rejecting certain policies or the economic situation of the country.

    Resistance to change is a universal human trait, as Mrs. Yemi-Esan herself acknowledged. The critical issue is what to do to lessen or even eliminate resistance to change in the face of major reforms. This is particularly critical for the present administration, which introduced major economic reforms from which citizens, including civil servants themselves, have not recovered. Mrs Yemi-Esan had her job cut out for her as the Head of Service during the first year of the administration she served before she retired.

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    It is unclear from her speeches above what she did or did not do in implementing the new policies and how she solved the challenges she encountered in the process. Nevertheless, it is worth discussing some major strategies for avoiding resistance to change by civil servants and for managing it should it occur.

    Numerous factors drive resistance to reforms, including leadership style, communication effectiveness, involvement of civil servants in the implementation process, and implementation procedures,

    Resistance is typically the first response if the leader is viewed as a distant operator or a bully, rather than a facilitator, who protests and promotes the interests of subordinates. Similarly, resistance often greets a leader, who rams reform down the throat of subordinates, rather than take pains to explain the reasons for reform and ensure their participation even before starting the implementation. The more subordinates buy into the reasons for change, the easier it is to enlist their participation.

    Besides, communication is key to ensuring subordinates’ participation and effective implementation of reforms. “Do it this way” is different from “How about trying this other way?” Does the leader incorporate subordinates in the implementation discussions? If a committee was set up, how broad is the membership across the service in terms of gender, ethnicity, religion, rank, region or state?

    It is important to bear in mind that getting things done in today’s civil service is different from getting things done in corporate establishments. Reforms in corporations and the directives for their implementation are usually top-down, while similar processes in the civil service require across the board participation. This is due in part to differences in tenure procedure, unionisation, and the general conception of government job as one not worth maximum effort. So, why should one kill oneself doing it? This is a deep-seated attitude to work in the civil service that requires serious attention. A facilitating leader must be ready to provide incentives, show the benefits of effective participation in the process, while also alluding to the consequences of non-participation. They should be prevented from forming a clique or widening their influence.

    There are always dissenters and trouble mongers in the service. A good leader seeks ways to convert them by listening and appealing to them and offering alternative ways of taking part in the process.

    Given what we know of today’s civil service, reforms that will block their chances of greasing their palms may be resisted or poorly implemented. Such reforms include digitization of records and tightening of evaluation and accountability procedures. That’s why they sometimes created cumbersome rules and regulations, which seek to increase their allowances or otherwise make it easier for them to benefit from government policies

    Another factor behind civil service resistance is partisanship. Civil servants are supposed to be politically neutral. However, it is well known that they belong to various political parties, without necessarily obtaining party cards. Some civil servants are known to resist or thwart reforms introduced by political leaders who do not belong to their unspoken party. I came across one such Permanent Secretary in Osun state as a consultant to the state government. For every government policy relating to his ministry, he had a counter proposal, which led him to delay the implantation of a specific government approved policy.

    The confession of the former Head of Service about resistance to change in the civil service has implications for the present administration. How cooperative has the civil service been in implementing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s economic policies and evaluation procedures? Given the technological advancement of the administration’s record keeping practices, how computer literate are federal civil servants? Were they briefed about the reasons for the ongoing reforms and about the implementation processes? Have there been workshops for capacity building for various cadres of civil servants since the start of the present administration?

  • The story of cattle in religion and the economy

    The story of cattle in religion and the economy

    Cattle, a cover term for cows (female cattle) and bulls (male cattle), have played a key role in human societies. There are over 1,000 breeds of cattle worldwide, and they have served as a major source of meat, milk and other dairy products, as well as leather. However, the handling of cattle and their place in religion, the economy, and class formation varies from society to society. From ancient times, cattle have played a major role in many religions, for example, in ancient Egypt, Rome, Greece and the Indian subcontinent. Perhaps the most famous religious role of cattle today is India, where cows are sacred, being objects of religious veneration.

    In other societies, such as Uruguay in South America and Botswana in Southern Africa, cattle are central to the national economy. In many societies, cattle have also played a significant role in class formation. In his Cattle, Capitalism, and Class (published in 1992), a former colleague, Peter Rigby, showed how cattle rearing changed the Massai of Uganda, a hitherto classless society, into a class society, by creating wealth for cattle owners and establishing social distance between them and the rest of the population.

    The examples of India, Uruguay, and Botswana provide interesting examples of variations in the handling of cattle and its place in society. All three cases provide interesting lessons for Nigeria.

    The mythology of the sanctity of cows in India has its origins in Hindu religion whose adherents believe that cows are representative of divine and benevolent forces. They are therefore to be protected and venerated. During the colonial period, the protection of cows was used by Hindus as a symbol of Hindu unification and differentiation from Muslims. This toxic mix of politics, religion, and ethnicity grew more problematic as India prepared for independence in 1947. It eventually led to the partition of the country between the majority Hindus and the minority Urdu-speaking Muslims, who now occupy Pakistan.

    Over time, the Indian government, especially at the regional level, became involved in the politicisation of cows, by prohibiting the slaughter of cattle and the consumption of beef. That is why, today, cows roam Indian streets in Hindu strongholds. However, despite the widespread notion of the sacred cow in India, there are states in the country where cow slaughter and consumption are permitted.

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    In many contemporary societies, the economic role of cattle has overshadowed their place in religion. A good example is Uruguay, where cattle are the mainstay of the economy with cows outnumbering people by 4 to 1. Yet, cows do not destroy crops or block traffic on the roadways, because every cow farmer in the country operates within a gated ranch.

    As I pointed out in an article for The Punch newspaper in 2018 (see Ranching is the best solution, The Punch, January 23, 2018), the Uruguay government’s intervention is limited to policy and technology. Rather than establish a Ministry of Livestock, the Uruguay government established a ranching policy and assisted farmers in developing the world’s first completely computerised traceability system. Each new calf is electronically tagged on one ear with a readable chip, which contains all manner of information about the animal. The chip is uploaded from time to time with new information about the animal. This allows consumers worldwide to know exactly where their beef comes from and how it was raised.

    On the African continent, Botswana provides another example where cattle are raised for consumption and export. Today, they are one of Botswana’s major exports. Ranching was adopted long ago to end conflicts between cattle herders and local farmers as they converged on the Okavango Delta region and the Limpopo River basin and its tributaries.

    Today, the cattle population in Botswana is nearly three million, about the size of the Botswana population. With efficient management of cattle, Botswana today is the largest producer and exporter of meat in Africa. One iconic use of cattle in Botswana was the One Man, One Beast fund-raising appeal by the late President Seretse Khama in 1976 for the construction of the Botswana University campus, which was opened in 1982. In addition to cattle, grain (especially sorghum), eggs, and raw cash were also donated until enough funds were raised. In recognition of this fund-raising appeal, the statue of a man and cattle stands in front of the university library, while the university logo is shaped like a shield with an open book, a cattle head, and sorghum.

    Despite the iconic status of cattle, diamond accounts for more than 60 percent of Botswana’s exports, while copper, nickel, beef, and textiles account for the remaining 40 percent. The country is rated as the largest diamond exporter in the world by value, and the second largest by volume. Once one of the poorest countries in Africa, Botswana is now one of the fastest growing economies on the continent. With a buoyant economy and a stable, uninterrupted, democracy since independence in 1966, Botswana today is the highest ranked country in Africa on both the Human Development and Corruption Perception Indices. It all boils down to the leaders’ effective management of its major resources.

    Cattle may not have been directly linked to religion in Nigeria as in India, but Nigerian cattle owners are predominantly Muslim with a distinct ethnicity. Both markers are often invoked when herders clash with farmers of different ethnicities even within the same state. Although herder-farmer clashes have subsided, especially in the South, banditry and cattle rustling still rage in the North, where the ongoing conflicts between Hausa landowners and Fulani cattle owners are based on historical injustices. It is unclear how far the newly created Ministry of Livestock will solve the problem, but it is at least a government response.

    For years, ranching was proposed as a better alternative to pastoralism, but Nigerian Fulani cattle owners have rebuffed the suggestion on the argument that pastoralism is their way of life. Such an argument is viewed as mere façade. Some have argued that the real reasons behind pastoralism today are (a) climate change, which has decimated grazing areas in the North and (b) a hidden agenda of territorial expansion.

    The truth is that Nigeria has lessons to learn from Uruguay and Botswana in cattle rearing and profit-making practices. There are also lessons to learn from Botswana’s management of mining resources, democratic practices, and purposeful governance. It is within these contexts that the Nigerian government should consider the recent invitation by the Botswana High Commissioner to Nigeria, Ms Philda Nani Kereng, for bilateral trade relations with Botswana.

  • Why it is necessary to devolve powers now

    Why it is necessary to devolve powers now

    Nigeria is one of 57 countries that have adopted the presidential system of government in which the President is the head of government. All 57 presidential systems are republics. Thirty-seven of these countries do not have a Prime Minister, while twenty have opted to have a Prime Minister along with the President. In such a case, it is the President, who chooses the Prime Minister. Nigeria, like the United States, is among the twenty countries in which there is no Prime Minister. Instead, there is a Vice-President, who is chosen by the President. All presidential systems are republics.

    However, in terms of structure of government, not every presidential system is a federation, that is, an entity in which partially self-governing units exist, be they regions, states, provinces or known by some other name. In a typical federal structure, each of these units makes its own constitution and controls its resources and the administrative units below it.

    An agreed percentage of tax and revenue from other sources is paid to the central government by each federating unit so it can perform its constitutional role. There are at least 26 such federations in the world today, distributed as follows: Europe (6); Asia (6); Africa (5); North America (4); South America (3); and Oceania (2).

    Nigeria is one of the twenty-six federations in the world, but more in name and theory than in practice. The most vexing issues include security and the distribution of resources and powers among the federating units. True, Presidents in all presidential systems are powerful, but the Nigerian President is excessively powerful, because the constitution gives him too much power, by allocating more functions to the centre than to the federating units. Besides, Nigerian Presidents have expanded their sphere of influence over the years, for example, by setting up new universities, polytechnics, and colleges of education all over the place. In the process, it bit more than it could chew.

    A distorted resource allocation formula may have been a motivating factor. The central government in Nigeria has the lion share of national resources, cornering as much as 52.6 percent, while the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory share only 26.7 percent and the 774 LGAs 20.6 percent. The distortion is further demonstrated by the existence of a Federal Ministry of Agriculture when the federal government has neither land nor farmers.

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    The continued agitation for self-fulfillment and the twin problem of insecurity and economic hardships has led to increased demand for devolution of powers to the states. The recent direct link between the federal government and the local councils has further raised the questions about the status of local councils in relation to federating units.

    It would appear, however, that the recent Supreme Court ruling that  local councils’ revenue allocation be paid directly to them by the revenue allocation committee stemmed from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s attempt to curb the excesses of state Governors, who have cornered local councils’ resources over the years. It is important to fully understand the atrocities of state Governors. Many of them are known to have suspended local council elections, as provided for in the constitution, and instead appointed so-called caretaker chairpersons and councillors. Some Governors are alleged to have cornered as much as N40-50 million every month from local council funds. For these reasons, some have argued that power should not devolve to the present crop of Governors.

    However, power devolution will survive the present crop of Governors. Besides, there are stronger and more pressing reasons why the exercise should take place now, bearing in mind that the legislative work may take some time. First, the states have to take more responsibility in implementing President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s economic policies by making citizens see state Governors, and not the President, as the ones in charge of their economic destiny. Anger and protests have been directed at the President because citizens do not view their Governors as equally culpable. Citizens will begin to hold their Governors accountable the moment they realise that Governors are directly responsible for their economic destiny.

    There is also an urgent need to complete the process of ensuring that each state is empowered to recruit and manage its own police force in order to strengthen security at the local level. There is no substitute for local knowledge, which local police may possess, especially if they speak the local language and have lived in the community, even before enlisting in the service. Fortunately, this process has begun. It needs to be completed.

    Second, there is an urgent need to redistribute resources so that each state could attend to its peculiar needs. Accordingly, the allocation formula should be modified in favour of states. This will reduce the belief that Abuja is one giant ATM machine from which money could be withdrawn at any time.

    It is well known that oil is the major revenue earner for Nigeria. It is also well known that there are those who think that the devolution of powers will adversely affect them. Such people need to be assured that they stand to gain, rather than lose, from devolution of power and resources. For example, states and their citizens stand to gain a lot more from a modified allocation formula that gives, say, 60 percent to states and local governments instead of the present 47.4 percent. Such a development will encourage those who look to Abuja for one thing or the other to start looking to their state governments.

    Third, it is high time Nigeria operated as a true federation like the others in which the federating units are the first and, in many cases, the last point of call for redress on most issues. In the United States, for example, states are the federating units. Each one has its own constitution, police, and system of justice. The police are distributed across the state—to government institutions, including primary, secondary, and tertiary institutions and to major entertainment centres, such as sports complexes and film studios.

    Fourth, devolution of powers should go side by side with the return of many tertiary institutions to the states in which they are located, including the ones forcefully taken from them by military fiat. It will be up to the states to decide on what to do with them. As of today, the federal government owns 62 universities, 37 polytechnics, and 27 colleges of education. For decades, they all have been under-funded. By contrast, the United States government owns only nineteen federal academies, 14 of which are for training the Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine, and Coast Guard. Some of these academies are dedicated to postgraduate training. The remaining five non-military academies are for training specialised federal workers, such as the FBI, Firefighters, and Foreign Service personnel.

  • Nigeria’s money-making practices

    Nigeria’s money-making practices

    In Nigeria today, fat money is made from party politics, religion, petroleum, and a variety of activities, including kidnapping, banditry, and robbery. Moreover, bank owners make fat money from excessive profits, some fraudulently. Besides, the youth also believe that quick money could be made from fraudulent activities, including internet fraud and money rituals, both associated with Yahoo Boys.

    The majority of Nigerian politicians who contested elections since 2003 could be said to have done so with the intention of serving themselves at the expense of the people, who elected them into office. I exclude those who came into power in 1999 after 30 years of military dictatorship. Many of them, such as Chief Bisi Akande of Osun state, went into politics to serve the people and not themselves. They had goals and worked hard to achieve them. Chief Akande’s 4-year government in Osun constructed the state secretariat complex, which remains in use till today. What is more, he ran the government with less than a dozen commissioners, and did not borrow a penny throughout his tenure.

    However, those who took over from them or continued in office after rigged elections, took electoral heist into state treasuries and started looting them. The records of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission alone bear testimony to this conclusion. They show that huge amount of money has been stolen from national, state, and local government treasuries in the last twenty-one years. Undetected and overlooked leakages from the three tiers of government are equally huge. This is particularly troubling at the federal level, which gets as much as 52 percent of total federal revenue.

    Petroleum, which is the primary source of government funds, is also a primary site of fat money. The Nigeria National Petroleum Commission, now constituted into a limited liability company as NNPCL, has been in the eye of the storm over stolen oil, unremitted funds, and controversial petrol subsidy. Even after the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu removed the subsidy, the controversy continues along two dimensions. On the one hand, some argue that subsidy really has not been (fully) removed. On the other hand, others argue that its removal is the primary cause of hunger and anger in the land, because of the effects of the hikes in petrol price on the cost of living.

    The belief in the money-making power of petroleum products, especially petrol and motor oil, is behind the mushrooming of petrol stations across the country. Today in Idanre, my hometown, some ancestral homes have been converted into petrol stations. Many petrol dealers are known to hike their prices beyond the recommended limit. In order to achieve their goal, they sometimes create artificial scarcity, leading consumers to buy at their set prices.

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    Religion is another source of making money in Nigeria. To be sure, there are those who really believe in God and go to church for that purpose. However, the mushrooming of churches and pastors is linked more with its economic than spiritual returns. This is particularly true of pentecostal churches, which preach prosperity gospel to their congregation. However, the pastors themselves are the ones who prosper from donations from their congregations and other sources.

    Like church founders and pastors, who make money on the back of their congregations, bank owners also make money on the back of their customers. It is only in Nigeria that depositors pay to withdraw part of their money. President Tinubu’s policy of unifying the exchange rate further exposed how banks engaged in high stakes speculations by keeping foreign currencies in their vaults, and later selling to buyers at exorbitant rates. This practice is nothing short of white collar fraud.

    Banditry, kidnapping, and related criminal activities thrive, because they are ways of making quick money for the perpetrators of these crimes. Hundreds of millions of Naira are known to have gone into ransom payment to kidnappers, while cows worth several millions of Naira have been rustled. There is a sense in which the occasional destruction of villages and state structures is a way of creating fear and subsequent submission to ransom seekers, who then use part of the ransom to buy weapons to be used in the continued creation of fear.

    Growing in these money-making practices and observing the materialist orientation of society, many a youth have latched onto their version of these practices. The results are internet fraud and money rituals. The decline in funding, infrastructure, staffing, and learning tools in educational institutions has created a ready context for truancy and fraudulent activities. The joblessness of many graduates of tertiary institutions further amplifies this context.

    A much wider context for all these practices is endemic corruption in Nigeria, where politicians sowed and continue to nurture its seeds. A dimension of corruption in the corridors of power that has received little or no attention is the sale of government positions by a few gate-keepers close to the President. These are people in a position to advise the President or are responsible for transmitting the President’s decision to appointees in the form of letters of appointment. Some appointees are known to have paid between N5 and N25 million Naira to be nominated to serve or to collect their letter of appointment.

    Other state agents take advantage of their position to extort the public. For example, the police and the army do theirs at checkpoints. In the final analysis, Nigeria has been turned into a huge money-making machine for the few at the expense of the masses. It will take more than the government to break the corruption bubble. There are laws, alright, but what about enforcement? Sermons are also unhelpful since pastors themselves operate within the corruption bubble. It is easy to say that it will take the cooperation of the masses to break the bubble. But how? It is a question in need of serious consideration.

  • The noise about petrol price

    The noise about petrol price

    All over the world, the opposition is known for its role in criticising the government of the day in the hope that citizens will vote it out in the next election. Nigeria is no exception to this political practice. The problem with the opposition in Nigeria is their duplicity and the inability to provide alternatives. They criticise the government for removing petrol subsidy when they promised to do the same thing in their campaigns. They also criticise the implementation of the policy without suggesting better ways of going about it. What is worse, they mislead poor and illiterate masses through misinformation and lies. Even the educated but ignorant masses are deceived via social media trolls and lies. I have debunked some of these lies circulated on social media, especially WhatsApp, even by highly educated Nigerians. Unfortunately, the government has not done enough to fill the knowledge gap (see, for example, my piece, How we got here, The Nation, February 14, 2024).

    There is no doubt that the removal of petrol subsidy and the floating of the Naira have led to widespread economic destabilasation and deepened the existing poverty level. Although the floating of the Naira has led to its devaluation, it is the removal of fuel subsidy that has attracted the most criticism for at least two major reasons: First, it led to repeated hikes in the prices of petroleum products, especially petrol and diesel used for fueling motor vehicles and generators. The ripple effects of the hikes are felt in increases in the cost of living from transport to food and housing. Second, state Governors have continued to seat on the funds allocated to the states to cushion the effects of the increases in petrol price.

    Despite government effort to improve the economic situation by rolling out palliatives, wage increases, grains from the reserve, as well as funds for infrastructure development and agricultural expansion, the opposition and other critics of the government have continued to criticise the government for removing fuel subsidy. Some have asked the government to reinstate fuel subsidy, while others have suggested that the government should arbitrarily bring down the price of petrol. Both groups are either ignorant or mischievous: Confront any state Governor about monthly allocations since the start of the Tinubu administration. The truthful ones will confirm that state allocations have doubled. Similarly, google petrol prices across the globe and you will discover that the price of one litre of petrol in Nigeria, even at N900, is still below the average cost across Africa and the world at large.

    The truth is that, apart from a few countries in Africa, mostly oil producing, such as Libya, Egypt, Algeria, and Angola, the average price of petrol in Africa is over one dollar, that is, over N1,650. For the rest of this essay, I use the dollar price, partly because, as a universal commodity, petrol is generally denominated in dollar and partly because the dollar price makes comparisons across countries much easier.

    In West Africa, Nigeria, Cameroon, Ghana, and Chad produce oil in varying quantities, with Nigeria being the highest producer. While the dollar price of one litre of petrol in Nigeria is now between $0.55 and $0.60 (that is, between N900 and N1,000), the price in Cameroon is 1.37 (that is, over N2,000). The price is less in Ghana at 1.05 (that is still over N1,750.00). However, the price in Chad is 0.84. This is closer to, but still higher than, Nigeria’s price. Other West African countries in which the litre price is less than one dollar, but still higher than Nigeria’s, are Liberia (0.80); Niger (0.97); and Gabon (0.98).

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    In all other West African countries, the litre price of petrol is higher than one dollar. Here is a sample: Benin (1.12); Togo (1.15); Guinea (1.39); Burkina Faso (1.42); Sierra Leone (1.50); and Senegal (1.65). Take a look at Senegal again: In that country, the price of one litre of petrol is approaching N3,000! And that is a country where the President was attempting to sit tight the other day. And the new President can do nothing about the price. In summary, even with the double hike, petrol price in Nigeria is still cheaper than in any other country in West Africa.

    The situation in East Africa is worse than in West Africa as there is no single country in which the litre price of petrol is less than one dollar, partly because there is no oil producing country in the region. Here’s a sample: Tanzania (1.20); Uganda (1.36); Ethiopia (1.37); Rwanda (1.4); and Kenya (1.43).

    It is a different story, however, in North Africa, where the only country that pays over one dollar for a litre of petrol is Morocco (1.53). It is close to a dollar in Tunisia (0.81), but much less in the oil producing countries of Libya (0.03) Algeria (0.3) and Egypt (0.4). Incidentally, these are oil producing countries in which crude oil is also locally refined.

    However, local refinery did not save the day in oil producing South Africa, where the litre price of petrol is over one dollar at 1.21. But the story is different in Angola, another oil producing country in Southern Africa, where the litre price of petrol is only 0.36. In all other countries in the region, it is well over a dollar. For example, it is so in Malawi (1.50); Zambia (1.50); Zimbabwe (1.64); and Swaziland, which pays the highest price in Africa, at two dollars (that is, over N3,000) per litre.

    On a global perspective, fuel price is high around the world. The average price this month is about $1.40 per litre. While Iran and Libya compete for the lowest litre price or petrol in the world, Hong Kong claims the medal for the highest liter price for petrol at over three dollars.  Variations in fuel prices are generally due to variations in taxation; amount of subsidy paid, if any; level of corruption; whether or not crude oil is indigenous; and whether or not oil is locally refined or imported.

    Going by the above data, it is still good news for Nigeria that she is still among the countries with the lowest litre price of petrol in the world, despite the removal of fuel subsidy. It currently ranks among the top 15 countries in the world with the lowest litre price of petrol. True, it has taken a toll on the citizens, but the removal of fuel subsidy was good riddance, because it only benefitted a few, while it lasted.

    Let me repeat: Those who have been asking to see the savings from the removal of fuel subsidy should go ask their state Governors, who have been receiving more money as federal allocations since the removal of fuel subsidy.

  • How accountable is your state governor?

    How accountable is your state governor?

    When last, if at all, did the Governor of your state call a press conference to give an account of the situation of the state, beyond occasional appearances, for example, to address the insecurity situation or launch a project? Has your Governor ever disclosed how much money came into the state treasury from Federal allocations and Internally Generated Revenue the previous month, quarter, or year? In short, how accountable has your state Governor been to the people he was elected to serve?

    Let us think together about these questions. For a start, let’s consider a few factors responsible for the poor situation in the states and the Governors’ lack of accountability. For now, the discussion will be limited to (a) corruption; (b) lack of political literacy; (c) poverty; and (d) lack of an effective system of accountability.

    Corruption is endemic in Nigeria, and it takes various forms, including bribery, inflated contracts (to disguise cutbacks), and outright embezzlement of public funds, often through diversion into private or business accounts associated with politicians, political appointees, civil servants, and/or their surrogates. Nevertheless, corruption is not unique to Nigeria. It is everywhere across the globe. What is peculiar about corruption in Nigeria is twofold, namely, the impunity with which corrupt practices thrive and the degree to which the practices are condoned, especially by the respective local communities of the politicians, political appointees, and civil servants in question.

    Corruption is rife within and across different levels of government. The focus here is on state governments. Most state governors are corrupt. There are several reasons for this. Let’s take a typical newly elected state governor. As soon as he/she realises the enormous power of the office, he/she begins to plan for a second term. By the end of the first year in office, the focus begins to shift to raising funds for reelection campaign. The state treasury is often the starting point, using various methods, including saving part of the so-called security vote, which, in some states, is as high as N750 million a month, which the Governor is not obligated to account for.

    Let’s now assume that the governor is reelected. Again, as soon as possible, he/she begins to accumulate funds for running for Senate in his/her Senatorial District. Alternatively, he/she may even want to run for President or support a presidential candidate financially so he/she may be nominated as a Minister. Some of them may also want to retire from active politics once they feel that they have accumulated enough money to sustain them for the rest of their lives. Remember that, besides their savings, they are treated to a fat severance package and monthly pension, which varies from state to state. In addition, they keep a couple of vehicles, drivers, police escort, kitchen staff, and other assistants for which their states or the relevant government agency, such as the police, allegedly continue to pay.

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    While corruption prevents the governors from fully accounting for state resources, because of the mismatch between revenue and genuine expenditures, political illiteracy prevents the public from pressing for accountability. I use the term illiteracy here in two senses: One, illiteracy is used in the sense of inability to read and write, which applies to about 40 percent of the Nigerian population, much more so in the North than in the South.

    Two, it is also used in the sense of political illiteracy, despite the dual ability to read and write. Many literate Nigerians are politically illiterate in this sense. Some of them may know that governors should be accountable, but they will not hold the governors to account because they are “eating” or hope to “eat” from the governors’ government. Both groups of illiterates take part in singing and dancing in praise of Governors for doing their duty, such as tarring a road or building a public facility, such as a school, hospital, or clinic. This practice has the inverse effect of making the governors feel they have achieved, and they use the praise singing as a surrogate for accountability.

    Anther factor that prevents the electorate from holding governors accountable is poverty, which makes them satisfied with tokens, such as rural roads, boreholes, or a poverty alleviation measure, such as N5,000 or a scoop of rice. Many of them have no idea that whatever they get from their state government is their right and that it is the governor’s duty to provide them. Unfortunately, the illiterate and poor electorate has been led to believe that whatever problems they have are from Abuja, and that their enemy is the federal government and not their Governor. That’s why protests are directed at the Federal government instead of state governments.

    It is the dual scourge of illiteracy and poverty that makes vote-buying central to our electoral practice, in addition to lack of demand for accountability. Save for occasional investigative journalism and a few civil society organisations, which demand accountability, sometimes by going to court to demand some records, little or nothing is heard about the performance of state governments.

    Lack of accountability is aided by the lack of a standardised system of evaluation and accountability by state governments. Take, for example, the case of governor Simon Lalong of Plateau (2015-2023), who claimed that he bought 400 tractors for N5.6 billion for farmers in his state as part of the state’s agricultural production scheme, even after each participating farmer paid a deposit of N1.5 million to the state for the equipment. However, upon investigation by Premium Times, it was discovered that only about 90 tractors were bought and fewer (just 40) were displayed when President Muhammadu Buhari commissioned the project in 2018. Yet, the unknowing electorate was recruited to sing and dance on the occasion (see The true story of ‘400 tractors’ ex-governor. Lalong claimed his govt bought for Plateau, Premium Times, July 4, 2024).

    It is against the above backgrounds that the governors’ performances since May 29, 2023, should be assessed. It is pertinent to emphasise here that since fuel subsidy was removed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the inception of his administration on that date, state allocations have more than doubled. Yet, there have been no corresponding improvements in people’s lives, despite the distribution of funds and other resources for palliatives, including cash distribution, agricultural development, transport facility, and infrastructural development.

    How will the governors be made accountable? That’s a topic for another day.

  • Some impediments to effective governance in Nigeria

    Some impediments to effective governance in Nigeria

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of Nigeria and President Joe Biden of the United States share one feature in common: No matter what economic policies they have proposed to improve their citizens’ lives, the citizens do not appreciate them. This is partly because in both countries, inflation and the cost of living are high and partly because the governments have done a poor job of communicating the advantages of their policies to the public. While both Presidents are concerned about long-term economic stability, the citizens are concerned about today, about what it costs them now to eat, sleep under a shelter, and move from one place to another. It is no wonder then that, in both countries, the opposition readily weeps up the people’s emotions by weaponizing the economic situation for political gain.

    The economic situation in Nigeria is bad alright, but what makes the present situation worse is a range of factors, notably, various groups aiding an abetting government failure in their retaliation against President Tinubu’s policies; corruption; the high cost of governance; weak institutions; weak center of government; and lack of evidence of consistent performance evaluation. I review these factors below, but none exhaustively.

    In Tinubu’s adversaries and the planned protests (The Nation, July 31, 2024), I highlighted the various groups possibly behind the 10-day protests against Tinubu’s governments, despite repeated entreaties to shelve the protests to avoid the kind of violence that took over the #EndSARS protests in 2020. True, the protests did take place over ten days, the government’s fears were realized as the protests were accompanied by violence in the northern parts of the country. This is understandable, because the North has the highest levels of illiteracy, poverty, insecurity, youth population bulge, and youth unemployment. These factors provide ready recruits to violent causes for cash or possible loot.

    It is no longer news that corruption and high cost of governance have been the bane of development in Nigeria. Bribery, aptly highlighted yesterday by The Nation Editorial, titled Checking bribery, is central to the corruption saga in Nigeria. Bribery and corruption cover a very wide spectrum in the country. They take place at service points, checkpoints, and police stations. Kickbacks from contracts are rampant, and cash is exchanged for position. Moreover, there is outright embezzlement, where government funds are diverted to personal projects or funneled to personal accounts, often using surrogates. These are long-standing entrenched practices throughout the country.

    The high cost of governance is a recurring decimal in government failure in Nigeria. Imagine the cost of maintaining 10 presidential jets, three of which were seized recently on court orders in France amid a long-standing dispute between ZhongshanFucheng Industrial Investment, a Chinese company, and Ogun state government in southwestern Nigeria over the development of free trade zone for the state. They were said to be in France for “routine maintenance”. True, President Tinubu has been cutting down on the cost of governance, but much more remains to be done, including selling off older presidential jets in view of the recent purchase of a new jet. In a sense, the new jet is a metaphor for negative public perception and trust deficit in government. Only a few would understand that the jet was purchased much below cost, to save maintenance costs, and for safety reasons. However, until many of the older jets are sold off, the touted cost-cutting advantage of a new jet will be lost on the skeptical public.

    To complicate matters for the government and its economic policies, the major institutions are weak, especially those responsible for implementing government policies. For example, the Nigerian civil service at federal and state levels is quite weak and prone to corruption. What is worse, Nigerian civil servants interact with those making enquiries or needing some assistance with some kind of mentality that they have to beg, bribe, or otherwise suffer some indignity before they are attended to. Many civil servants seem not to understand their role in servicing civil society, which already prepaid their salaries with their own taxes. This mentality can only be changed with periodic capacity building workshops and training for civil servants, a number of whom were recruited with little or no training in civil service tasks.

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    Perhaps one of the weaknesses of the present government is the perceived weak Center of Government. This is the organ or institution in the executive branch that provides direct support to the chief executive in managing the government, by preparing Cabinet meetings, coordinating the formulation of government policies, and working with the appropriate department charged with performance evaluation to ensure effective implementation of government policies. Ideally, this organ performs cross-ministerial functions and ties loose ends, by making sure that ministries and agencies do not act or speak at cross-purposes. At the end of the day, nothing should happen in government that misses the attention of the Center of Government. In the Nigerian case, the Center of Government should include the Vice President, the Chief of Staff to the President, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, the Head of Central Result Delivery Unit, relevant Civil Servants, and whoever the President wants to participate. True, Hadiza Bala-Usman, Head of the Delivery Unit, has indicated at various times that performance evaluation is on track, the results are not reflected in public perception of the performance of many ministries, departments, and agencies.

    Beyond these factors, however, the President remains confronted with responding to the demands of the protesters and to the demands for reorganizing the country for administrative and governance effectiveness. This government cannot afford another large-scale protest, nor can haphazard governance continue this way, especially at the state level. Although it will take time to work through the responses before necessary implementation, there should be no further delay before mid-term tenure.

    The country has reached a point at which a powerful centre has become undesirable, especially a centre that is larger than the total sum of its federating units. This is why citizens look up to the federal government for everything, including directing protests at it. The state Governors do the same, but without doing the needful with the resources allocated to them by the federal government. Things cannot continue this way.

  • Ewi of Ado: The story of a monarch in a republic

    Ewi of Ado: The story of a monarch in a republic

    The traditional distinction between a republic and a monarchy is so sharp that the definition of one is a negation of the other. Thus, on the one hand, a republic is a state or nation in which supreme power or sovereignty is vested in the people, that is the body of citizens, rather than in one person. On the other hand, a monarchy is a state or nation in which supreme power or sovereignty is vested in one person, usually one who inherits the power.

    This distinction underlies the displacement of Nigerian monarchs, otherwise known as traditional rulers, from their precolonial role as Alpha and Omega in their respective kingdoms. The displacement began gradually under colonial rule. While recognising the traditional role of monarchs in their respective communities, the colonial government signed treaties with them, but nonetheless subjugated them to colonial authority, by constituting them into the House of Chiefs. When the colonialists gradually began to cede power to the people, they worked through the monarchs in a system that came to be known as indirect rule. Some monarchs even became Governors, notably, Oba Adesoji Aderemi, the Ooni of Ife (Governor of Western Region, 1960-62). Although he was only a prince with a chieftaincy title, the Sardauna of Sokoto also became the Premier of Northern Region from 1954-1966.

    One legacy of the colonial government’s relationship with the monarchy was its role in the installation of a monarch, king or emir. No one ascended the throne without government approval and the presentation of the staff of office. As Nigeria advanced with self-government since the mid-fifties, this role became increasingly politicised and abused by the government of the day. Politicians and military rulers alike suspended or removed monarchs, who failed to do their bidding and installed those who did. Perhaps at no time in our history is this tendency more disturbing as currently witnessed, for example, in Kano and Osun states, not to speak of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s denigrating “Stand up, Sit down” command to a group of monarchs.

    It is against the above backgrounds that the recent bold intervention in rising prices in his kingdom by the Ewi of Ado, Oba Rufus Adeyemo Adejugbe, should be examined within Nigeria’s republican status. The Ewi and his chiefs did at least four things. First, they instructed sellers to reduce the prices of foodstuffs, such as tomatoes, pepper, vegetable, palmoil, beans, meat, and garri. Second, they even dictated the price ceiling for some of these goods. Third, they dissolved market associations, which often met to set food prices. Finally, they banned middlemen, who would buy directly from farmers, increase prices, and then resell to market women and other retailers.

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    In order to implement these decisions, the chiefs were mandated to monitor various markets in their neighbourhoods and sanction defaulting sellers. It is unclear, however, what the sanctions are against the defaulters and what punishment is in store for chiefs who abuse their role as monitors.

    Perhaps a more critical question is how the Ewi and his chiefs came about these policy directives. Reading the headlines and some of the reports in newspapers, it looked like a top-down policy. Upon close reading and further investigations, however, the monarch’s actions were inspired by consumer complaints. After receiving numerous complaints, the Ewi summoned his chiefs, who listened to complaints by some consumers. It was revealed that middlemen, who bought foodstuffs from the farmers and resold to market women, were part of the problem. This was followed by a meeting between the monarch and his chiefs, on the one hand, and lead market women, on the other hand. The policy directives outlined above were the outcome of these various meetings. Incidentally, what the Ewi and his chiefs observed about the role of middlemen and market associations in price gouging in Ado-Ekiti applies in most communities throughout the country.

    It is unclear whether the Ewi has shared the data and his policy directives with the Chairman of his Local Government Area or anyone in the state government, given that his kingdom is also the seat of the Ekiti state government. Their silence, however, should be taken as consent. In any case, no one should expect any form of public disagreement between Abiodun Abayomi Oyebanji, the state’s humble, but hardworking, Governor, and the Ewi of Ado, should there by any.

    Whatever the case is, the Ewi’s actions raise serious questions about the role of monarchs in a republic like Nigeria’s, which has hundreds of them. Regardless of what politicians do or fail to do, the monarch’s influence is felt, for good or for bad, in every community throughout the country. What is more, politicians continue to engage in the creation of new or pseudo kingdoms or endorse such action by monarchs in their state.

    In recent years, under the auspices of the National Traditional Council of Nigeria, monarchs have made a case for a specific role in the constitution. Many notable citizens and organisations have supported the monarchs’ request for constitutional role. The list includes the Nigeria Bar Association and the National Union of Journalists. Many newspapers have also run editorials in support of the request. It is high time the National Assembly took a decisive stand on the issue.

    In doing so, the legislators need not be constrained by the distinction between a republic and a monarchy with which I opened this essay. Ours is a peculiar republic with hundreds of monarchs. Our republican culture is for us to create, modify, and nurture, just as the British created and continue to nurture a constitutional monarchy. While admitting that there is only one monarch in the United Kingdom, we will be deceiving ourselves by preaching republicanism, without recognising the essential role of traditional rulers, who are custodians of cultural history and institutional knowledge of their communities.

    Besides, monarchs and chiefs are closer to the grassroots than state actors. Many of them are farmers, artisans, and so on, who interact with other local actors on a daily basis. Ironically, politicians recognise their influence in local communities by making royal palaces the first stop during campaign seasons.

    There is no doubt that the Ewi of Ado, Oba Rufus Adeyemo Adejugbe, has filled a major void in the current economic crisis. Perhaps the recent 10-day protests, with all the casualties and property destruction, would not have taken place had such action been taken earlier throughout the country. The Ewi’s action calls for serious consideration of the role of monarchs in the republic by politicians, especially legislators.

  • Kabiyesi, Oba Frederick Adegunle Aroloye, Arubiefin IV, 1926-2024

    Kabiyesi, Oba Frederick Adegunle Aroloye, Arubiefin IV, 1926-2024

    Udane kete.

    Opo ma ye o

    Orise! Ooo ri p’ohunda!!

    The above lines were part of the incantation, led by Chief Subale Olafisoye Akinnawo, which heralded the transition of Kabiyesi, Oba Frederick Adegunle Aroloye, Arubiefin IV, the Owa of Idanre Kingdom on Tuesday, July 30, 2024. The announcement was authorised by the Lisa of Idanre Kingdom, Chief Christopher Oluwole Akindolire, who is the Kingdom’s Prime Minister. He also is the official Head of the ritualists, including the Aghoro and the Babalawo. Only he has the authority to declare the Oba’s transition, which he did in the palace on Wednesday, August 1, 2024.

    The declaration, Opo ma ye o (the pillar has fallen) in the opening incantation is rooted in Idanre anthem, part of which prays as follows: Du-un ma’sopo odede/Ma-ma d’ule yeghe o (May nothing happens to the front pillar/So the house may not fall). The lines are a prelude to a more substantive prayer in the anthem: Du-un ma s’Oloja Udane/D’ogwa jee oye o (literally, May the Oloja (Ogwa) live long so the kingdom may prosper under his reign).

    Oba Adegunle Aroloye ascended the throne in 1976 after 7 years of community turmoil over which of two brothers would succeed their father, Oba Aladegbule Aroloye, Arubiefin III, who transitioned in 1969. The community was as divided over the choice as was the royal family itself. On the one hand, majority of Idanre people, led largely by the reigning politicians at the time, supported the younger brother, Benson Aroloye. On the other hand, however, the older brother, Adegunle Aroloye, had the support of the elite within and outside the royal family. At the end of the day, he got the nod of the then Western State Government, which had two prominent Idanre sons among the elite on the cabinet at the time. This brief historical excursion is for those Idanre sons and daughters, about 50 years old or younger, who had no idea about that past in the history of their town, and who have known only Oba Adegunle Aroloye all their lives.

    What was remarkable about Oba Adegunle Aroloye was his ability to meet the challenges emanating from the long tussle with equanimity and determination to change the course of Idanre history for the better. He started out by reaching out to key supporters of his younger brother to solicit their cooperation. Some of the politicians rebuffed him and prolonged the enmity, but I did not.

    I was moved that the prospective king came to my father’s house, looking for me, shortly after the announcement that he would be the next Ogwa of Idanre. He was already 50 years old, while I was only thirty-something, and a young lecturer at the University of Ife. He said he knew I was not a politician, but he wanted me to appeal to my politician friends to cooperate with him. I promised I would do so to the best of my ability. “We did not want you to be King, but God has made you King. You are now our King. I will support you”, I told him. His genuine appeal for cooperation inspired me to collaborate with my friend and big brother, Olu Akindolire, now High Chief Lisa of Idanre Kingdom, to write the petition asking for the separation of Idanre from Ifedore Local Government. It led to the establishment of Idanre Local Government Area as we know it today.

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    Despite the initial hostility of local politicians, Oba Adegunle Aroloye pushed ahead. Building on his father’s foundation, which welcomed missionary proselytisation, the establishment of missionary schools, the adoption of cocoa as a cash crop, and the decision to descend from Oke Idanre to the valley below, Oba Adegunle Aroloye brought many innovations and unprecedented development to Idanre Kingdom. Following his father’s example, education expanded in Idanre in leaps and bounds. Beyond expansion of primary education, the number of secondary schools increased from two, when he ascended the throne in 1976, to over 30 in 2024. In addition, there was a vocational school and a polytechnic. Virtually every household in Idanre today boasts of a university graduate. More than any community of its size, Idanre has also produced professionals in every discipline of human endeavour. Moreover, Idanre was never left out of the government of Ondo state while he was on the throne.

    He also democratised royalty by elevating four community Chiefs, previously known as Olu, to the status of Oba, namely, Oba Alade, Oba Atosin, Oba Ofosu, and Oba Abababubu, while new Olu were installed in newly emerging communities, such as in Omi Ifun, where my late friend, Chief Frederick Ilemobayo, was the new Olu. This development has since become a growing trend in many Yoruba kingdoms.

    Beyond this development, Idanre Kingdom witnessed unprecedented peace and harmony. This is particularly noticeable in local politics, where the bitterness of the past has given way to negotiations and peaceful coexistence between members of different political parties. Although skirmishes still exist around election time, Idanre voters today ignore politics as usual by voting for candidates they consider worthy of their votes. Accordingly, in the 2023 elections, they voted out those who they thought did not perform and voted in those who had contributed to the development of the Kingdom, regardless of political party.

    Perhaps what was most remarkable about Oba Adegunle Aroloye was his humanity. He was humble, selfless, kind, empathetic, and compassionate. He once told me that he felt the pain when a child was flogged or otherwise beaten. He was ready and willing to assist anyone who approached him for one kind of assistance or the other. Above all, he was a personality to behold—tall, handsome, and lovable.

    These qualities and his contributions to his kingdom and the state endeared him to fellow monarchs as well as successive state governments. Accordingly, more than any other Oba in the state, Oba Adegunle Aroloye served as the Chairman of Ondo State Council of Traditional Rulers on three different occasions (including when Ondo and Ekiti were one and the same state). In this capacity, he represented the larger Ondo state in the defunct National Council of States.

    For those who only knew Oba Adegunle Aroloye as the Owa of Idanre, it is necessary tthat, though he was born into royalty, he went through the mills of growth and development like most of them. He attended public schools. He started his education at St Paul’s Primary School at Oke Idanre but completed it at Odode, the valley below. He started his secondary education at Western Boys High School in Benin and completed it at Hussey College, Warri. After a short stint as a Clerical Assistant in the Federal Ministry of Works, he proceeded to London to study public administration at the old Belham and Tooting College of Commerce. Upon the completion of his studies, he worked in the London City Council for several years before returning to Nigeria.

    As Oba Adegunle Aroloye is interned today at Oke Idanre beside his father, his legacies will continue to endear him to the people of Idanre, Ondo state, and the nation at large. His embrace of peace, harmony, and love of his people should be rewarded by peaceful succession to the throne he so well dignified.