The Nation Newspaper

Category: Wednesday

  • Pros and cons of presidential ‘go slow’

    Pros and cons of presidential ‘go slow’

    In his last incarnation as Head of State, Muhammadu Buhari and his second-in- command, Tunde Idiagbon, were a couple of all-action soldiers who took an unruly nation by the scruff of the neck and set it straight.

    The impact of their short reign remains branded in the nation’s psyche such that many anticipated another action-packed crack at governing Nigeria. The opening 30 days of the new All Progressives Congress (APC) have been anything but that – leading to the resurrection of the less than flattering “Baba Go Slow” tag that was last hung around the neck of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua.

    A recent Bloomberg article by Daniel Magnowski titled ‘Buhari Goes From Nigeria’s Change Champion to ‘Baba Go Slow’ aptly captured the frustration of people who expected him to come out with guns blazing. Aside from those who are interested in Buhari’s appointments because they hope to be beneficiaries, there are others for whom politics is spectator sport.

    For them the whole business of hiring and firing is entertainment. On that front very little is happening. Many who had expected that Buhari would send the remnants of the Goodluck Jonathan era – everyone from service chiefs to hastily appointed agency heads – packing once installed in office, are mystified that he’s taking his sweet time getting rid of them.

    In fact so frustrated have some Nigerians become that since Buhari would not name his aides and ministers they have taken to appointing them for him. In the course of a meeting a little over a week ago a colleague excitedly announced that the president had just ‘named’ long-time associate Col. Hamid Ali as Chief of Staff. News of the ‘appointment’ soon went viral online. Three hours later the Presidency was denying that such an appointment had been made.

    While Buhari keeps his list of cabinet nominees in a bomb-proof safe in Aso Rock, journalists and other stakeholders entertain themselves with speculations, or vent their anger at the lack of action by reminding us of how everyone from Barack Obama to Olusegun Obasanjo had – to use their favourite cliché – ‘hit the ground running.’

    The leisurely take-off of the new administration has inspired Nigerians who are past masters at gallows humour to offload a few jokes. I saw an online comment the other day asking Jonathan to quickly send ‘Patience’ back to Aso Villa because Buhari keeps asking for her!

    Although six weeks have passed I still refuse to join the chorus line that’s already writing the obituary of the new administration. My position is simple: If Buhari received a ‘change’ mandate doesn’t he deserve breathing space to do things differently – even if it’s not at the pace some would like?

    Those who keep reminding us of what Obasanjo, Yar’Adua and Jonathan did in their first few days in office are actually saying – yes we voted ‘change’ but what we actually want is for you to do things the exact way these former leaders did.

    Pace is important given that the last administration left Nigeria prostrate. But in the current situation haste just for the sake of appearing busy has dubious benefits. What is important in a race is not how fast the take-off is but how well you end. Jonathan et al presumably ‘hit the ground running’ but ended up running the country aground.

    That said, we must concede that not everyone who has criticized Buhari’s tardiness in naming a team has done so with base motives. Many have made very strong points that the president and whoever has his ears need to take on board.

    We have heard excuses about the lack of cooperation from the last administration with regards to hand over notes. But that doesn’t explain the fact that between when the presidential election results were declared and May 29 the incoming crew had a clear two months to put together some sort of skeletal structure.

    We’ve been told that Buhari is busy doing mysterious things to make the governing environment pristine for his new team to operate in. The upshot is that the earliest a cabinet would be constituted could be September.

    No matter how reasonable the reasons are the longer the president takes to cobble together a governing team, the more uncertainty would shroud the government and its intentions within the country and without. People have mentioned the impact of this uncertainty on the financial markets. It is also critically important in a country where much of the activity revolves around what the government does or doesn’t do.

    It has also been argued that one of the reasons there seems to be an upswing in the spate of insurgents attacks in the North-East is the sense that the new administration is still feeling its way – trying to put in place its own strategies.

    Somehow the military momentum that swept Boko Haram out of the villages and towns they had hitherto occupied appears to have dissipated. In the intervening period when one government gave way to another, the insurgents have gotten second wind, retooled their strategy and returned with multiple suicide attacks in different locations.

    It is hard to argue with the statistics. There has been an upsurge in suicide attacks in recent weeks. Every few days now there’s a new one. Last weekend in Borno State six female suicide bombers wreaked havoc. The killers have visited Kaduna and Kano States and have been to one of their old stomping grounds – Buni Yadi.

    Something is definitely going on here. It may or may not be down to the fact that those tasked with leading the fight against the insurgents are unsettled because they are uncertain about their future. Whatever it is, that feelgood factor that was so evident in the days following APC’s stunning electoral victory is slowly ebbing away. The new regime would be making a costly mistake if it dismisses this view out of hand.

    The delay in constituting a team may have conveyed a sense of ennui, but the bungled National Assembly leadership selection process added a picture of disarray so early in the life of the administration – leaving its foes to crow ‘morning shows the day.’

    Buhari may have been forced to calibrate his speed by the shock of what he met on the ground, but he must understand that his stock of goodwill with an impatient population cannot last forever. It is in his interest to constitute a team as soon as possible. There’s too much pressure when one man is the focus of all, and he definitely doesn’t need the air of uncertainty generated by his ad-hoc arrangement.

  • The power of atmospherics

    President Muhammadu Buhari recently rejected a proposal by the State House bureaucracy to procure five armoured Mercedes Benz cars worth N400 million for his comfort and safety. On Friday, he and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo announced a 50% cut in their salaries.

    Last week also, he met with within the confines of Aso Villa with the activists from the BringBackOurGirls (BBOG) group which has been campaigning for the rescue of hundreds of kidnapped Chibok schoolgirls. Not only did he meet with them, both sides ended up posing for a group photograph.

    This marks a sea change in relations between the seat of power and this influential citizens group. Before now Jonathan used to barricade himself within the villa while sending some female minister to engage BBOG leader, Dr. Oby Ezekwesili and her team in a shouting match. That is when former presidential aide Dr. Doyin Okupe wasn’t accusing the group of being in cahoots with the evil opposition APC and antagonizing the military. Back it always felt like Jonathan was threatened by BBOG.

    These populist moves that may not significantly change the state of the average citizen’s pocket. But it affects the overall atmospherics and sustains that sense that a new day has dawned in the country and things can never be the way they were ever again. Such symbolic gestures shouldn’t be dismissed lightly.

  • What’s come upon EFCC?

    What’s come upon EFCC?

    As he was being led away to the van that would convey him to the prison where he would spend days while perfecting his bail conditions, former Jigawa State Governor, Sule Lamido, reportedly blurted out: ‘Am I now a prisoner?’

    He’s not alone in the dock. From former Imo State Governor Ikedi Ohakim to ex-Governor Timpre Sylva of Bayelsa, Murtala Nyako of Adamawa, Audu Abubakar of Kogi and one-time Head of the Federal Civil Service, Stephen Oronsaye, a steady stream of once powerful figures are getting their day in court.

    It is not the first time we would be treated to these dramatic images of public figures being tried for abusing their positions of trust – only to see the much-hyped prosecutions collapse like a cardboard box. There’s no guarantee that these cases wouldn’t go the way of others with the one-time accused walking away as free men because of prosecutorial incompetence.

    What should interest us is the sudden surge of zeal sweeping through the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). In the last couple of years this same organisation under the same leadership had been in deep slumber.

    Many attributed this to the perception that the last administration didn’t seem too interested in fighting graft. As Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwal, famously said the then president’s body language suggested a tolerance of sleaze. Indeed, Jonathan often defensively argued that Nigeria’s bad image for corruption was overblown.

    So what suddenly come upon Ibrahim Lamorde’s EFCC? I would suggest that Buhari happened to them. The anti-graft agency didn’t need an army of interpreters to decode his ‘body language.’

  • Corruption: what can one man do?

    Buhari has vowed to kill corruption in Nigeria. It may well be a long and painful death. While many appreciate the president’s zeal they scoff at suggestions he’s is going to rid the country totally of graft in the next four years.

    In fact there’s deep cynicism about how far he can go given that stealing in government isn’t about party affiliation: the tags are surface dressing whereas underneath the system operates in much the same way across the country.

    A cynical colleague who had served in the federal government in the not-too-distant past had this pidgin English exchange with me recently regarding my suggestion that that ‘chopping’ was likely to decline under Buhari.

    He retorted: “Abeg forget that one my brother. Not only would they continue to chop, they would even chop Buhari’s cows in Daura!”

    It is a depressing assessment of the depth of the national malaise. Still you get the sense that Buhari is willing to have a go at the problem. Not only is he willing to act, he’s not likely to become the defender of ministers and other officials caught behaving scandalously with public funds. This in itself is significant movement from the recent past where the president would only act in the face of unbearable public pressure.

  • Some thoughts on media and terrorism

    Some thoughts on media and terrorism

    This year’s world congress and general assembly of the International Press Institute (IPI), the 63-year global press freedom advocacy organisation, took place in Amman, capital of Jordan, between May 19 and 21. Few Nigerians may have heard of this organisation even though it partly funds the Nigerian Institute of Journalism, the country’s premier journalism trainer, and even though some of the most prominent Nigerian journalists and publishers including Alhaji Lateef Jakande who once presided over its affairs, Aremo Segun Osoba, Mr Sam Amuka, Mr Felix Adenaike, Malam Kabiru Yusuf and Alhaji Ismaila Isa, have been among its leading members.

    Naturally the organisation believes that press freedom is “the right that protects all other rights.” Consequently it has tried to defend press freedom everywhere in the world in several ways, including through its annual congress and general assembly where leading journalists, editors and media executives gather to discuss major contemporary issues.

    Among the variety of issues discussed this year were the aftermath of the Arab Spring, the terrible civil war in Syria, the safety of journalists reporting in conflict situations, the implications of internet regulation for democracy and press freedom and reporting on religion. This journalist was on a panel of three – the others were Steven Pollard, editor of the London based Jewish Chronicle and Monjuru Ahsan Bulbul, the CEO of a private television station in Dhaka, Bangladesh who was a last minute substitute for Jeffrey Sharlet, a contributing editor of Harper’s Magazine and faculty member of the Centre for Religion and Media, New York University, who failed to make it to Amman – which discussed the last subject. The moderator was Ms Maria-Paz Lopez, a senior religious writer with La Vanguardia, Spain, and chair of the International Association of Religious Journalists. A little bit more about this presently.

    Meantime a bit of my impression of Jordan. For me a more classic study in contrast between the country and Nigeria will be hard to find. Here’s a country in the middle of a harsh desert with no oil, no water, with a population of little over two million and in the frontiers of the Israeli/Palestinian conflict which is at the heart of so-called clash between the West and Islam. Yet a visitor to Amman and several of the towns and villages a few hours’ drive from it which we visited would be forgiven if he mistook them for towns and villages in advanced Europe or America. All the highways we travelled along were tarred, all the towns and villages we visited had electricity and water and not once did the lights go out throughout our stay in Amman.

    Of all the barren country’s advances in spite of an almost total lack of natural resources none fascinated me like its ability to provide water to all its inhabitants. According to Nasiru Aminu, a senior diplomat at our Amman embassy and a friend, in all his several years in Jordan the taps in his house have never gone dry. Yet, the country, he said, relies almost entirely on harvesting rain water.

    However, for me even more interesting than the ability of the country to satisfy the water needs of its inhabitants in the middle of a desert was the pattern of water supply among the poor, middle and high income neighbourhoods of the towns; the poor are supplied daily, the middle thrice weekly and the rich only once, said Nasiru. Here in Nigeria the reverse would’ve been the case.

    The secret of Jordan’s relative wealth, said Nasiru, is its investment in the education of its people. This is evident from the country being a leading destination of medical tourism in the world, raking in more than two billion dollars annually. It is also the Information Technology capital of the Arab Middle East.

    Jordan is, of course, no El Dorado. As a kingdom, and for that matter one on the frontiers of the Middle East conflict, its citizens can do with a lot more freedom than they have. I am certain, however, that few Jordanians, if any, would want to exchange their relatively gilded cage for Nigeria, the majority of whose citizens have been left free to live in abject and grinding poverty, almost totally abandoned by a state whose officials are generally too venal, selfish, power-hungry and incompetent, etc, to give a damn about public opinion.

    Back to the IPI congress and general assembly, the liveliest session for me was none of the eight that were held between the morning of May 20 and the evening of the following day. The liveliest for me was the pre-congress town hall meeting in the evening of Sunday May 19 moderated by the well known CNN International anchor and correspondent, Jim Clancy. The subject looked simple enough; “Who is a journalist?” However, not surprisingly, the answer proved elusive. The debate that followed the introductory remarks of the four panellists on the questions whether in today’s digital age where anyone with a computer or a mobile phone who can send pictures and stories to news outlets and bloggers can be called journalists was truly hot and in the end there was no single answer.

    There was, however, one interesting remark from the floor which was that today’s so-called “citizen journalism” was making mainstream journalists lazy by giving them an excuse to abdicate their responsibility for cross-checking the accuracy of news items before publishing. This, said the gentleman who made the remark, bodes ill for the future of professional journalism. I couldn’t agree more.

    Finally to the discussion on reporting religion of which I was a panellist. My submission was that the dominance of the Nigerian media by the private sector in spite of the heavy presence of government in the broadcast media – a private sector dominance which, for historical reasons, does not reflect the ethnic, regional and religious plurality of the country – has led to a reporting culture which is heavily biased against Muslims and Islam. This, I said, was in turn a reflection of the global media which has been essentially anti-Islam.

    Nowhere is this bias as glaring as in the reporting of Boko Haram insurrection which has caught the attention of the world because, of course, Nigeria, with at least 160 million people, is one of the most populous in the world and the biggest in Africa, reportedly almost split in half between Muslims and Christians, and because, of course, Nigeria is a leading world oil producer. The evidence of this anti-Muslim and anti-Islam bias of the Nigerian media is pretty clear in the way it has grossly under reported the human rights abuses of ordinary law abiding Muslims by the military and security forces in their fight against Boko Haram.

    Two recent reports by Adam Nossiter, the West African correspondent of The New York Times, have captured this journalistic blind eye like no other. The first in May entitled “Bodies Pour In as Nigeria Hunts for Islamists” and datelined Maiduguri, made very grim reading.

    “A fresh load of battered corpses,” Nossiter said in his introduction, “arrived, 29 of them in a routine delivery by the Nigerian military to the hospital morgue here. Unexpectedly, three bodies started moving. ‘They were not properly shot,’ recalled a security official here. ‘I had to call the J.T.F.’ — the military’s joint task force — ‘and they gunned them down.’”

    Nossiter’s second story this month in the wake of President Goodluck Jonathan’s declaration of emergency in Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states makes as grim reading as the first, perhaps even more so. “The first independent accounts of the military offensive (since the emergency)”, said Nossiter, “spoke of indiscriminate bombing and shooting, unexplained civilian deaths, night time roundups of young men by security forces.”

    You will search most of the Nigerian media in vain to see any expression of concern about this indiscriminate use of force by our security forces in their war against Boko Haram terrorism. Certainly you would not see the sort of vehemence with which the media rightly condemned the Odi and Zaki-Biam massacres of the Obasanjo’s era. Yet what has happened in the North-eastern strongholds of Boko Haram is worse than the two combined, if only because both were one-off military invasions.

    In a recent well argued defence of President Jonathan’s state of emergency declaration in the region, the respected constitutional lawyer, Prof Ben Nwabueze, called it “a masterstroke indeed.” Without debating the merit of his position – this is a matter for possibly another occasion – it is obvious that the professor believes the consequential military operation against Boko Haram will bring a definite, if not quick, end to its terrorism, regardless of how the soldiers go about their operation.

    The professor’s “masterstroke” only reminded me of what President George Bush Jnr said when he invaded Iraq. It was, he said, going to be a “cakewalk”. Today, we all know that it was anything but. Right here at home the late President Umaru Yar’adua said more or less the same thing when he sent the soldiers after the sect in 2009. This too has, sadly and tragically, proved anything but a cakewalk.

    It seems to me the lesson of relying mainly on the use of indiscriminate force to solve a problem even as criminal as terrorism, whatever its variety, has not been learnt by our leaders and media pundits. Certainly the Nigerian media has not used its freedom as a shield that, to rephrase IPI’s principal objective, should be used to protect the rights of others.

    •This article was first published on
    June 12, 2013
    •Mohammed Haruna returns next week

  • Our Girls; Educaretrust@21; Jega GCFR?; Chicken-change Senate statesman-less politics; Power ‘Buhari effect’?   

    Our Girls are still missing since April 15, 2014. And another 150 innocent souls have been murdered.

    No doubt Nigeria needs many more local town and city Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) catering for 50million youth inadequately served for 30 years. But NGOs do not build themselves. ‘We the people’ do with love, care and funds from family, friends and followers. NGOs allow people to let others be their proxy service to humanity. The first generation NGOs like Red Cross, Boy Scouts, Girl Guides, Boys’ Brigade, Man-o-War [and Peace] were abandoned instead of being promoted to line items in budgets. They constitute a volunteer army needing direction. Such NGOs need daily public support and media recognition as role models. Motivational friends, business and a part of the N3-5bilion CSR budget are needed for youth NGOs to succeed. ‘Many hands make light work’ and in spite of funding difficulties, the Educare Trust@21 story continued with contributions by Dr Roselie Ann Modder-Oyefeso, Principal Mr Ajekigbe and a 21 year old ‘Diaspora’ Lagos sector contribution by Patron Mr Bode Emanuel, Dr John Abebe, Mr Remi Okunlola, EtubonAnthony Ani, Chief FRA Marinho, Mr PK Tabiowo, Professor TA Ogunbiyi, Mr Raymond Kotey, Mr Sola MacGregor, Mr Seni DaSilva, F.I Damola, Michael Murray-Bruce and Dr Charles Hammond under Ms Sade Young’s watch.

    Educare Ttrust@21 has not yet ‘made it’ in spite of generous financial and intellectual support. Our failures highlight the need for every ward, LGA, state and the federal government to have their own independent ‘WARD YOUTH CENTRE POLICY’ setting up small cheap Youth Centres in every ward as soon as possible to educate against social ignorance and counter cults, gangs and terrorist sects. Once started each Youth Centre, named after the locality, can be added to in annual budgets and by individuals and local business.

    In an NGO, every minute counts and a volunteer or peer role model or parental figure or a conversation with an abuse victim may save a life, redirect a child in crisis, save years of youth suffering, give valuable volunteer inspiration, give career guidance, simply be a shoulder to cry on for an orphan, a place to ‘feel free’ from child abuse at home or bullying in school, a haven from a troubled home, a light in the darkness of ignorance or a sanctuary from cultism. What price do you put on NGOs being there to help? Send us your N1000/ month pls!

    In 1998 or so, a youth joined ET. He became computer savvy and expert in making film clips for ET’s education project about life-skill messages like anti-smoking, anti-bullying, anti-HIV/AIDS. These went on NTA, BCOS influencing many. He went to university and is working with a bank. His name is Funso Ogundele. Another young boy has a glad-to-sad story. He joined ET and went to University of Ibadan for medicine helped by ET including Professor Dipo Otolorin. He qualified but TRAGICALLY has not completed his house-job yet. After supernumerary ‘work-for-no-pay’ six months and two postings he and others were told to leave. He has been unable to complete the House job. His name is Dr Femi Temilola -awaiting six months House job posting. This is a disgraceful abandonment by the medical profession of its own Hippocratic Oath and responsibility to newly-qualified medical doctors. The regulatory body must stop hospitals taking newly qualified graduates over seniors needing ‘House Officer’ jobs. Enough of medical bureaucratic bottlenecks, discrimination and favouritism. A ‘COMPULSORY TAKING OF SENIOR PRE-REGISTRATION DOCTORS FOR HOUSE JOBS LAW’ is needed. Another youth made a very exciting composite painting of Professor Wole Soyinka@70. He is Daniel Iyoha. Young Seun Kayode and Seun Ajakaiye joined ET and used ET’s drama platform to take up University Arts Theatre courses. Many youth seize the opportunities presented by ET as stepping stone empowerment to success, integrity and knowledge and become peer role models for millions. I met a senior security officer who remembered visiting ET in 1998 to see a computer for the first time. Do you have an ET story? Share it on educaretrust@hotmail.com, http://www.facebook.com/educaretrustnigeria. We all stand on the shoulders of giants and must help others. ET graduates must complete the circle and give back, collectively and individually –experience, corporate connections and small regular amounts. Just 500 ET graduates giving N500-1000=N250-500,000 of service to Generation Next.

    Educare Trust needs your help, donations and a vehicle, a bus. And ET needs Endowment Funds and funds to run ET activities-N250-300,000/month. You can leave ET or other NGOs something in your will. Our lawyer Mr Funsho Ogunkeye will be willing to help. Can you or your company take one of 12 months to annually give us your CSR contribution? Which NGO do you and your shareholding company support?

    Sadly most of ET’s ‘change’ ideas remain ideas. Nigeria refuses to solve the poor reading problem with a ‘ONE STORY BOOK PER CHILD’ plan with a ‘BOX LIBRARY’ of 30 books in a plastic container/classroom. Every PTA in primary and secondary school should provide exciting book mini-libraries immediately. Any ‘change’ takers?

    The out gone Chairman of INEC Professor Jega deserves GCFR or GCON.

    Buhari-ism is working but allowed National Assembly to give Nigerians ‘chicken-change’ statesman-less Senate politics. Has the fear of Buhari forced Distribution Companies (DISCOs) to stop TOSSing [Temporarily Out of Service] electricity? The increased power supply saved billions in June in generator fuelling and maintenance costs, reduced air and noise pollution and the June ‘fuel subsidy’ of households and businesses by several billions.

    ‘Sadly most of ET’s ‘change’ ideas remain ideas. Nigeria refuses to solve the poor reading problem with a ‘ONE STORY BOOK PER CHILD’ plan with a ‘BOX LIBRARY’ of 30 books in a plastic container/classroom. Every PTA in primary and secondary school should provide exciting book mini-libraries immediately. Any ‘change’ takers?’

  • ‘Born-Again’ Fani-Kayode

    The history of his life is replete with many scars of ‘war’. Like or hate him, Femi Fani-Kayode, lawyer, politician is a good writer and wonderful debater. He is neither shy from stoking the fire of controversy nor afraid to do battle with real or imagined enemies. He is also resplendent in good fashion attires. Whenever he appears in public either in his well-tailored suit, blazer or custom-made native ensemble –Kaftan or Agbada– with his designer sun shades to match, he always stands out.

    Femi has been in the news for all his adult life. In the last seven years, he has been in and out of courts battling to save himself from those who were bent on railroading him to Siberia. But last week Wednesday, July 1, the outspoken and controversial dude had cause to smile. On that day, the two surviving counts of a 40-count charge brought against him by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, in 2008, were decided in his favour. Consequently, the Federal High Court sitting in Lagos discharged and acquitted the former Minister of Aviation and one-time Minister of Culture and Tourism of the charges of money laundering brought against him.

    Delivering her judgment, Justice Rita Ofili Ajumogobia, noted that the case of the prosecution was “feeble” and without cogent evidence on which a finding of guilt could be based. It is also important to mention that the original charge brought against Fani-Kayode in 2008 before Justice Ramat Mohammed carried 40 counts of misappropriation of public funds and money laundering of several amounts totalling about 100 million naira or more. When Justice Ajumogobia took charge of the case, the court dropped 38 of the charges in November 2014 as the facts and evidence were not enough to sustain a charge. The last two counts of laundering the sum of 2.1 million naira are those for which Fani-Kayode has now been absolved.

    The EFCC team, led by Festus Keyamo failed to prove all the elements of the alleged crime arising from the Money Laundering Act. The court identified that the allegation was concerned with conducting transactions exceeding N500, 000 in cash without going through a financial institution, which is prohibited under the Money Laundering Act. To establish its case, the EFCC called Police Superintendent Agbaje (amongst other witnesses) who was a former aide of Fani-Kayode during his time as the Minister of Culture and Tourism. The witness testified that he received sums exceeding that allowed amount from Fani-Kayode with instructions to deposit the same in the latter’s account. Evidence of deposits made into Fani-Kayode’s accounts was also tendered.

    The court however found that the prosecution’s case could not be sustained as, first, the oral evidence of the witness in court contradictéd his earlier written statement and in such cases, the court finds such witnesses to be unreliable. Furthermore, there was nothing in the prosecution’s case showing the source of the money, nor proof that amounts exceeding N500, 000 was received by Fani-Kayode in cash. There remained a doubt as to whether the sums in Fani-Kayode’s accounts were not received in tranches and the court decided on the side of the defendant.

    In its judgment, the court highlighted that the source and motive of receiving the money is irrelevant since the issue was about cash transactions exceeding N500, 000 without going through a financial institution. This seemed to aid Fani-Kayode’s case as the testimony by one of his witnesses that the alleged sums were received from tenants occupying some of the former minister’s properties was also considered doubtful by the judge.

    As always, Nigerians may decry the judgment as another failure by the anti-corruption agency to put together a credible case. Some may even cry judicial foul play in acquitting the former minister. However, it should be pointed out that the court acknowledged Keyamo’s dexterity in prosecuting the case and differentiated him from other less diligent prosecutors. It appears only that the powers that be at the time, gave a mandate for the prosecution of the former minister even without enough substance to sustain a conviction. The yearnings by the public to see corrupt officials tried and convicted may also lead to hurried charges lacking depth.

    Now, a casual observer may well see some merit in Fani-Kayode’s insistent claims throughout the case that the charges were politically motivated. Given the way the case has finally turned out and the sequence of events in the case, a view that the charges were hurriedly drafted to satisfy some political exigency during the late President Umaru Yar’ Adua’s administration cannot be faulted. The verdict is now in and ‘the innocent man’ has been acquitted.

    At last, Femi has enjoyed a victory after suffering huge criticism in the run up to the last Presidential election in which he was at the head of the media campaign team put in place for former President Goodluck Jonathan’s re-election. Jonathan lost woefully in that election. Femi’s campaign appointment at that time, which came after his brief romance with the then-opposition party, the All Progressives’ Congress, APC, drew a lot of flak from people. He was described as a two-faced, inconsistent player in the political arena with wavering ideologies. His often unreserved comments in the media have led to much criticism.

    Perhaps, basking in the euphoria of his latest victory, Femi has announced his desire to change his last name from Fani-Kayode to Olukayode as a tribute to God for delivering him from his legal entanglement. Coming from a man whose ideology and political stance has changed severally over the years like a chameleonic metamorphosis, this may be a tad comical. Beyond that, however, it is hoped that the change will resonate throughout his person too and his knack for insensitive remarks in the press will be lessened at the same time. His brazen comments about other political figures who are not in his chosen camp and unsavoury remarks on other issues including the much publicised condemnation of the Igbos, have put a label of a loose cannon on the otherwise well educated man.

    The man may have an unbridled tongue and a penchant for attracting controversy, but the Federal High Court sitting in Lagos has determined that at least, in respect to the charges brought against him, he is innocent. Whether the EFCC goes on appeal or not, which is doubtful, this is the reality for now. Often in the business world, it is common for a company to change its brand name to distance itself from some negative publicity or project a new, better image for itself. It is the hope that if the former Minister does make good on his name change, then, we will see more of the reasoned educated man, cultured in speech and expression and less of the political chameleon and controversy magnet that Fani-Kayode has come to be known to be.

    An important lesson here should not be lost. In spite of all the dirty hate propaganda Femi mounted against President Muhammadu Buhari’s candidacy during the last electioneering campaigns, he still got a good deal from the court last week. It was the Russian Writer, Count Leo (Nikolayevich) Tolstoy (1828-1910) who, in What I Believe (1884) wrote: “There is only one way to put an end to evil, and that is to do good for evil.” This self-acclaimed poet and historian must now revisit his own history and see where he needs to do better. Poets are known to be great self-critics and “Mr Olukayode” must now find the discipline to do just that going forward.

    ‘This self-acclaimed poet and historian must now revisit his own history and see where he needs to do better. Poets are known to be great self-critics and “Mr Olukayode” must now find the discipline to do just that going forward’

     

  • ‘Born-Again’ Fani-Kayode

    The history of his life is replete with many scars of ‘war’. Like or hate him, Femi Fani-Kayode, lawyer, politician is a good writer and wonderful debater. He is neither shy from stoking the fire of controversy nor afraid to do battle with real or imagined enemies. He is also resplendent in good fashion attires. Whenever he appears in public either in his well-tailored suit, blazer or custom-made native ensemble –Kaftan or Agbada– with his designer sun shades to match, he always stands out.

    Femi has been in the news for all his adult life. In the last seven years, he has been in and out of courts battling to save himself from those who were bent on railroading him to Siberia. But last week Wednesday, July 1, the outspoken and controversial dude had cause to smile. On that day, the two surviving counts of a 40-count charge brought against him by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, in 2008, were decided in his favour. Consequently, the Federal High Court sitting in Lagos discharged and acquitted the former Minister of Aviation and one-time Minister of Culture and Tourism of the charges of money laundering brought against him.

    Delivering her judgment, Justice Rita Ofili Ajumogobia, noted that the case of the prosecution was “feeble” and without cogent evidence on which a finding of guilt could be based. It is also important to mention that the original charge brought against Fani-Kayode in 2008 before Justice Ramat Mohammed carried 40 counts of misappropriation of public funds and money laundering of several amounts totalling about 100 million naira or more. When Justice Ajumogobia took charge of the case, the court dropped 38 of the charges in November 2014 as the facts and evidence were not enough to sustain a charge. The last two counts of laundering the sum of 2.1 million naira are those for which Fani-Kayode has now been absolved.

    The EFCC team, led by Festus Keyamo failed to prove all the elements of the alleged crime arising from the Money Laundering Act. The court identified that the allegation was concerned with conducting transactions exceeding N500, 000 in cash without going through a financial institution, which is prohibited under the Money Laundering Act. To establish its case, the EFCC called Police Superintendent Agbaje (amongst other witnesses) who was a former aide of Fani-Kayode during his time as the Minister of Culture and Tourism. The witness testified that he received sums exceeding that allowed amount from Fani-Kayode with instructions to deposit the same in the latter’s account. Evidence of deposits made into Fani-Kayode’s accounts was also tendered.

    The court however found that the prosecution’s case could not be sustained as, first, the oral evidence of the witness in court contradictéd his earlier written statement and in such cases, the court finds such witnesses to be unreliable. Furthermore, there was nothing in the prosecution’s case showing the source of the money, nor proof that amounts exceeding N500, 000 was received by Fani-Kayode in cash. There remained a doubt as to whether the sums in Fani-Kayode’s accounts were not received in tranches and the court decided on the side of the defendant.

    In its judgment, the court highlighted that the source and motive of receiving the money is irrelevant since the issue was about cash transactions exceeding N500, 000 without going through a financial institution. This seemed to aid Fani-Kayode’s case as the testimony by one of his witnesses that the alleged sums were received from tenants occupying some of the former minister’s properties was also considered doubtful by the judge.

    As always, Nigerians may decry the judgment as another failure by the anti-corruption agency to put together a credible case. Some may even cry judicial foul play in acquitting the former minister. However, it should be pointed out that the court acknowledged Keyamo’s dexterity in prosecuting the case and differentiated him from other less diligent prosecutors. It appears only that the powers that be at the time, gave a mandate for the prosecution of the former minister even without enough substance to sustain a conviction. The yearnings by the public to see corrupt officials tried and convicted may also lead to hurried charges lacking depth.

    Now, a casual observer may well see some merit in Fani-Kayode’s insistent claims throughout the case that the charges were politically motivated. Given the way the case has finally turned out and the sequence of events in the case, a view that the charges were hurriedly drafted to satisfy some political exigency during the late President Umaru Yar’ Adua’s administration cannot be faulted. The verdict is now in and ‘the innocent man’ has been acquitted.

    At last, Femi has enjoyed a victory after suffering huge criticism in the run up to the last Presidential election in which he was at the head of the media campaign team put in place for former President Goodluck Jonathan’s re-election. Jonathan lost woefully in that election. Femi’s campaign appointment at that time, which came after his brief romance with the then-opposition party, the All Progressives’ Congress, APC, drew a lot of flak from people. He was described as a two-faced, inconsistent player in the political arena with wavering ideologies. His often unreserved comments in the media have led to much criticism.

    Perhaps, basking in the euphoria of his latest victory, Femi has announced his desire to change his last name from Fani-Kayode to Olukayode as a tribute to God for delivering him from his legal entanglement. Coming from a man whose ideology and political stance has changed severally over the years like a chameleonic metamorphosis, this may be a tad comical. Beyond that, however, it is hoped that the change will resonate throughout his person too and his knack for insensitive remarks in the press will be lessened at the same time. His brazen comments about other political figures who are not in his chosen camp and unsavoury remarks on other issues including the much publicised condemnation of the Igbos, have put a label of a loose cannon on the otherwise well educated man.

    The man may have an unbridled tongue and a penchant for attracting controversy, but the Federal High Court sitting in Lagos has determined that at least, in respect to the charges brought against him, he is innocent. Whether the EFCC goes on appeal or not, which is doubtful, this is the reality for now. Often in the business world, it is common for a company to change its brand name to distance itself from some negative publicity or project a new, better image for itself. It is the hope that if the former Minister does make good on his name change, then, we will see more of the reasoned educated man, cultured in speech and expression and less of the political chameleon and controversy magnet that Fani-Kayode has come to be known to be.

    An important lesson here should not be lost. In spite of all the dirty hate propaganda Femi mounted against President Muhammadu Buhari’s candidacy during the last electioneering campaigns, he still got a good deal from the court last week. It was the Russian Writer, Count Leo (Nikolayevich) Tolstoy (1828-1910) who, in What I Believe (1884) wrote: “There is only one way to put an end to evil, and that is to do good for evil.” This self-acclaimed poet and historian must now revisit his own history and see where he needs to do better. Poets are known to be great self-critics and “Mr Olukayode” must now find the discipline to do just that going forward.

    ‘This self-acclaimed poet and historian must now revisit his own history and see where he needs to do better. Poets are known to be great self-critics and “Mr Olukayode” must now find the discipline to do just that going forward’

     

  • Will Boko Haram demystify Buhari?

    Will Boko Haram demystify Buhari?

    If anyone has a good chance of breaking the Boko Haram insurgency, it is President Muhammadu Buhari. He has the experience – having chased killer Maitatsine Muslim fundamentalists all the way into Chad in the 80s.

    He has the knowledge of the terrain, having worked in several senior capacities in the North East. Although he would not be functioning as an officer on the battlefield, his background as a one-time army general should help him relate better with those charged with doing the fighting today.

    His job has been made easier by the fruits of former President Goodluck Jonathan’s last throw of the dice. It wasn’t too long ago when at least 14 local government areas in three states in the North East were under Boko Haram control.

    Today, on account of the multinational military operations of February and March, the insurgents have been driven out of the major towns they held. They have been reduced to attacking soft targets in villages in no-man’s land along our borders with Chad, Niger and Cameroun.

    More importantly, Buhari is not bogged down by politics that made clearheaded analysis of the problem impossible at the highest levels of government in recent times. In the last two years of his tenure Jonathan and security agencies like the Department of State Security (DSS) spent valuable time trying to sell the fiction that Boko Haram was being sponsored by leading lights of the then opposition All Progressives Congress (APC).

    It’s over five weeks since the opposition became the governing party. You would have expected the ‘sponsors’ to call off their goons and claim credit for peace returning to the ravaged areas. On the contrary, we’ve witnessed a spike in attacks that have claimed hundreds of lives in this short period.

    Of that huge toll, the massacre of the last few days in Kukawa and surrounding villages in Borno State account for as many as 150 or more of those casualties.

    Judging by the unrelenting bloodbath not much has changed since the handover. If anything the insurgents seem to be sending out a message that the election-induced military offensive of February had not destroyed them as a fighting force. Their defiance can be better understood against the backdrop of widespread expectation that Buhari’s tough guy reputation would work the magic where Jonathan’s vacillation didn’t.

    I think the president understands that the extremists are not just going to disarm because of his history. He also appreciates that they are a different proposition from the bow and arrow and dane gun-wielding maniacs he crushed in the Second Republic.

    Boko Haram is a more sophisticated fighting outfit whose funding sources remain a mystery. They have been implicated in bank robberies in the past, but that cannot be enough to sustain an operation that has spread into four countries and withstood everything their collective armies have thrown at it. It is certainly getting substantial funding from somewhere. It is also recruiting enough people to refresh its ranks in spite of the heavy losses it suffers regularly in combat.

    This should trouble us. Aside from conscription, it is evident that many people are joining up with the sect of their own free will. How is it that a group which takes as much delight in killing Muslims as it does in slaughtering Christians, still manages to attract followers in territories where Islam is the predominant religion?

    It is the same puzzle that surrounds the appeal of the Islamic State (IS) such that it is attracting young people who grew up in America and the United Kingdom to suddenly abandon their families and comfortable lifestyles to join up with Jihadi fighters in the Middle East.

    The pat explanations about economic marginalisation are no longer enough to explain the phenomenon. It is possible that some were initially lured to join the sect in the hope that they would be better off. But we’ve also heard enough stories from defectors and escapees who speak of crushing poverty within the ranks of the insurgents.

    Something more powerful than bread and butter is at work here. Wars cease when sides in a conflict decide they are fed up with death. This isn’t the case in a conflict where one side is only too glad to die in the hope of arriving speedily in Paradise into the warm embrace of 72 virgins! When death becomes the fast track to a better reality conflict can no longer be conventional.

    That should also affect our expectations as to how this war would be resolved. When militants took up arms in the Niger Delta their grouse was economic and environmental. They had demands that could be negotiated and the compromise was the Amnesty Programme that silenced the booming guns. The arrangement may not be pretty but at least it brought closure – after a fashion.

    But how do you deal with enemies who are not willing to negotiate? Their only condition for peace is that you bow to their way of thinking and worship. In a multi-religious and multi-ethnic setting like Nigeria that is a non-starter: leaving only an option – a fight to the finish until only one side is left standing.

    Such face-offs are usually wars of attrition that are long-drawn. A striking parallel on the African continent is the conflict between the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the Ugandan government. The rebels formed their organisation in 1987, took up arms in the 90s and have been killing and maiming for over two decades.

    Just like Boko Haram the LRA’s activities spilled out of Uganda and over the years affected South Sudan, the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. While claiming to be committed to the establishment of multi-party democracy, this ‘Christian’ cult aims to rule Uganda according to the Biblical Ten Commandments. Its religious roots mirror that of the North East insurgents who are pushing a brand of Islam that views Western education as sinful.

    A Wikipedia entry about the LRA says it “is not motivated by any identifiable political agenda, and its military strategy and tactics reflect this and it appears to largely function as a personality cult of its leader Joseph Kony.”

    The same entry quoting a report funded by United States Embassy in Kampala in 1997 said: “the LRA has no political program or ideology, at least none that the local population has heard or can understand.” (Who in Nigeria has been able to explain what Boko Haram is fighting for, or why it enters a town and mows down 150 unarmed men, women and children?)

    This ragtag army at the height of its infamy had thousands enlisted in its ranks. But over the years offensives by the Ugandan army as well as joint operations with neighbouring countries depleted its cadres to the extent that by some estimates it now has only a few hundred fighting men it can call upon to commit havoc.

    Even with the intervention of the United States which in 2011 provided 100 military advisers and $4.5 million per month to defeat the rebels, they stubbornly carry on.

    In March 2012 a four-nation African Union military force was created with Uganda providing leadership. The brigade of 5,000 drew soldiers from the DR Congo, Central African Republic and South Sudan with the mandate to track down Kony and the remnants of the LRA. (That force is much like the one Nigeria heads – involving three of our neighbours.) But as of today the rebel leader remains at large and his diehard followers keep moving between four countries.

    Without doubt Buhari and his team are determined to approach the problem differently. It is certainly too early to begin to see the effects of that new strategy when even the process of relocating command and control to Maiduguri is yet to be completed. Still, I don’t see him reinventing the wheel. Judging by the moves he has made in the last few weeks, were seeing a replay of what has been tried in East Africa against the LRA with a limited measure of success.

    That isn’t to say that it might not work better here because unlike the Boko Haram situation, the Ugandan rebellion despite its religious colouration had deep ethnic roots. This afforded the rebels a measure of acceptance by the dominant tribes in the northern part of the country. Our Islamists have never aspired to be part of the mainstream political arrangements and don’t care about winning the affection of local people in territories they conquer.

    Irrespective of the tack the government wants to adopt it now has to manage a crisis of expectations. Jonathan did so poorly in his handling of the  insurgency that people naively expect Buhari like some ‘Rambo’ character to waltz into Sambisa and gun down every one of them. And they expect it to happen fast! In reality this Boko Haram business will not have a Hollywood ending.

    We must begin to prepare for the long haul. This sect, just like the LRA, isn’t going to totally disappear because we don’t have enough soldiers to police huge expanses of territory in the country side far from regular military outposts.

    They may become a pale shadow of the fearsome terror machine whose maniacal leader, Abubakar Shekau, taunted us with boastful videos from time to time at the height of their notoriety. But they would not totally disappear. Such is the bloodlust that they have become accustomed to that there would be nothing else left for them to do other than kill and be killed.

    The governmentmust complement the goal of military victory with winning the war for the minds of those who have been enslaved by the evil Boko Haram ideology. That is the only way of killing the insurgency because what is driving it is the power of an idea.

    Unless that approach is taken Buhari would be reduced to celebrating military success one day and issuing unending commiserations the next – just like his predecessor. After a while many would not remember that he was the feared general who once put rampaging extremists to flight in the 80s. They would only remember his record with Boko Haram.

  • Our Girls;  Beyond politics- EducareTrust @ 21 begs YOU to start a ‘Youth Inspiration Centre’ in your ward

    Our Girls are still missing since April 15th 2014 and Boko Haram is more vicious.

    EducareTrust@21, is a miracle, often broke, interspersed with life-saving donations. When a child visits EducareTrust (ET), she puts down her head-tray of groundnuts, enters ET, uses a computer, book and keyboard, meets others and after we have bought her groundnuts and leaves with a smile. Donor agencies ask ‘How do you measure ET success?’ and hate my answer ‘The Smile’.

    Be warned. The NGO road is ‘t-rough’, tough and rough, especially for a youth NGO which cannot charge fees. Not all NGOs have access to CSR corporate Nigeria which centralises CSR activities in HQ, neglecting young customers at local level. Nigeria is full of unsung heroes. Educare Trust survives because of the good in people like you. We have had support from the Zard Group and thousands including donor agencies. Their positive effect is immortalised in the smiles of the youth and on our Honour Boards and photographs in ‘Educare Trust Heroes Gallery’. Appreciation to Alhaji Wahab Musa, Mr. Simeon Ekanem for the early days and staff members: Manager Solomon Iguanre, Taiwo Ogundimu, Faith Christopher, Martha Olumekor and many others up to Chinedu Osadebe, Comfort Olorunmota, Mrs. Akpeji and Raphael Afeyodion today.

    Some provide professional services free like Mr Tony Aneni and Baker Tilly Nigeria, Funso Ogunleye Esq, Funsho Adegbola, Arc Okorafor, Arc Onadeko. Many professionals and pensioners give guidance like Dr. Tunde Oni and late Aunty Beatrice Ajayi. Some give expertise or a skeleton, Insectaria, computers, Newsletter publishing and Aquarium building like Prof Oyediran, Prof Fawole, Mr Adepeju, Prof Aken’Ova, Mr Dax Kumapaye, Dr Kayode Sogo. Some give funds, newspapers or antivirus CDs like Dr Pat Alabi and Dr Toks Abiose. Some a book from bookshops at home or abroad or wall posters like Dr Kehinde Ayeni, Mr. Mosuro, Prof & Mrs Ekpere and  Chief Berkhout. Some represented us like Mrs Funsho Adegbola, Mr Moshood-current administrator, Mr Kunle Marinho, Ms Sade Young, Mrs Yemisi Marinho, Ms Bisi and Nike Osuntokun. Some give regular funds like Chief Lekan Are, Chief Oshobi, Dr Agbaje, Folake Ojo, Mrs Tolani Akinkoye. Some sent funds or material in memory of loved ones, like for late Engr. Sina Ojo and Prof M O Odejide. Some give life-changing contributions like Dr Raymond Zard, Mr Wazdi Zard, Mr Ogie Alakija, Dr John Abebe, Mr Okunola, Alhaji L Fagbemi SAN, Prof Mrs Olurin, Chief Kola Daisi and Chief Adebayo Akande. Some have given us space to guarantee our existence like Engr. Niran Fafowora, Toyin Marinho, Fr. Richard Omolade and Yanju Adegbite and so many others. Thank you.

    At a dinner meeting with the PZ Board under PZ Chairman Professor Edozien, I spoke of Nigerians requiring and providing a Youth Centre in every ward, as permanent community ‘value added’ and better than multi-billion HQ ‘T-shirt’ transient CSR. One year later Educare Trust received a ‘change’ miracle- a Youth Centre by PZ-Cussons Foundation with Mrs Yomi Ifaturoti as Secretary. A delegation kindly led by Chief SPA Ajibade and ET Past Chairman Mr Ogie Alakija in 2010, led to a visit by Chairman Emeritus Professor Ayo Banjo and myself to Governor Adebayo Alao Akala who ‘donated’ land by Oyo State Government as PPP.

    After visits to four sites, a plot on Concorde Lane, Old Ibadan Airport, Samonda GRA Ibadan was allocated ‘free’ with Educare Trust paying N3.5m in normal levies. PZ-Cussons Foundation built the Youth Centre ground floor as CSR. It is a template for copying. It took a difficult nine months, and 400+ visits to the secretariat by Daniel Henshaw and visits by Educare Trust members Arc. Okorafor and Arc Onadeko, who supervised the project, Dr Akin Sodipo, Funso Adegbola, Yanju Adegbite. Thanks to all and Ministry officials.

    In contrast many fellow landlords were hostile to having a Youth Centre. ET suffered a smear campaign.

    It has been a bitter-sweet five years – the backbiting and the building. Anyway the Educare Trust/PZ Youth Inspiration Centre was commissioned on May 10, 2012 by the Chairman of PZ-Cussons Foundation, Professor Edozien with Mrs Ifaturoti and others including BOT Chairman, Justice Babalakin, Prof Akinkugbe, Prof Oyediran, Prof Mrs Olurin, Chief Kola Daisi.

    ET members then built the first floor. We are grateful to former Chairman Mr. Ogie Alakija, Dr Zard-Life Patron, both major donors and Yomi Salami. Arc. Okorafor, Financial secretary, and Arc Onadeko, our member and Dr Okediran, our Treasurer must be recognised because of their 21 year commitment of professional skills pro bono towards the project and completion of “UPSTAIRS”, The ‘A-Z Hall’, named for Mr Alakija and Dr Zard and because the Hall will take care of ‘everything’ and opened on 20th June 2015 by Alhaji Olalekan Alli, former SSG, representing Governor Ajimobi.

    This ET story must stimulate you to struggle financially, physically to create ‘youth space’ in every community/ward, VIP or poor. Please visit Educare Trust, behind Ventura, Inside Samonda GRA, Sango-UI, Ibadan. Nigeria’s youth will only become crime and violence free if we all support ‘change’- Beyond politics start ‘A National/State/LGA PPP Policy Of One Youth Centre/Ward’-each named after the area.

    Nigeria needs 10,000,000 individuals each donating N500-1000 -5,000 each/month to Red Cross/Boy Scouts/Educare Trust/Youth Centre – A little from a lot.

    ET and Youth centres are multi-person adventures. Since 1994, ET has reached millions. If you benefited from ET, please give back ‘cash or kind’. At 21, Generation Next must take over ET. Your Educare Trust needs YOU!

    ‘This ET story must stimulate you to struggle financially, physically to create ‘youth space’ in every community/ward, VIP or poor. Please visit Educare Trust, behind Ventura, Inside Samonda GRA, Sango-UI, Ibadan. Nigeria’s youth will only become crime and violence free if we all support ‘change’- Beyond politics start ‘A National/State/LGA PPP Policy Of One Youth Centre/Ward’-each named after the area’