Category: Wednesday

  • Our Girls; FMB; Politics-Nigeria’s disaster; Xenophobia; INEC vs anarchy; Nigeria-teach history

    Our Girls still missing since April 15, 2014. What hope for them to escape their evil captors?

    Ten to 32 farmers were killed by herdsmen in the ongoing FULANI HERDSMEN/FARMERS WAR which has claimed over 5000 lives, second to Boko Haram. What can and will Buhari do when he takes over?

    The Kotangora House, Marina, Lagos fire reveals the building is owned by Federal Mortgage Bank which has seriously failed the housing loan industry. FMB should sell Kotangora House and use the billions for its unfulfilled role.

    The earthquake and Mount Everest avalanche in Nepal killing 3,000+ are warnings to Nigeria’s leadership to take governance seriously. Bad governance also kills thousands, for example THE OKADA MOTORCYCLE EPIDEMIC. Daily I see deadly disease and death in potholed Nigeria. The ONLY NATURAL DISASTER IN NIGERIA IS POLITICS losing trillions to theft and incompetence. Even in ‘working’ states, the costs in corruption and taxes are too high on the few paying. Tax Consultants take too much. Taxation must follow the democracy axiom – BETTER TO TAX MANY A LITTLE, THAN A FEW A LOT.  Taxes in overtaxed states must be reviewed downward.

    The Gallipoli Campaign 100 years ago, claiming 130,000+ lives, was marked on 25-4-2015. The Armenian Deportation or Genocide claiming 600,000-1.5million lives was marked on 24-4-2015. These are history, win or lose. Countries which ignore history, cannot survive. Nigeria abandoned teaching history.

    The Xenophobic attacks in South Africa are partly because the complete history of the anti-apartheid struggle is not taught but summarised as ‘Let us forget the past except for a few heroes’. Most young South Africans are angry at their poverty and joblessness caused by failures of their own government which spends millions on the President’s home. The migrant African worker is easier prey who would not be in South Africa if not for the failures of African governments back home!

    Films, plays, books, songs, stories must tell of those who stood against apartheid and for freedom in Angola, Mozambique, and Congo. How many African salaries, jobs, scholarships, medical services and lives helped South Africans? Africans collected pocket money for South Africans. South African and Africans schools should teach history from the old anti-apartheid diplomats to correct the ‘shortage of history’ or ‘history deficit’. Nigeria sent Nigerian volunteer doctors including Dr Wole Ogunseyinde to Angola and Mozambique in 1970s. Ignorance is an African denied his history, fed 100% rubbish politics!  And Burundi President wants a third term!

    America is taught history in Hollywood blockbusters, even failures like the Bay of Pigs. Our Nollywood should too. Where in Nigeria is the Commemorative Plaque/Memorial for Nigerians who helped kill apartheid? We remember historians Professors Tekena Tamuno-TNT, and JFA Ajayi. Let the new government TEACH HISTORY ‘Lest We Also Forget’ our past. Xenophobia spreads faster than Ebola. HISTORY IS A VACCINE AGAINST XENOPHOBIA. Any reprisal attacks on South African business in the countries of victims of xenophobia in South Africa, is also xenophobia and must not happen. Two ‘human rights’ wrongs do not make it alright.

    We expect a lot of INEC – A good honest election to triumph over entrenched political anarchy. We expect INEC to deliver a MORAL AND MATERIAL MIRACLE in a country where political corruption and vicious violence are stepping stones to ‘respectable’ political glory. The Nigerian political system has ‘legalised the illegality’ of exorbitant Salaries and Perks, SAP, salaries for life, and pauperised Nigeria by budget self-allocations and 30-70% contract kickbacks.

    The average Nigerian says there are no ‘clean politicians’. If a past ‘clean’ governor has a huge election war-chest of billions, would those stolen billions have not paid for enough roads, text books and medicines, water, filled potholes to guarantee re-election? Our politicians must TURN FROM STEALING TO SERVICE or Nigeria is doomed! Are our politicians morally capable of STOPPING STEALING FOR FOUR YEARS, voluntarily or from fear?

    Why do we expect INEC officials to overcome a dangerous tested political evil monster? They mostly would do a good job if other Nigerians did not participate in dirty politics. Is it INEC officials who bribe, intimidate, ransom, threaten GBH-Grievous Bodily Harm, shoot, bomb, bury in coffins, stab and spread murder and mayhem? No, it is politicians who ‘use any means necessary’ to outwit INEC officials. The politicians are never caught, fined, barred from re-run elections, prosecuted or jailed. So ‘brawn’ claims a violent victory over ‘brain’. We are mostly ‘volunteer voters’ offering time and presence at polling booths to help democracy. A volunteer voter votes for democratic principles and the manifesto inducement of future ‘good governance’.

    This is different from voters voting only under direction for short term profit like stomach infrastructure, bribery, the coerced voter who is ‘selling’ the vote for inducement, bribes or beatings. Who is wiser – the voter who takes immediate returns or the one who votes for political reasons? INEC, how did under-aged and Chadian foreigners register? Who used those PVCs? How many PVCs did not match the voters but the INEC officials said ‘Yes’ from fear?

    It is not INEC which needs education or must educate Nigerians. Nigeria must teach ‘POLITICAL NATIONAL MORAL DEMOCRACY EDUCATION’ to 14+ year olds who will be 18+ in 2019 in schools and the family through teaching Civics and History. The problems include that the Northern feudal system fears that real democracy with free education will take away an obedient multitude and cheap labour –like cattle herdsmen and almajari youth. The price of democratic progress.

    ‘It is not INEC which needs education or must educate Nigerians. Nigeria must teach ‘POLITICAL NATIONAL MORAL DEMOCRACY EDUCATION’ to 14+ year olds who will be 18+ in 2019 in schools and the family through teaching Civics and History’ 

     

  • Abba as sacrificial lamb

    Last Tuesday’s sudden removal of the Inspector General of Police, IGP, Suleiman Abba, came as a shock. It was like a thunderbolt from the blue. Perhaps, except for those who delivered the killer-punch, nobody expected it. All of a sudden, the journey ended for Abba via an announcement on the twitter handle of Reuben Abati, the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity. At the time the news broke at about 1:24p.m, Abba was busy working in his office.

    I was in my office on that day putting finishing touches to a crucial assignment when I got a call from Abuja. Sola, the person on the other end, brushed aside protocol or banters and simply said: “Egbon won ti yo Abba,” meaning, Sir, they have removed Abba.” I was momentarily startled, but I quickly put myself together and asked: What happened? Sola replied: “Well, the news is all over the place and Solomon Arase, the Deputy Inspector General in charge of Intelligence, has been named as acting IG with immediate effect.” At that point, I could not proceed any further. I just hung up. Time was 2:30pm.

    Barely an hour later, specifically at about 3:30pm, I put a call through to Abba. We exchanged greetings and I said: “What is this news that I have just heard?” Abba replied: “Well, I am in my office and nobody has told me anything.” What this means is that though he was the subject of the news or the man at the centre of the news or even the news itself, he had only heard the news of his removal, perhaps, through some whispers or gossips around him. That was probably why upon my inquiry, he did not ask me what I had heard and simply said he was still at his desk working.

    By the time I finished talking with Abba, I became more confused. It never crossed my mind that the news may not be true after all. Of course, I knew it could be true judging from the clout of the person who broke the news to me. But here was the man, the subject of the news, still in the dark over the whole episode. I remember the procedure that eventually culminated in his appointment as IG about nine months ago. Some two or three days to the expiration of the tenure of his predecessor, Mohammed Dahiru Abubakar, on July 31, 2014, he was invited to the Villa and briefed. From then on, things started happening until the announcement of his appointment was finally made public and the handing over and taking over was done on Friday, August 1, 2014. That appointment followed a normal pattern.

    Regrettably, the removal of Abba from the exalted office of the IG, just nine months after he assumed office, has been carried out in a manner reminiscent of the days of yore under the jackboots when good reason was jettisoned for kangaroo ways of life. Abba was removed via a message on twitter, followed by a terse statement while the victim was kept in the dark. He was neither queried, nor invited for debriefing or even given any letter to that effect. His masters or traducers, simply went on air and shuffled him into the ever-lengthening casualty list of discredited and disgraced government appointees.

    By 11:30pm on that Tuesday when I put another call to Abba, he was just having his dinner at home amidst several people who had thronged his residence to sympathise with him. When I asked him whether he had been served a letter at last, he told me that up till that time, there has been no official communication with him to the effect that he had been removed. To me, that looks like “man’s inhumanity to man.” It is tantamount to a sort of mental torture as his mind will be wandering all over the place trying to hazard a guess on what could have happened.

    The office of the IG is a very important and sensitive office that should be treated as such. At least, courtesy demands that the decision of the president, whether good or bad, should be communicated to the occupant of that office whether he has fallen out of favour or not. The IG’s office is not a motor park and the IG is not a motor tout who could be dumped and abandoned by the roadside at anytime. The right procedure and protocol should be applied. I mean you don’t treat people shabbily for whatever reason. It is high time this form of jackboot mentality in governance is consigned to the dustbin. Whatever must have happened, the way and manner we react to pressing issues go a long way to depict the type of persons we are.

    During the Aminu Tambuwal saga at the National Assembly, last year, I was blunt with Abba when I told him that he should always be guided by the law in whatever he does as IG. That he should not stick out his neck for anybody because when the chips are down, the same people he is trying to protect will not hesitate to sacrifice him. It was as if I had a premonition of what could happen much later. Now, the chips are down and Abba has been made a sacrificial lamb. Therefore, he may have to carry or bear the scar of that inglorious encounter with Tambuwal like an albatross, all alone. Such is life. Today, it is Abba’s turn, who knows the next victim?

    But why are our police officers always treated so shabbily? Unlike the army, over the years, the police have not been able to insulate themselves from politics or political interference. Many of the officers either get involved in politics because of greed or because they are constantly dragged into it by power-seeking politicians. Some police officers also believe that their survival in their chosen career is solely dependent on the amount of political influence they can wield or throw around. Some of them also join cult groups and all the rest of them to keep their jobs or attain rapid promotion. This is because many of their superiors, godfathers or those who determine their fate, are high-ranking, bonafide members of these secret cults. In that case, since the politicians now determine their fate, they have no option than to genuflect before them for personal aggrandizement. But trust politicians, they are masters in the act of using and dumping people.

    Right from Abba’s first day in office, his detractors had been going about peddling all sorts of falsehood at the Presidency, all designed to put spanners in the wheel of progress. I once asked him about this and he told me that it has assumed a permanent feature of life in the police for people to concoct stories and peddle them around. Even if you had to be picked among some potential IGs, those who are not so lucky instantly turn themselves into the opposition to your tenure. It must be pointed out that by doing this, it is the police force that is being systematically decimated and ridiculed, not the occupant of the office. There is no doubt that this trend will continue as the struggle for power in the police is something that is very intense and almost everybody is involved. Even in police stations, policemen struggle to be posted to ‘juicy’ beats. It is an overwhelming anomaly.

    Abba meant well for the police. He was interested in building a new image entirely for the organisation. His major focus was re-orientation through attitudinal change but all that has now become history. Soon, a whole generation of police officers may be wiped out again, the second within one year. This will surely impact negatively on the morale of the members and accentuate their desire for corrupt enrichment in order to secure their future.

    Now, an acting IGP has been appointed in the person of Solomon Ehigiator Arase. I have my reservations!

    ‘Regrettably, the removal of Abba from the exalted office of the IG, just nine months after he assumed office, has been carried out in a manner reminiscent of the days of yore under the jackboots when good reason was jettisoned for kangaroo ways of life’

     

     

  • 2015: ‘Bad belle’ as ideology

    Going by the depth of bitterness, anger and frustration emanating from the ranks of the PDP and its supporters, it is obvious many of them never anticipated defeat in the presidential contest. I find that amazing. How is it possible that they didn’t consider all possible scenarios? If they did, the bile that is still gushing would have become a weak dribble.

    Their anger is not only directed at the Buhari and APC who pinched their precious presidency, it is also leveled at Jonathan who some blame for not doing “what is necessary” to win. I have had a couple say to me that were they to be in the man’s shoes they would have rigged their way to a second term.

    Online I get great entertainment reading the posts of ruling party supporters straining to find cracks in APC as members wrangle over spoil. When they identify what they presume to be evidence of trouble they celebrate such gleefully with such unoriginal exclamations as ‘We told you so’, ‘It has already started’ (the in-fighting they mean), and ‘We don enter One Chance’ – just to mention a few.

    Of course, I have also heard intemperate remarks coming from the APC end suggesting that some supporters are still giddy with adrenaline they’ve forgotten that Buhari has been given his certificate of return. You guys won remember?

    I would suggest to all sides of this bruising battle to calm down. To APC supporters: you won so be humble and compassionate. To the PDP supporters: I feel your pain. But you lost so get used to it. Buhari is going to be your president for the next four years at the very least. Live with it!

    The new government has not even been formed; it is indecent and undignified to be plotting how to savage it when it hasn’t even taken one step. Fairness demands that they be allowed a honeymoon period to bed down. That may not be in the interest of politicians who are desperate to see APC falter as quickly as possible, but it is in the national interest.

    Just as the new government needs time, the outgoing ruling party requires time for proper soul-searching. Many PDP’s leaders don’t grasp the gravity of the shift that has happened in the polity. That is why they make rash claims about reclaiming power in 2019.

    While that is not impossible, it excludes the possibility that the APC could do so well that 2019 would be the final burial of the last vestiges of PDP. The only way they are going to make headway in opposition is through creativity, rebranding and offering fresh ideas. Take their slogan – ‘PDP! Power! Can this organism survive now that it has been separated from power?

    Not much thinking is happening right now. Instead we continue to be treated to regurgitations of the same vile utterances that caused Nigerians to turn against Jonathan and his party. If they don’t take time to purge themselves of the poisonous tendencies in their midst they would soon be known as the party with bad belle as its ideology.

  • Suleiman Abba: Anatomy of a sacking

    Suleiman Abba: Anatomy of a sacking

    You won’t find too many people shedding tears for the immediate past Inspector-General of Police, Suleiman Abba. The All Progressives Congress (APC) says under him the police became little more than the enforcement arm of the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) used to thwart the people’s will and act in ways that negated its constitutional mandate.

    Other reports spoke of jubilation by the rank and file in some areas when news of his removal filtered through. For as long as I can remember, ordinary policemen have celebrated the fall of their bosses for reasons revolving largely round their welfare. I’m unsure in what ways he had offended them.

    If Abba was unpopular with the lower rungs of the force, he certainly was no longer flavour of the month in Aso Rock. The tweet announcing his firing was as terse as it was cryptic. It was devoid of even the lamest of courtesies: it was downright disrespectful.

    But it was not always this way. The colourless former IG leapt into public consciousness with his high profile role in the storming of the National Assembly when the House of Representatives tried to sit for the first time following the defection of Speaker Aminu Tambuwal to the APC.

    The Speaker had riled President Goodluck Jonathan and the PDP high command by breaking with the party’s agreed zoning structure to run to lead the House. What made the episode even more galling for the powers-that-be was that the rebel achieved his victory through an unlikely alliance with elements of the APC.

    Although Tambuwal and his deputy, Emeka Ihedioha would go to Aso Villa and the party hierarchy to beg for forgiveness, he would never be trusted again. Indeed, if Jonathan had been able to muster the numbers the speaker would have been out on his ear long ago.

    Over the months as it became obvious that his break with PDP had become permanent the party waited patiently for their quarry to make his move. Even when he formally announced his change of affiliation they still couldn’t oust him. By now the APC through defections had temporarily snatched the majority.

    That left Jonathan will only one hand left to play. He got Abba to strip the speaker of his security details. The then IG even took matters a step further. When the media asked for the rationale behind his action he crossed the line between law enforcement and adjudication. Tambuwal, he said, had violated the constitution by crossing party lines – therefore he was no longer Speaker. Aghast, people asked the police chief when he assumed the role of the courts to interpret the constitution.

    Whatever the removal of security cover was intended to achieve for the Presidency and ruling party, the effect was the opposite. It exposed the hypocrisy of the force and administration as many other legislators and governors had defected to the PDP without receiving the same treatment.

    Tambuwal continued as speaker making his own private security arrangements and using the courts to sustain his position. Abba and his police force, on the other hand, found themselves getting sucked deeper and deeper into the mire of partisan politics. They clearly loved the mud bath as they threw themselves into further controversy with their open embrace of one side during the Osun State governorship election last year.

    In the end Abba who had devoted himself and the Nigerian police structure to the advancement of the partisan interests of those who made him was humiliated out of his cherished office by the same hands. No official reasons have been given for his sacking but I am inclined to believe much of the speculations that have been published.

    The truth is the Jonathan presidency leaks more than a sieve. Three days before the dismissal was announced The Nation had published an exclusive report on Saturday, April 18 to the effect that Abba was on his way out. Against such a backdrop it would be unreasonable to dismiss what has been reported in the media as untrue.

    So what do we know? The former IG was accused of disloyalty because in his final few weeks in office he made postings that positioned the police to do their work more evenly in some critical states. Significantly, he posted Assistant Inspector-General of Police Tunde Ogunsakin to Rivers State only to have his order countermanded by Aso Rock. That dodgy move by a desperate presidency soon found its way into the press.

    Abba’s other sin reportedly was his attending the ceremony where President-Elect Muhammadu Buhari was presented with his certificate of return. He was also said to have been at the airport to receive the general.

    I am convinced that in doing these things Abba didn’t have a sudden conversion to professionalism. Rather, it was the instinct for self-preservation that kicked in. Had Jonathan prevailed on March 28 would he have moved the officers around in the manner he did? I doubt it.

    This was a man who was willing to do what was necessary to please whoever would further his career ends. He gambled – thinking that the moves he made would stand him in good stead with the incoming administration. He lost because he presumed the dying horse was finished – not knowing it had one last devastating kick before expiring. The result was his vengeful sacking by an embittered president.

    For all his scheming to right wrongs that the police under him had perpetrated, the former IG would be remembered not for his actions in the last three weeks, but for the infamous police invasion of the National Assembly. Who can forget those graphic images of teargas filling the House chamber or of portly legislators clambering over gates that had been shut by the police? Mr. Abba has clearly secured his accommodation in the halls of infamy.

    As for President Jonathan his coldblooded humiliation of his erstwhile police chief reinforces what many have said about him in the past. While he makes every effort to project a humble and amiable mien he’s also capable of the most impetuous acts of vindictiveness. His Public Affairs Adviser, Doyin Okupe once famously compared him to Jesus Christ. But episodes like the Abba sacking expose the president as just another flawed, unforgiving human being.

    Those in the know claim that whilst he was late President Umaru Yar’Adua’s deputy he suffered a series of slights at the hands of former Delta State Governor James Ibori and ex-Bayelsa Governor Timipre Sylva. When he providentially became president these two fellows quickly discovered there was a new sheriff in town.

    Sylva, especially, was subjected to treatment that confirms the old saying that revenge is a dish best eaten cold. It is said that conscious of the less-than-chummy relationship between him and the new president, some colleague governors took Sylva to beg forgiveness of the president on bended knees. He got the real answer when he was muscled out the state’s PDP gubernatorial primaries with a script that had Abuja’s fingerprints all over it.

    There’s no question that Jonathan is still traumatized by the outcome of the elections. Reports say he feels betrayed by a wide array of party men and appointees who either didn’t do enough for the cause or just converted campaign cash to personal use. But we are yet to hear any admission by the candidate of his own mistakes that imperiled his candidacy long before these last few weeks.

    Some people always have to blame others for their woes. Amusingly, Jonathan’s supporters who are yet to reconcile themselves to the fact that their man has lost power have been clutching at anything in sight that looks like a win to award their hero. So they have latched onto his concession call to Buhari as the tool for reinventing the man some global statesman.

    But one phone call does not a Jimmy Carter make. The PDP crisis was exacerbated by the decision of the “global statesman” to break the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) by backing the minority against the majority. What was statesmanly about the president overseeing the abuse of the military in last year’s Ekiti gubernatorial election leading to what is now known as the Ekitigate scandal?

    The Abba sacking shows once again that at the core of Nigeria’s leadership challenge is slotting small men in big offices. Even if the ex-IG had actually been so ‘disloyal’ couldn’t the president have restrained himself knowing he was a lame-duck who would be out of the place in four weeks? What altruism is there in a man in his position making such a high profile appointment knowing that Buhari is likely to name his own security team once he takes over?

    Jonathan could have moved on basking in the approbation that followed his concession call to Buhari, but a man would sooner or later be undone by his weaknesses. By succumbing to one last vengeful lunge at his enemies the president now heads into retirement under a stream of negative headlines.

    The more I turn over Abba’s list of sins, the more I am left underwhelmed. Jonathan could have let it go and taken his revenge in his memoirs. Nelson Mandela was unjustly jailed for 27 years. He emerged to forgive his erstwhile tormenters, save his nation from racial conflagration and became a global symbol of the power of forgiveness. And he was not even a religious leader! He was a giant.

    Our leaders are slow to forgive and proudly celebrate their capacity to hold long grudges over small matters. They are quick to exact revenge at the first opportunity. Little wonder they are pygmies!

  • Jega’s forbearance  and Awo’s curse

    Jega’s forbearance and Awo’s curse

    Four years ago, I almost gave up hope that the curse laid on this country by the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo that Nigeria will never experience any credible election in my life time will ever be lifted. The great man laid the curse in a newspaper interview after he lost his 1983 presidential bid to Alhaji Shehu Shagari for the second time, the first time being 1979 after 13 years of military rule, which followed the first coup on January 15, 1966.

    As if to prove the efficacy of the great man’s curse, the army struck against President Shagari on December 31 that year, barely three months into his second term. This time the soldiers held on to power for 15 years.

    During those 15 years, we had three military regimes and at least two failed coups in between. In the last of those military regimes which started in November 1993 and lasted five long, brutish years, the head of state, General Sani Abacha, had almost succeeded in transforming himself into a civilian president at the end of three years of a self-serving transition politics he initiated in 1995, when he died mysteriously in June 1998.

    His Chief of Defence Staff, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, who succeeded him promised to return power to civilians in 11 short months. He kept his word. Thus emerged the current Fourth Republic in May 1999 under a civilian General Olusegun Obasanjo, the man who, as military head of state, ushered in the Second Republic in 1979.

    The general election through which Obasanjo emerged was generally regarded as free, fair and credible even though there were suspicions that the authorities could not have been completely disinterested in the outcome of an election in which their former boss and military commander-in-chief (Obasanjo) was a candidate.

    However, even if the authorities favoured their former commander-in-chief, it could be argued that the 1999 elections were credible enough to make one hope that Awo’s curse was over for good.

    Unfortunately, President Obasanjo soon dashed that hope when he rejected calls from home and abroad to do a Mandela – i.e. serve for only one term and heal the wounds 15 years of military rule and its dubious transitions to civil rule had inflicted on the nation. Instead, an Obasanjo determined to serve a second term superintended over elections in 2003 which lacked credibility.

    His success apparently made the man even more daring as he soon plotted to amend the Constitution to remove its two-term limit. Mercifully, he failed. But then in an election in 2007 which himself said was a “do or die” affair, he succeeded in imposing on the country an ailing president and his clueless vice. The 2007 election was so bad that no less than President Umaru Yar’Adua, its highest beneficiary, admitted nearly as much in his inaugural speech and promised electoral reform as a priority.

    However, less than half-way through his presidency his deteriorating health led to a serious constitutional crisis of succession, when a protective cabal around him sought to stop the vice-president, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, from taking over, even though it had became obvious that the president was no longer in possession of his faculties.

    A “doctrine of necessity” invoked by the Senate, following massive civil society demonstrations against the president’s cabal finally resolved the crisis in favour of the vice-president and he took over in acting capacity. Shortly after that the president died and Jonathan became substantive president.

    The insistence by some Northern PDP chieftains that Jonathan should only serve out the remainder of Yar’Adua’s first term and make way for a Northern presidential candidate in the next election in 2011, based on the party’s power rotation arrangement, led to a serious rift with the ruling party. Predictably, Jonathan used his incumbency to prevail and win his party’s ticket.

    As president he promised to deliver on the promise of his predecessor to reform our electoral laws. And as if to prove he meant what he promised he replaced Professor Maurice Iwu, whose disastrous handling of the 2007 elections was almost universally condemned, with Professor Attahiru Jega on June 8, 2010, to universal acclaim, given Jega’s antecedents as an indefatigable and perpendicular president of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) in the late eighties.

    Less than a year after his appointment, he conducted his first general election on April 9, 2011. This was after the initial date of April 2 turned into a fiasco because of late arrival of materials from the printers abroad, so late that he had to make a national broadcast postponing the election. This rescheduling led to a week’s delay in conducting the presidential election which then held on April 16.

    The aftermath of that election has since gone down as probably the single bloodiest in Nigeria’s electoral history, with the dead put at 800, at the least. Depending on which side you are, the culprit was either provocative threats by leaders of the opposition party which lost the election or the widespread perception that it was rigged by the ruling party in cahoots with INEC.

    However, whoever was to blame for the post election violence of that year, it must have created a widespread concern that a free, fair and credible election was simply impossible in Nigeria. If someone with Jega’s fabled character, with all the public goodwill he enjoyed at the time of his appointment – not to mention the fact that the National Assembly made sure money was not his object in conducting the elections – couldn’t do it, most Nigerians must’ve wondered who else could.

    The answer, it has now turned out was Jega himself. The election he has just conducted has been widely acclaimed as the most credible in Nigeria’s history. Certainly, it is as much a final vindication of the public’s initial trust in him, in spite of the crisis of the 2011 election, as it is, hopefully, the end of Awo’s curse.

    Jega was, of course, helped tremendously by technology, mainly the use of Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) and Smart Card Readers (SCRs). The technology, however, was merely a tool and it would never have been deployed if the man did not resolutely stand up to the powerful forces that did all they could to discredit the PVCs and SCRs.

    Not only did the man stand up to those against the use of technology to check election rigging, his courage and forbearance in the face of all moves by the same powerful forces to impugn his personal integrity was difficult, if not impossible, to match. Certainly, without such courage and forbearance the last ditch plot by these same powerful forces to disrupt the announcement of the result of the presidential election when their defeat seemed imminent, as displayed by former Niger Delta Affairs minister, Elder Godsday Orubebe’s shameful tantrums against Jega on live television on March 31, would have succeeded.

    And had it succeeded, the story would have been totally different from its happy ending for a country that has longed for a universally adjudged free, fair and credible election since Independence in 1960.

     

    Re: Death of a quiet mystic

    Sir,

    A small oversight in your article of April 15. MD Yusufu was a grandchild of Muhammadu Dikko and not a great grandchild. His father, Yusufu Lamba, as he was popularly called, was the son of Dikko and the Magajin Garin Katsina at the time of Dikko’s death.

    +2348033498639.

    Sir,

    I beg to differ on MD Yusuf’s so-called heroics. It was clear that Abacha only used him as a kite or red herring to deceive the Western nations that there was some form of opposition, no more, no less.

    +2348024607919.

    Sir,

    You are a mischievous being. You tried to demean OBJ by attributing his handing over power to civilians (in 1979) to northerners around him. You are a tribal bigot!

    +2348037607722.

    Sir,

    M. D. Yusufu was a true democrat with a passion to serve the people not to serve his pocket.

    +2348055594567.

    Sir,

    You goofed last week when you wrote that OBJ was the first African military ruler to hand over power to a civilian regime. Contrary to the historical inaccuracy, it was General Akwasi Afrifa, a military ruler in Ghana, who handed over power to Dr. Kofi Busia in 1969. That was ten years before OBJ did so in Nigeria!

    Femi Falana, SAN.

    Sir,

    This is just to respectfully observe that the political party which MD Yusufu founded in the Abacha transition era was named Movement for Democracy and Justice (MDJ) and not the Grassroots Democratic Movement as your article recorded.

    Julius Ogar

    Sniperj2002@yahoo.com

     

    •MDJ was during OBJ’s Third Term bid between 2003 and 2007. MD Yusufu’s party during Abacha’s transition was GDM.

  • Our Girls; Are we 120m or 170m Nigerians? Jega GCFR, INEC and 2019; Democracy Monuments; IGR

    Our Girls; Are we 120m or 170m Nigerians? Jega GCFR, INEC and 2019; Democracy Monuments; IGR

    Our Girls are still missing since April 15th 2014 – a year of painful empty days. We pray as the military makes efforts but we cannot comprehend the agony of families dragged into terrible emotional trauma. Where are they? When will they return?
    What is our real population- ‘170m’, ‘around 200m’? Where are these 170m Nigerians? Foreigners count us by satellite and know. Do the maths. INEC made 70m Permanent Voters Cards. Only 56m collected. Only 28+m voted. Add 10m for cancellations, disenfranchised, sick and bored making 38m or being generous 40m. If adults are 40% of the population, the under 18 year old are 60% or 60m. With this the total population is 100m or even 120m. What is the true census figure and ‘Where are the Nigerians?’ A reduced real population will improve our GDP and our rebased economy and help keep our people at home safe from South African xenophobia.
    The 2015 elections are over with  serious questions of legitimacy of winners and scandalous  outcomes in some states. There is ‘TTT’ ‘Triumph for victors, Tedium for Voters, Tragedy for the cheated’ and the dead with gloom for the losers and doom for the dead. INEC nationwide with exceptions in a few well known states stood against a massively corrupt and Machiavellian political machinery of partisan politics which is not ‘Do or Die’ but ‘Do Or Kill’ happily maiming or murdering, beating and burning, in the name of democracy. Is it really INEC’s job to face such a malevolent army of Nigerian political miscreants or should Nigeria take the responsibility to secure the peace with non-partisan police and armed forces before INEC steps in? Can INEC better secure the ballot boxes to prevent them being stolen and re-stuffed by party faithful who are unfaithful to the NIGERIAN DREAM OF DEMOCRACY & DEVELOPMENT?
    Nigerians suggest GCFR for Professor Jega in the 2015 Oct Honours List for being the GOC, commanding the heavily out-numbered INEC Army against the combined forces of evil. How dare we blame INEC for the evil execution of plans by ballot snatching maniacs? OFR should be given to only the ‘qualified’ screened RECs including a Posthumous award for the late REC burnt dead or murdered with his family in Kano. For the honest dead victims, around 120 in number, an MON? Many of ‘losers’ were actually robbed, cheated , denied democracy rights, molested and some murdered. What a blood-y waste. I congratulate the honest real victors. Particularly, in Lagos and Oyo States for choosing to be aligned with the federal centre for once in the life of Lagos and twice in Oyo State. The outcomes mostly show polyglot, multi-party states of affairs, with close numbers between the parties and a few landslides for both major parties needing investigation to exclude coercion and criminal intent. Governors won 38-95% of the vote and they must be servants of all the other voters as well and not just their ‘party people’.
    So a Supreme Court supported Fayose offers the olive branch of ‘please forgive me’ without offering an apology for ‘7 being greater than 19’, court invasions, or giving restitution or reparation for the damage or a fund raising for the dead. Paradoxically, he triumphed in the same judiciary that was rubbished on his watch. What percentage of the assembly seats were actually won legitimately not legally ? Which party will withstand a rerun in any state?
    After a short rest on its laurels, there is a lot of work for INEC to do by 2019. These elections have cost us well in excess of N1.5trillion-NISER Research confirmation please. The expenses include two days of total national economic shutdown, massive multibillion naira advertising – outdoor and electronic and newspaper; countrywide travel and hotel and rally and security costs, constant changes of political ethnic apparel, a billion posters, massive handouts denominated often in dollars to royalty, party people and perhaps even some INEC officials. Nigeria demands INEC focus on achieving the following ‘INEC Nine Point Agenda’: 1. Pursuit and Prosecution and Banning of those guilty of Election Fraud and Violence; 2. Penalise Political Parties financially and by banning participation in reruns, just as banks and companies pay fines for their employees fraudulent activities; 3. ‘One Day Elections’ to reduce economic and physical stress ; 4. Plan to allocate one INEC unit of three personnel per 100 voters; 5. ‘9am -4pm Walk-In Accreditation and Immediate Voting’; 6. ‘Anywhere Voting’ –to allow those registered elsewhere to vote in any booth; 7. Continuous Registration for PVC at 18 years of age at the INEC LGA Office; 8. Compulsory Return of Permanent Voters Card by families of the dead; 9. International Diaspora Voting Plan’; 10. E-Voting plan.
    Jega may require to finish the job he has started so well. He or someone very like him of impeccable ‘character and learning’ must supervise and analyse the enormous voter database now available, proffer solutions to existing problems and strategise on the INEC TAMPER-PROOF ROADMAP TO 2019.
    The election did cost over 120 lives of Fellow Nigerians. The Police and NHRC must investigate, produce a CID Report and prosecute every case and courts must be swift in justice delivery. These murdered victims proclaim the urgency of Nigeria and NGOs to erect ‘DEMOCRACY MEMORIALS’ with names, like at War Memorials, because this democracy struggle is a DEMOCRACY WAR.

    ‘Jega may require to finish the job he has started so well. He or someone very like him of impeccable ‘character and learning’ must supervise and analyse the enormous voter database now available, proffer solutions to existing problems and strategise on the INEC TAMPER-PROOF ROADMAP TO 2019’ 

    • To be continued..

  • Ekiti: The fire this time

    Ekiti: The fire this time

    On Tuesday, April 14, another election dispute that had progressed through the several adjudicatory levels in our court system was disposed of. It involved the emergence of Ayodele Fayose of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, PDP, as winner of the Ekiti State gubernatorial election held on June 21, 2014. The All Progressives’ Congress, APC, had lodged a petition at the Election Petition Tribunal after the said election, with several allegations, including fake certificates, harassment of opposition by security outfits and Fayose’s disqualification from contesting the election.

    After all the legal wrangling in the courts leading to the Supreme Court decision delivered last Tuesday, the story from the onset at the tribunal remains unchanged; the election results remain valid. The decision, as we have seen, has addressed certain constitutional issues. The most prevalent issue, perhaps, is the question of whether an impeached governor is by implication disqualified from contesting future elections in the manner set out in section 182(1) of the 1999 constitution which lists grounds upon which a governor may be disqualified. Particularly relevant is Section 182(1) (e) and (i). Section 182 (1) (i) which state that a person is disqualified from running for election if “he has been indicted for embezzlement or fraud by a Judicial Commission of Inquiry or an Administrative Panel of Inquiry or a tribunal set up under the Tribunals of Inquiry Act, a Tribunal of Inquiry Law or any other law by the federal or state government which indictment has been accepted by the federal or state government”.

    On October 16, 2006, a panel put together by then acting Chief Judge of Ekiti State, Justice Jide Aladejana recommended Fayose’s impeachment after which he was impeached. The panel was set up despite the fact that the Chief Judge at the time, Justice Kayode Bamisile, who was suspended by the state assembly in controversial circumstances, had previously constituted a panel of inquiry. The Bamisile panel had considered the impeachment notice and cleared Fayose of wrongdoing. Events in the state later deteriorated into chaos. The Aladejana panel recommendation and the subsequent impeachment of Fayose had been relied on as ground for canvassing Fayose’s disqualification from the 2014 elections. The court last Tuesday held that impeachment is not a ground for disqualification of a candidate for election. It further said that the second panel set up by Justice Aladejana, who was thereafter dismissed by the National Judicial Council, NJC, was illegal.

    According to reports, Bode Rhodes-Vivour, JSC, further stated in that judgment that even if the second judicial panel of inquiry had been rightly constituted, Fayose still had to be tried and convicted before the Code of Conduct Tribunal notwithstanding the recommendation by the Judicial panel of authority, before he could be disqualified from running for election. The purport of this is that the decision of a judicial panel of enquiry ordinarily will not fall within the scope of an indictment of “…a Judicial Commission of Inquiry or an Administrative Panel of Inquiry or a Tribunal…” envisaged in section 182 (1) (i) reproduced above. However, a conviction under the Code of Conduct is specifically stated in Section 182 (1) (e).

    Several questions still arise like what constitutes an “indictment” under that subsection. Though I have not had the opportunity of seeing the actual judgment, but if Justice Rhodes-Vivour’s views are mirrored in the lead judgment read by Justice Sylvester Ngwuta, then the position of the Supreme Court of Nigeria would be to exclude the decisions of such judicial panels altogether from the contemplations of Section 182(1) (i). This appeared to be the crux of the APC appeal which was dismissed across all levels of court. The certificate allegations were equally dismissed as it had been brought before the courts previously and had been adjudged to be valid.

    However, looking forward from this judgment, a thorny issue emerging from Ekiti State is the present bid by the majority APC lawmakers in the state assembly to impeach Fayose. A notice of impeachment has been submitted to the governor and by all indications, the state assembly is set for a repeat of 2006. There have been calls for the legislators to halt the  impeachment proceedings, which include letters to the NJC. It is curious that the NJC is being called to intervene in state legislative processes. It is clear that once the lawmakers follow the provisions of Section 188 or 189 of the constitution, nobody or other arm of government, may interfere in its proceedings. As such, it would seem that it is completely within the powers of the Ekiti State House of Assembly to exercise its powers under the constitution providing that all acts are done within constitutional boundaries. Therefore, the suits filed on behalf of the governor including that filed before Justice Ahmed Mohammed of the Federal High Court sitting in Abuja, cannot stop the state’s lawmakers from performing their constitutional role, but can only rule on whether certain acts are legal or otherwise.

    The absurdity of the situation in the Ekiti State House of Assembly is reminiscent of the Rivers State crisis where the house mace was destroyed after it was smashed against the head of one member of that house. The facts are similar, with a PDP minority seeking to impose a speaker of their choosing on a majority APC House of Assembly, despite not having the required numbers to perform such an act under the constitution. In the Ekiti case, PDP lawmakers are carrying on an absurd legal anomaly by foisting Dele Olugbemi on the house as speaker, despite the fact that APC’s Adewale Omirin, the legally appointed speaker, has not been impeached as the constitution provides.

    To make matters worse, the majority APC members have deserted the legislative complex to conduct sittings at the state university because their safety is not guaranteed. The seven PDP members of a 26-member house that presumably ‘impeached’ the Speaker present the presence of the Clerk of the House and the sergeant at arms in their midst as well as the house mace as proof of their legitimacy. Apart from the backing of the governor, no part of the constitution has been invoked to legalise their claims. The situation leaves the illegal faction conducting proceedings in the house while the otherwise legal faction is conducting sittings outside the legislative chambers, which, in itself, is against the Supreme Court judgment in Inakanju v. Adeleke.

    These repeated occurrences continue within our political system, despite the apparent rascality of the acts and their illegality. It sends the message that the political class is immune to logic and are bent on dragging the country back to the old days of the rule of force rather than the rule of law. It is particularly distressing that while strides are seemingly being made towards a saner society fit for modern participation in civilised practices around the world, some elements within our system are unwilling to cultivate the art of statesmanship or learn the rudiments of modern politicking. It bothers the mind as to whether our moral fibre as a society is so stained as to reject progressive thinking and civilised behaviour at all levels.

    It is not enough for hapless individuals to perpetrate unfounded illegalities and thereafter head to the courts to exploit the machinery of law. The law is not there to be used as an instrument in political warfare but stands alone as the sole authority in the country. As long as legal action is an afterthought for the ‘ruling class’, then real peace will always be threatened. The courts need to also be firmer in admitting or rejecting claims and where claims are admitted, final, definitive decisions must be made that will themselves stand as a backdrop for admitting future claims. As much as the law is open for aggrieved parties to lay their claims, it is also a pre-cursor to gaining that recourse that a case should contain actual legal issues and not mere confirmation of obvious outcomes that are plain in the constitution. May God help Ekiti State, help Nigeria.

    ‘It is particularly distressing that while strides are seemingly being made towards a saner society fit for modern participation in civilised practices around the world, some elements within our system are unwilling to cultivate the art of statesmanship or learn the rudiments of modern politicking’

     

  • Igbos and the new Nigeria

    Igbos and the new Nigeria

    Before President Goodluck Jonathan is canonised for conceding defeat at the March 28 polls, let it be pointed out that his action was not unprecedented – even in these parts. Last year, after losing the Ekiti election to Ayo Fayose, Governor Kayode Fayemi did the unthinkable: he called his opponent and congratulated him.

    Sections of his All Progressives Congress (APC) who thought he had been too hasty were outraged because they felt the results had been rigged. But he explained that he conceded to avert bloodletting that could have followed had he rejected the outcome.

    In calling General Muhammadu Buhari even before the final tally was in, Jonathan has offered a similar rationale. There’s no doubt that his action deflated the tension that had built up in the polity and removed the ground upon which some of his supporters could have stood to react violently.

    What Jonathan did, despite all the accolades, was ultimately in his best interest. The other option open to him was to take the nation down the road travelled by former Cote d’Ivoire leader, Laurent Gbagbo, with unpredictable consequences for himself and Nigeria.

    The change in Abuja has been the most obvious talking point, but something equally far-reaching also occurred in the regions. Despite religious polarization Buhari achieved a breakthrough in the North-Central zone for the first time. The South-West that has always travelled a parallel route with whoever governs in Abuja now finds itself in proper alignment with the center.

    Although it may not appear that way on the surface, the region most likely to witness long term impact of the changes in the polity is the South-East. For the first time ever the Igbos backed the wrong horse and voted themselves out of power at the center.

    It’s not something that happens every day. In the First Republic the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) which controlled the Eastern Region aligned with the Northern Peoples’ Congress (NPC) to control the federal government.

    Again, in the Second Republic the pattern was repeated as the Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe-led Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP) joined forces with Shehu Shagari’s National Party of Nigeria (NPN) to form the central government. Although NPP had an outcrop in Plateau State under the late Chief Solomon Lar, its main strength was in the East.

    The abbreviated Third Republic threw up unusual political dynamics as the two-party system manufactured by the Ibrahim Babangida military junta produced a Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC) that were fairly equal in strength across the regions.

    Still, the dominant faction of the Igbo political elite largely drifted towards the center-right NRC. That explains why the party’s presidential candidate in the ill-fated June 12, 1993 elections, Bashir Tofa, chose Dr. Sylvester Ugo from the South-East as his running mate. He could have gone West or to the South-South zone.

    Ever since the onset of the Fourth Republic in 1999, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has maintained a vice grip on Igboland that only the All Progressives Grand Alliance’s (APGA) modest excursion into Anambra has been able to distort.

    In 2015, Igbos were even more fulsome in their support for Jonathan than his own kith and kin in the South-South. In many states of the South-East the incumbent received over 90% of votes cast on March 28.

    Although Jonathan was sold as one of their own, the closest he came to being Igbo were his middle names Ebele Azikiwe. That is just like saying Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi, is Yoruba because of his first name!

    Aside the names, the other plausible reasons for the South-East welding its fate so tightly to Jonathan’s was his promise to build them a bridge across the Niger. Of course there was also gratitude arising from the fact that the president favoured several of their sons and daughters with choice political appointments.

    With the results in and APC headed for the center, the dominant tendency among the Igbo political elite have woken up to a strange new reality: they could roam the opposition wilderness for anything from four to 16 years. Or to rip a page from the PDP’s book of dreams 60 years?

    So lopsided was the regional backing for Jonathan that APC couldn’t even manage a senate seat in the entire zone. That caused Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha, Senator Chris Ngige and others to convoke a wake where they bemoaned the miscalculation by the zone’s elite. The upshot is that Igbos are likely to miss out on the top four political positions come June.

    The grumbling has triggered two types of reactions: defiance from the sociocultural group Ohaneze N’digbo who insist they have no regrets backing the losing horse. On the other hand, desperation has seen some suggesting that some newly-elected PDP senators from the zone defect to APC so the zone could be allotted the Senate Presidency.

    I don’t believe Igbos did anything wrong in voting the way they did. After all, the North-West and North-East followed the same pattern in their backing for Buhari. Indeed, the President-Elect received a hefty 1, 903, 999 million votes in Kano – leaving Jonathan with a measly 215, 779.

    It would have been expecting too much to think the scenario in the South-East could have been any different. The main political strain in the zone has always been center-right or right wing. They have always hewed to the center. There was no reason for them to dump Jonathan for Buhari in a country where an incumbent has never lost an election.

    But having voted the way they did the Igbo must realize that there would be consequences. They cannot consume the cake and insist on having it whole. They cannot have something for nothing. Their political elite lost the gamble and must now watch the high stakes power play in Abuja from the sidelines.

    Of course, constitutional protection means the zone cannot be totally marginalized or punished for its choice. They would get the ministerial seats allocated to each state as well as other appointments courtesy of the federal character principle.

    In reality it isn’t the zone that is losing out but the dominant faction of the regional elite. Now the few Igbo ‘nobodies’ who tagged along with APC when it wasn’t fashionable to do so, and when its prospects didn’t look so attractive, would be the immediate beneficiaries of whatever is being divvied up in Abuja.

    As the former PDP lords pine away in unaccustomed opposition wilderness, yesterday’s ‘upstarts’ would be promoted and built up by the new APC powers-that-be with federal patronage. Over the next few years their power and influence would grow as the new governing party dismantles the strongholds that had been built throughout Igboland in the last 16 years. It is a script that PDP knows so well; how galling that they would be at the receiving end.

    March 28 means that in the not distant future the balance of power in the South-East would be more even between progressives and conservatives. The likes of Second Republic governors Jim Nwobodo and the late Sam Mbakwe were like aberrations in their day. Ultimately, their ideological foes saw the off. But the day is not far off when a Rochas Okorocha wouldn’t stick out like a sore thumb among the Igbo political elite.

    This is not to say being in opposition is such a terrible fate. For most of Nigeria’s civil rule or democratic experience, the main faction of the South-West political elite have always managed to maneuver themselves into opposition to the center.

    But rather than bemoan their fate, they took their destiny in their hands and focused on rebuilding the zone. Today, Lagos is globally celebrated as a model for good governance on the African continent.

    A long stint on the opposition sidelines might not be a bad thing for the South-East after all if it inspires the governors and leaders to look inwards and transform their region – rather than praying to be in good graces of the latest master of Abuja.

  • From Mandela to xenophobia

    Sometimes it is hard to believe that the country that produced Nelson Mandela is currently the scene for nauseating waves of xenophobic attacks that have seized global headlines.

    There are very few people anywhere who have not been inspired by the powerful story of how the former South African president emerged from 27 years’ incarceration to ascend his country’s presidency. What is especially remarkable about the man was that he emerged from prison without bitterness and was willing to forgive former Apartheid rulers who had brutally kept blacks in sub-human conditions.

    Mandela’s generous spirit inspired what came to be known as the Rainbow Nation – a South Africa which committed itself to its different races living together harmoniously.

    It is rather sad that the generousity of spirit demonstrated by Madiba and some leaders of his generation hasn’t percolated down to some of his countrymen. One of the worst blights on South Africa’s image post-1994 majority rule is regular orgies of xenophobic attacks.

    Wikipedia estimates that between 2000 and March 2008 up to 67 people were killed in such incidents. A series of riots triggered by rage against foreigners claimed 62 lives.

    The latest wave of attacks which have already cost 15 people their lives are believed to have been triggered by comments made by the Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini. He reportedly said foreigners must pack their bags and get out of South Africa. He made the comments in the presence of the country’s Police Minister Nathi Nhleko and provincial Member of Executive Council (MEC) Willies Mchunu.

    Since the violence flared 5,000 people have marched in Durban to express their disapproval of the attacks. But not so for the king whose spokesman Prince Thulani Zulu told South Africa’s Daily Sun during the week he had nothing to be sorry for.

    At the root of the anger of South African blacks towards the foreigners in the midst are the old claims: they have taken away our jobs, women, commit crimes and make the environment filthy. While one can appreciate the frustration in a country where unemployment and poverty remains high among the black population, it hard to see how this constitutes ground for killing and setting fellow Africans ablaze. Such bestiality is unacceptable.

    Unfortunately, many South Africans are so insular and ignorant they think the sun rises and sets in their country. A colleague in Johannesburg once told me that some of his countrymen travelling to other locations on the continent would say things like “I am going to Africa” – as though their country were part of Europe, Asia or America.

    That ignorance blacks out the fact that while their country was laboring under Apartheid many of their fathers and grandfathers lived in the same countries whose nationals they so despise now.

    Countries like Zimbabwe, Zambia, Nigeria and others not only supported their struggle by hosting freedom fighters they educated and funded them generously. Some of those countries that were then termed Frontline States were subject to repeated deadly military incursions by the Apartheid regime. All of that is conveniently forgotten now.

    Despite the humiliations they received in the past and sometimes receive now from their white compatriots, black South Africans somehow believe they are superior to other Africans. We await empirical basis for this belief.

    Unfortunately, xenophobic attacks continue because successive governments in Pretoria have not dealt with them firmly. South Africans have been getting away with murder and this must end. If the authorities will not move to stop the nonsense then other countries must act to protect their people.

    South Africans often sneer at the rest of the continent but don’t see anything wrong in their ambitious companies making killer profits from the rest of us. A good place to begin to sending the message that the killings are not acceptable is to target their business either with official sanctions or consumer boycotts.

    In addition, all those who have fuelled these attacks with their inflammatory hate speeches must be held accountable. People like Zwelithini should be investigated by the ICC and if found culpable prosecuted. Enough is enough.

  • Death of a quiet mystic

    For someone born with the proverbial silver spoon in his mouth, the man lived a lifestyle that was difficult, if not impossible, to beat for its simplicity and austerity. A plain, mostly white, three-piece babanriga with no embroidery and a simple cap to match, was his trademark wear. With a medium size carrier leather bag slung across his shoulders, probably containing just a few changes of clothes and his toiletries, he seemed permanently on the move within and outside Nigeria. And he seemed to prefer doing so unobtrusively.

    An encounter in Ibadan in 1966 between him and the late Alhaji Magaji Dambatta, one of the North’s most prominent journalists and public servants, as told by Dambatta himself in his 2010 autobiography, Pull of Fate, provided some insight into the essential character of the man, Alhaji Muhammadu Dikko Yusufu, a former Inspector-General of Police, who died two Wednesdays ago, on April 1.

    The encounter between the two was against the background of the events which led to the July 29, 1966 counter-coup in which the military Head of State, Major-General Aguiyi Ironsi, who had come to power following the country’s first military coup on January 15, 1966, and his host as Military Governor of Western Nigeria, Col Fajuyi, were kidnapped and eventually killed by Northern military officers.

    Ironsi’s apparent reluctance to deal with the perpetrators of the January mutiny and his promulgation of the Unification Decree 34 caused widespread disaffection in the North, which in turn led to bloody riots in the region in May and July. This prompted Ironsi to embark on a nationwide tour, beginning from the North, to be followed by those in the West and East, to reassure Nigerians that he only acted in good faith.

    During his tour of the North, there were fears that a counter-coup might be attempted by Northern military officers. The fears turned out to have been unfounded.

    A week after that the head of state embarked on the Western tour. During the tour, he was expected to address traditional rulers from all over the country, who had been invited to Ibadan for that purpose. At that time, however, rumours were rife of plans by Southern military officers to kill Ironsi along with Northern Emirs because they had all allegedly failed to deal decisively with perpetrators of the May and July riots in which thousands of mostly Igbo lost their lives. There were also counter-rumours of plans by Northern military officers to get rid of Ironsi, now that he had finished his tour of their region.

    Dambatta had arrived in Ibadan the day before Ironsi was to address the traditional rulers with directives from the Northern military governor, Lt. Col. Hassan Usman Katsina, “to observe and report on the meeting’s proceedings and other sideshows.” He was accommodated in the city’s Catering Rest House and soon discovered that MD Yusufu, then already in the top echelon of the police as an intelligence officer, was also a guest at the rest house.

    Dambatta discussed all these rumours with MD Yusufu in an attempt to establish the truth of the matter. He drew a complete blank, he said: “Typical of M. D. Yusuf,” “he was not forthcoming at all. A short while later, I saw (him) walking to the Rest House reception with his carrier bag on his shoulder. I immediately followed him, wondering what he was up to. Was he checking out or relocating to another accommodation? He tried to dodge the question, but finally said he was going to Lagos to return later in the night. I discovered later that (he) relocated from the hotel to a friend’s house somewhere in Ibadan.”

    Dambatta said from MD Yusufu’s dodgy reply to his enquiries and his hurried departure from the rest house, he put two and two together and came to the conclusion that there was indeed trouble ahead. He left Ibadan first thing the following day for Lagos and then on to Kaduna by flight. It turned out, as is now well known, that Magaji’s suspicions were borne out; Ironsi was killed on July 29, along with his host, the day after MD Yusufu disappeared from the rest house.

    Alhaji Muhammadu Dikko Yusufu (he spelt his own surname with a “u” at the end, and not Yusuf as is commonplace) was a great grandson of the legendary Emir Muhammadu Dikko, the founder of the ruling dynasty in Katsina. He was born into the family on November 10, 1931. Virtually all his adult life, however, he shunned aristocracy, beginning from his youth when he joined the radical Northern Elements Progressive Union of Malam Aminu Kano, which opposed the ruling conservative Northern Peoples Congress in the North. And until he died he never took any aristocratic title.

    Perhaps helped by his royal background, his radicalism was no hindrance to his joining the Nigeria Police Force in 1962 as an assistant commissioner in its intelligence arm. It was as a senior intelligence officer that he got wind of plans in 1975 of a coup against General Yakubu Gowon, who had been in power since the July 1966 counter-coup. As a loyal police officer, he alerted Gowon and, according to Professor J. Isawa Elaigwu, in his biography of Gowon, sought Gowon’s permission to confront Col. Joe Garba, the Commander of the Brigade of Guards and a spearhead of the plotters. Gowon, Elaigwu said, preferred to do so himself, which he reportedly did on the eve of his departure to Uganda for an OAU summit, a summit from which he never returned as head of state.

    One of the ironies of the coup against Gowon, which MD Yusufu was apparently against, was that he became one of the biggest beneficiaries of the General Murtala Muhammed regime that took over, as the country’s third indigenous Inspector-General of Police (IGP), after Louis Edet and Kam Salem. However, as IGP, not only did he preside over the affairs of the police, he also played a leading role in formulating what became the widely acclaimed “dynamic foreign policy” of the country, especially as it concerned black Africa’s liberation war against Portuguese colonialism in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau and apartheid in South Africa in the 70s.

    In his first coming as head of state in 1976, General Olusegun Obasanjo, who succeeded Murtala after his assassination in the unsuccessful coup of February 13 that year, was  universally acclaimed as the first military ruler in Africa to keep his regime’s promise of handing over power to a civilian regime. As head of state, the buck, of course, stopped on Obasanjo’s table, but the fact was that a four-some of the country’s service chiefs led by Lt-General T. Y. Danjuma as army chief, and MD Yusufu as IGP, gave Obasanjo no chance to have a change of mind as Gowon did in 1974.

    In retirement as IGP the man continued with his commitment to public service in various ways, the most prominent of which was perhaps that as the Chairman of Arewa Consultative Forum, the non-partisan, non-religious umbrella organisation of the North. He came to this position apparently recommended by, among others, the courageous role he played in establishing the Grassroots Democratic Movement as the sole credible opposition to the never declared plan by General Sani Abacha to succeed himself as civilian president in 1998 at the end of his five years as military head of state.

    His media and poster campaigns that year stand out even today as among the most creative and issue-based in the country’s politics. One such memorable poster was titled RIGHT to CHOOSE! “They say 2 million Nigerians were on the march in Abuja. Good for them!” This was in reference to what became the infamous 2 million-man march in Abuja in support of Abacha. The poster, however, went on to add that “our concern is the 98 million other Nigerians who were not in this Abuja march. We ask for their right to choose their right to decide who and what to march for. Their right to pick their leader.”

    Another one urged people not to reject whatever those in authority gave them as bribes. “If they give you rice take it…If they offer you television sets, soaps, or even money…take. After all, it is your money. But demand your right from them! Your right to terminate forced rule. Your right to determine who leads you. Your right to determine your own fate.”

    Yet another one asked “Continuity! Continuity of what?” and then followed with a long list of the shortages Nigerians were afflicted with, including those of petrol, electricity, potable water, and a surfeit of those they could do without, including poverty, hunger and insecurity. “What we need,” the posters concluded, “is CHANGE!” Obviously MD Yusufu preceded President-elect Muhammadu Buhari by 17 years.

    It is easy to take his courage for granted today but given the fate of several of those who opposed General Abacha’s self-succession plan in 1998, fates which included deaths and self-exile abroad, only someone with MD Yusufu’s deep commitment to public service at even the expense of his own life could have done what he did at the time he did it.

    May Allah grant him aljanna firdaus.