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Category: Discourse

Kano 2023: As Governor Ganduje mulls successor…
As the astute, circumspect governor of Kano State, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, mulls his successor, several permutations are fogging up the state’s succession politics. But if many think the unfolding scenario will pressure Governor Ganduje into making a wrong succession choice, they are certainly misreading the man who has changed Kano State’s human and infrastructural development narrative over the past seven years.

Currently, as the governorship primaries of the major political parties loom, efforts by some governors to influence who emerges as their successors in 2023 are not unexpectedly facing some hurdles as contending interests enter the fray.

Significantly, over the years, it has become a practice for outgoing governors to influence who their successors will be. So far this plays out within the ambit of laws that govern the related political processes, it is not illegitimate. A state chief executive who has delivered genuine transformative governance cannot be expected to stand by and watch a laissez faire successor emerge to reverse his achievements and plunge the state into development abyss.

As things stand, the All Progressives Congress (APC), incidentally Kano’s ruling party, has revealed its governorship aspirants would be screened on May 12 and the primary scheduled for May 18. For the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), April 26 is the date for the screening of its governorship aspirants while the primary would hold on April 28.

In Kano State, no fewer than 12 APC contenders and pretenders are reportedly in the race to succeed Governor Abdullahi Ganduje next year. Prominent among them are the deputy governor, Dr. Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna; a former Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Kabiru Rurun; Senator Bala Maliya; a former governor of the state, Senator Kabiru Gaya; a former Commissioner for Local Government Affairs, Murtala Garo; and a former Chairman of the state’s Anti-Corruption Commission, Muhuyi Magaji Rimin Gado.

Ganduje is from Kano North Senatorial zone, while former governors Rabiu Kwankwaso and Ibrahim Shekarau are from Kano Central. Many aspirants are, therefore, insisting that it’s the turn of the South to produce the next governor, but Garo, who is also from Kano North, is said to be the governor’s choice.

But many stakeholders are said to be uncomfortable with Ganduje’s speculated choice. This has reportedly prodded a very sensitive Governor Ganduje to back off from that course, leaving the field currently unclear. This scenario suggests that a dark horse is in the offing and it is Ganduje’s duty to identify and unveil this personality.

Kano State is certainly blessed with a surfeit of capable and progressive politicians. Against this backdrop, who to pick as successor becomes something of a task but certainly not a Gordian knot to cut. Out of these politicians, an emerging, quiet spoken, demonstrably effective and subtle political personality from the state is Senator Basheer Garba Lado from Kano Central which is Nigeria’s largest Senatorial constituency with the voting numbers to boot. He was a demonstrably impactful member of the 7th Senate and young colleague of the current national chairman of APC, Senator Abdullahi Adamu.

Although reports indicate Senator Basheer Lado is targeting a return to the 10th Senate, Governor Ganduje could easily change that political course by considering him successor.

With a hugely promising national legislative trajectory on course, political realignments denied him a second senatorial term. But nevertheless he remained steadfast and kept faith and today has vastly matured and entering a crucial phase of his political odyssey with head held high.

Senator Basheer Lado who navigates without the baggage that dog many of his peers and vibrates with the political sagacity and sophistication of his native Kano, served as Director, Contact and Mobilization, North, in the Buhari Presidential Campaign Council. A former Federal Commissioner of the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants and Internally Displaced Persons, he was subsequently appointed Director General of the National Agency for Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP), by President Muhammadu Buhari.

As a rookie Senator (2011-2015), Basheer Lado who was vice chairman, Senate Committee on Works, attracted over 113 constituency projects that border on health, education, infrastructure and more – with 100 per cent rate of completion. This remains unmatched. Of the many projects he attracted to Kano, perhaps two enjoy flagship status – and Kano folks will never forget these in a hurry.

These are the N2.5 billion Kundila Flyover Bridge Kano which ecstatic Kano citizens fondly call Gadan Lado. This major project immediately decongested the traffic gridlock which was then an unseemly feature of the area. It was commissioned by then President Goodluck Jonathan who named it Ado Bayero Bridge but Kano folks thought better and fondly call it Gadan Lado.

The other is the N14.5 billion, 171-km Kano-Katsina road dualization project. This game-changing project takes travellers to Sokoto, Katsina, Gusau and Niger Republic. It could be recalled that an appreciative Katsina State delegation visited Kano to Senator Basheer Lado on this account.

Over time, Senator Basheer Lado has demonstrated he is a personality and leader not swayed by extraneous emotionalism and parochial cant. He remains driven by principle. This footing, many speculate, may put him on Governor Ganduje’s succession radar – if that is not the case yet.

Senator Basheer Lado has wielded power and is still deploying his influence with alluring humility and exemplary focus. With his life’s trajectory, the Bayero University political Science graduate has demonstrated that philanthropy, business and politics fundamentally address transformation of the human condition for good.

Perhaps these consistent qualities have also kept him on the radar of the ruling party’s top hierarchs in Abuja. An unwavering sense of loyalty and duty, rigorous professionalism, stern discipline, demonstrable integrity and almost a child-like faith in his beloved Allah stand him out as a leader for higher political responsibility.

As Governor Ganduje looks for a worthy successor, this ‘dark horse’ quietly waits in the wings.
- Achi, a public commentator writes from Abuja
May 3, 2022
Power, merit and Nigerian leadership choices

This is a very tense moment in the political arena in Nigeria. Permutations, horse-trading, consultations, lobbying and all sorts of communications are going on nationally. The election is less than a year away and aspirants are in our faces. The All Progressive Congress (APC) have pegged their presidential forms at a hundred million naira and despite the outrage by most Nigerians, some aspirants have allegedly paid.

The Roundtable Conversation is aware that Nigeria tries to fashion its democracy after that of that of the United States of America. However, sometimes, the similarities seem to be only on paper. When it comes to the real democratic processes, the Nigerian political elite falls short for reasons based on parochial nuances.

The political party structures which form the basic systemic order for ideological differences seem to be absent in the Nigerian political space. For one, while the United States has two major political parties, the Republican and Democratic parties, there is still room for independents and a few smaller parties to run for elections. In the Nigerian case, there is a plethora of political parties with no remarkable political ideology. The Republican and Democratic parties in America are identifiable with certain basic ideological leanings and the members often align with such views and their success or failure often depend on how deep they are on the ideological graph.

The political parties have a structured way of accessing and deploying party finances, there are laws regarding how much candidates can receive from donors and as such, there are checks and balances. Most candidates get a fair chance at leveraging on the their supporters’ donations. This makes it different from the Nigerian party structure where there are no strict monitoring of candidates and campaign finances. This lays bare the field and candidates often play the highest bidder game. This surreptitiously empowers certain individuals more than others.

Because public offices are taken very seriously, the political parties strive to pick candidates with the least character flaws and who have led a life of service in any sector. Sometimes there are exceptions as in any human endeavor but generally, there is always a sieving process even before the party primaries. Each political party self-filters its candidates through various processes like debates and media scrutiny of private and professional histories of aspirants.

In Nigeria, even while there is a song and dance about the practice of the American brand of democracy, certain characteristics stand out still as purely different and those things have seriously affected the development of the country that claims to practice a government of the people , by the people and of the people. There seems to be little or no introspection by both the political parties, aspirants and the general public.

The voters are often left with a choice between six and half a dozen because the political parties do not do enough to filter their aspirants. Political power at any level is held in trust for the people and as such, the professional and private lives of aspirants must matter to the party. Leadership means more than occupying a seat. It demands a lot of integrity and vision to work for the welfare of the people. This then presupposes that requestion to lead at any level of the democratic practice must be by individuals not only with the gravitas but the discipline and vision to carry things through.

With a lot of aspirants expressing their interest in the presidency for instance raises a lot of questions. What do they have to give, if they have been in public office at any level or presenting occupying any position, what is their report sheet like? What is the public assessment of their performances? Did they have any introspection and considered themselves the best candidate for the position of the president of the greatest black nation on earth? With their history, do they have the gravitas to change the fortunes of a Nigeria that is today the poverty capital of the world?

The Roundtable Conversation spoke to Dr. Tivlum Gabdriel Nyitse, a veteran journalist, author, scholar and a university lecturer and asked his views on most of the presidential aspirants at the moment. He believes that any candidate for any position whatsoever must have self-assess. For those aspiring to be president especially for those in office at the moment, have they done well for the country? If for instance you have been given a little sector in the government or you had served in any capacity, what do you have as your legacies?

Do people just indicate interest just because they have enough money in an environment with little or no accountability? Can they give themselves pass marks in their present duty posts? If they are making reference to past political posts, what were their achievements? What are legacies are standing in their names?

Today, we can reference a late Lateef Jakande as former governor of Lagos state that really made an impact in the housing and education sector. We remember a late Micheal Opara for his legacy in agriculture in the Eastern region, we remember a late Aminu Kanu for his compassion as governor in touching the lives of the poor people, we remember late Sam Mbakwe for the works and the passion which he put into leadership. What are some of the aspirants to the presidency coming with?

Today, Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) have been on strike, so what magic that the Labour Minister, Dr. Chris Ngige could could not perform to bring a resolution to the incessant strikes bring to the presidency? Most of the rail line jobs were done during the Jonathan presidency, today we are dealing with the rail terrorism that led to the death of many Nigerians and the abduction of others who are still in captivity, what has a Minister of transport, Rotimi Amaechi done to show empathy to the victims? He is being paid as the Transport Minister, how well has he done his work in that sector? Is his performance going to be replicated as president?

There must be basis for assessment. Even some of the present or past governors aspiring for the presidency, the people want to know what they have done for their states. What are the statistics of progress? How have they improved the lives of the people in their various states? How have the different governors created employment, made the money of the people work for the people?

Developmental variables must go beyond renovating roads, digging boreholes, renovating school buildings instead of equipping them for optimal productivity. Dr. Gabriel believes leadership must go beyond grandstanding with the power that comes with a particular office. Leadership in a democracy must go beyond the usual rhetoric that the country has had to battle with in the past.

Ebelechukwu Enemchukwu, a Soft Skills expert, an Ace Compere and a former Mrs Nigeria was on our Rountable Conversation. To her, in terms of leadership for 2023, we as Nigerians must be thinking of people that can rescue Nigeria from the edge of the precipice. There is sadly a trust deficit on the political elite because the people have been disappointed in the past. So the people must realize that leaders come from amongst the them and they should pay attention.

The people must therefore look out for individuals with the pedigree, potentials and capacity to lead. Nigerians both at party leadership level and the people must be concerned with obvious red flags from most aspirants who have not proved their mettle in smaller public and/or private assignments in the past.

We must all be ready to channel our passion and that does not just mean being involved in everything. Passion for development should propel us all to show our displeasure when things are not being done well for the good of the people at any level of leadership. We might not have trusted our leaders in the past which is a sort righteous indignation but then we must make a conscious effort to contribute to leadership by being active, getting our voters cards, mobilizing others to participate in the electoral processes. Our political scene must involve all of us in various ways. We must fight apathy and docility because it can’t propel development. We must begin to identify and reward those with merit with our votes. Let’s all be vigilant and elect those with the merit and capacity to lead at any level. There are indices to those with potentials and track records to lead. How has he or she performed in little assignments, can the individual be trusted with leadership at the higher level based on the pedigree established in the past?

Nigerians can take a cue from the people of Anambra state in the last governorship election, one woman’s story of rejecting a financial inducement to vote for a candidate of her choice went viral but what does that tell us? We all can be active in the choice of leaders and not be greedy enough to sell the future for a pittance and suffer for years. Some other voters despite the glitches from the INEC technology were patient enough to wait for hours of even days to exercise their franchise. That is telling the country that the people make choices in a democracy.

So when people tell Nigerians that they get the leadership they deserve it is true because in any democracy, the people by omission or commission elect those that determine their fate. Inaction during electoral processes with a defeatist attitude of, ‘my vote won’t count’ means allowing others to determine your faith for four long years or even more given the power of incumbency in the political sphere. The power resides with the people. Every Nigerian must invest in the political process if we must elect credible leaders. We should not leave politics for only politicians.

The dialogue continues…

April 30, 2022
The Evolution of Virtual Business: Lessons & Foresight

The COVID-19 lockdown brought about a paradigm shift in the business arena, reshaping how industries operate and redefining the role of virtual engagement. The period, characterized by limited physical interaction, forced businesses to adapt to online platforms, virtual meetings, and digital customer engagements. It was a time when resilience and innovation became the lifeblood of many entrepreneurs, including Kehinde Thomas, a Nigerian-American businessman and strategic advisor whose journey exemplifies the transformative power of adaptability.

Kehinde Thomas’s rise to prominence is a testament to his ability to identify challenges and turn them into opportunities. Growing up in Kabba, Kogi State, Kehinde’s childhood was marked by adversity, including the loss of his father at the tender age of seven. Raised by a single mother, he learned early on that survival required grit and resilience. This foundation prepared him for the hurdles he would face in life, including his immigration to the United States.

In the U.S., Kehinde’s athletic talent earned him a chance with the Pittsburgh Steelers of the National Football League. However, the career ended early and he embraced academics, earning degrees in Philosophy and Business Communications from Duquesne University. This turning point was instrumental in shaping Kehinde’s path toward leadership in business. As the lockdown unfolded, Kehinde’s businesses, like many others, faced the challenge of limited in-person interaction. Yet, his expertise in communication and adaptability allowed him to transition seamlessly to virtual platforms, enhancing connections and ensuring business continuity.
Kehinde’s success during the lockdown is a reflection of his ability to harness adversity as a catalyst for innovation. He exemplifies the essence of modern leadership, where resilience and adaptability are vital. His virtual engagements with teams and clients not only sustained his businesses but also positioned him as a thought leader in navigating the complexities of a digital-first world. Kehinde’s story serves as an inspiration for entrepreneurs navigating the evolving demands of global business.
Kehinde’s experience mirrors the journeys of other Nigerian entrepreneurs whose businesses transcended geographical boundaries, thriving during the lockdown through virtual platforms. One notable example is Iyinoluwa Aboyeji, a co-founder of Flutterwave, a fintech company that revolutionized payment systems across Africa.

During the lockdown, Flutterwave experienced exponential growth as businesses sought seamless online payment solutions. Iyinoluwa’s vision for a connected Africa became a lifeline for countless small and medium-sized enterprises transitioning to e-commerce. By leveraging virtual tools and expanding their reach, Flutterwave demonstrated how digital transformation could redefine business operations even in uncertain times. The Flutterwave prominence was popularized extremely to the Big Brother Naija audiences or viewers during the lockdown.

Another compelling story is that of Sim Shagaya, the founder of uLesson, an edutech platform providing quality education to students in Africa. The lockdown disrupted traditional education systems, leaving millions of students unable to attend physical classes. Recognizing this gap, Sim Shagaya expanded uLesson’s offerings, providing digital learning resources that enabled students to continue their education from home. His innovative approach not only addressed the immediate challenges posed by the lockdown but also highlighted the potential of technology to bridge educational gaps in Africa.
The experiences of Kehinde Thomas, Iyinoluwa Aboyeji, and Sim Shagaya underline the importance of adaptability and digital innovation in today’s business environment.

These entrepreneurs demonstrated that challenges could be transformed into opportunities through strategic thinking and a willingness to embrace change. Their journeys highlight the role of technology in enabling businesses to thrive despite physical limitations, showcasing the resilience of Nigerian entrepreneurs in the face of global disruptions.

The lockdown was a period of profound change for the business world. For some, it marked the end of traditional operations; for others, it was a catalyst for reinvention. Entrepreneurs like Kehinde Thomas, Iyinoluwa Aboyeji, and Sim Shagaya exemplify the latter, proving that innovation and resilience can turn even the most challenging circumstances into opportunities for growth. Their stories serve as a beacon of hope and inspiration, reminding us that in the face of adversity, the human spirit is capable of remarkable transformation.

April 7, 2022
Wike: A lesson in visionary leadership

“A leader is one who knows the way, goes the way, and shows the way” — John C Maxwell.

By this time last year, it seemed like everything that could possibly be written or said to celebrate the birthday of Governor Nyesom Ezenwo Wike, had already been captured and widely reported in all the media platforms; Print, Electronic and Social media.

But as it is typical of the dynamic nature of the great, Extraordinary man himself, the last 365 days have unearthed a whole new vista of phenomenal and exemplary manifestations of courageous, focused, determined and pragmatic and humane leadership trajectory.

This has not only injected hope and purpose in our collective existence as a people, but has most importantly, defined Governor Wike as “A leader who knows the way, goes the way, and shows the way.”

Bill Taylor, from his seminal article: “Do You Pass the Leadership Test?” said this about leadership by example: “The true mark of a leader is the willingness to stick with a bold course of action — an unconventional business strategy, a unique product-development roadmap, a controversial marketing campaign — even as the rest of the world wonders why you’re not marching in step with the status quo. In other words, real leaders are happy to zig while others zag. They understand that in an era of hyper-competition and non-stop disruption, the only way to stand out from the crowd is to stand for something special.”

Anyone living in Nigeria today would be forgiven, if he/she authoritatively declares that Bill Taylor, the brilliant best-selling author, celebrated entrepreneur, and groundbreaking thinker, must have been inspired to coin this definition of leadership, after witnessing first hand, the charismatic presence and positively impactful actions of Governor Wike.

The fearless, courageous, pragmatic, articulate and very outspoken advocacy in the legitimate quest for constitutional clarity over contentious issues, which Governor Wike has displayed with competent authority, makes his leadership model iconic.

There is no doubt whatsoever that in the last six years of his administration as Governor of Rivers State, Nigerians have come to embrace and admire Governor Wike’s tactical audacity, strategic acumen and the sure-footed administrative astuteness which sets him apart as a visionary leader.

Loved by his people and buoyed by the collective desire to prevail against forces which threatened to strip Rivers people of their historic essence and heritage, Nyesom Wike’s identity and crusade metamorphosed into an unstoppable movement and in the monumental electoral warfare waged for the soul of Rivers State in 2015 and 2019 respectively, he came out victorious in the governorship elections.

And it is quite a remarkable testimony to the humility and large heartedness of the man Wike, that he not only recognized the courageous gallantry of the women of Ogu-bolo, who stood bravely between the bullets and ballots to ensure that the mandate was not stolen, but also deemed it appropriate to admit the casualties and offer symbolic compensation to the families of those who lost their lives in the course of the elections; something that has arguably never been done anywhere else in such a comprehensive scale, since the advent of this democratic dispensation.

The story of the last six years of Governor Wike’s administration in Rivers State, which commenced with his single minded determination and firm leadership agenda to re-organize, re-strategize and re-order the socio-political and infrastructural priorities of the state, has undoubtedly transformed the entire landscape of Rivers state and its capital city, Port Harcourt.

With marvelous legacy infrastructural projects, ranging from dual carriage unity roads and express ways to solid bridges and flyovers, as well as state of the art health, educational, agricultural, sports and other beffiting projects, Rivers State has become the reliable index for development in Nigeria.

Six years into his tenure, the robust and breathtaking urban renewal agenda in the capital city and indeed the determined drive to achieve interconnectivity across the length and breadth of the State, as well as expand the landmass of hitherto waterlogged riverine communities to provide much needed space, through massive sandfilling and land reclamation, have progressed and accelerated with amazing results.

The transformational trajectory has seen the State being re-positioned to become a beautiful, stable, safe, secure, dynamic and bustling modern hub for commerce and sustainable entreprise, as well as the destination of choice for progressive activities.

This has welcomed everybody, enhanced and fostered harmonious coexistence of all and has been hailed even by leaders of the opposition.

Governor Wike has already confirmed that his administration will not only deliver at least one legacy project in every local government area of the state, he will also not leave any abandoned project or debts behind for his predecessor when his tenure comes to and end in 2023. He is a promise keeper and a man of his words.

Intrestingly, Governor Wike’s massive influence in the political terrain is no less formidable, both at home and at the national arena. He has redefined electoral attitudes and governance responsibilities in his own home PDP and ensured that the state remains one of the most peaceful political theatres in the country.

This has resulted in the massive defection of notable and respected opposition figures into PDP, even in spite of the combustible nature of the fragmented APC and indeed, in the face of an unending yet futile diversionary opposition agenda, to distract him from delivering good governance to Rivers people.

His defining legacy at the national level has not only been to embrace the role of a vibrant people’s champion with the resonating voice of public advocacy against the unbearable mis-governance of the ruling party, but he has also emerged as the beacon and catalyst in the rejuvenation of the PDP into an intimidating force which Nigerians are earnestly yearning for.

Through him, Nigerians are putting their hopes on the PDP to salvage whatever is left of the country, after the unfortunate and hapless APC misrule comes to an end, and turn the fortunes of the country around for the better.

Celebrating another birthday of this trail blazer, who is building for the future and actually leading from the front, makes us bold to regal in the exciting story of Nyesom Wike and the unfolding narrative of a man who has not only become a living legend in his own right, but is affectionately addressed by peers and admirers as Nyerisi and proudly straddles Rivers State and beyond as the Dike Ohna Ikwerre, a title reserved only for heroes, warriors and patriots of the great Ikwerre Ethnic Nationality.

As he celebrates his birthday today, there is no doubt whatsoever, both in the minds of Rivers people and majority of Nigerians that, at last, we have been blessed with a leader who knows the way and is not afraid to show us the way and lead us all the way to redemption, in the true mould and spirit of the kind of leadership which this season and our people desire and deserve.

Happy Birthday Your Excellency.

Nsirim is the Commissioner for Information and Communications, Rivers State

December 13, 2021
Transformative State Secretariat signals Delta’s leap toward modern governance

Driven by the desire to centralise its operations, enhance coordination, improve the speed of government decision-making and transform the work environment for civil servants, the Delta State Government has built the state-of-the-art Delta State Government Central Secretariat, also known as the Prof. Chike Edozien Secretariat.

The facility which brought together over 30 ministries, departments, and agencies in the state capital, Asaba, under one roof, has not only made inter-agency collaboration easier and more efficient but also reflects the government’s broader commitment to strengthening public institutions and position the state for better service delivery and sustainable development.

The project, envisioned under the visionary leadership of former Governor Ifeanyi Okowa and masterfully designed by the Principal Partner of Contemporary Design Associates, a subsidiary of Contemporary Group Limited, goes far beyond the conventional definition of an office complex. It represents a conscious investment in human capacity, sustainable infrastructure and the future of governance in Nigeria.

It was no surprise, therefore, that in 2024, the magnificent edifice received double recognition from the Nigerian Institute of Architects (NIA), earning the titles of “Most Iconic Corporate Building in Nigeria” and “Most Iconic Corporate Design in Nigeria.”

From its earliest conceptual stages, the Secretariat was imagined as a transformative project that would redefine the administrative landscape of Delta State. For more than three decades, the state’s ministries and agencies operated from fragmented, rented facilities spread across Asaba, creating inefficiencies in coordination, communication, and service delivery.

Okowa’s administration recognized that a modern and unified workspace could revolutionize public service delivery by promoting collaboration and efficiency. Thus, the Prof. Chike Edozien Secretariat was conceived as a central hub where governance could operate seamlessly. It was designed to improve the daily experiences of civil servants, the backbone of public administration.

The architectural design by Contemporary Design Associates reflects a deep understanding of both environmental sustainability and human-centered design principles. The structure, covering approximately 45,000 square meters on 39,322 square meters, is organized into five distinct clusters arranged around open courtyards. These courtyards serve as breathing spaces that introduce natural light, cross ventilation, and a sense of openness into the work environment.

The design choice not only enhances energy efficiency but also promotes physical and psychological well-being among workers. By adopting such an approach, the architects demonstrated that green infrastructure is not a distant ideal but a practical and attainable reality within Nigeria’s public sector.

Currently the largest single building state secretariat in Nigeria, the sprawling edifice is complete with every imaginable comfort and convenience with nine seminar/conference rooms, training rooms, three restaurants within the main floor. It also has a main reception as well as a utility services lounge and a driver’s lounge.

The Secretariat’s internal planning and facilities further underscore its human-centered vision. Beyond housing ministries, the complex includes amenities that support the holistic needs of its users: a 26-bed medical clinic, a crèche for working parents, multiple restaurants, a business center, banks, drivers’ lounges and extensive parking for over 1,000 vehicles.

These facilities transform the Secretariat from a mere workplace into a vibrant community ecosystem that recognizes the diverse needs of its workforce. Experts agree that by designing an environment where workers feel valued, supported, and connected, the project becomes an instrument for social investment.

It adopted an Irrevocable Standing Payment Order (ISPO) financing model, which allowed for contractor-financed construction and structured repayment by the state government. This innovative financial mechanism not only enabled project continuity but also demonstrated that visionary governance can overcome fiscal limitations through transparent and strategic partnerships. In this sense, the Secretariat is not just a physical edifice but a model of adaptive leadership.

Sustainability lies at the core of the Secretariat’s operational philosophy. The building is powered through the 8.5-megawatt Asaba Independent Power Plant (IPP), ensuring a stable and environmentally friendly energy supply. Complementing this are water treatment and sewage systems, efficient waste management protocols, and fire safety installations; all integrated into a cohesive environmental management framework. The design’s reliance on passive cooling, locally sourced materials, and strategic orientation minimizes its ecological footprint while promoting cost efficiency. These efforts affirm that sustainable design principles can be mainstreamed into large-scale government projects, setting a benchmark for future developments across Nigeria and beyond.

Beyond its physical attributes, the Secretariat carries immense symbolic and social significance. Named in honor of Professor Chike Edozien, the late Asagba of Asaba and Nigeria’s first professor of physiology, the building embodies values of knowledge, integrity, and service. The Secretariat not only centralizes administrative functions but also cultivates a shared sense of purpose among civil servants. Working within a modern, inclusive, and dignified environment instills pride and reinforces professionalism, thereby transforming attitudes toward public service. As reports have shown since its commissioning, the facility has improved punctuality, morale, and efficiency among workers; clear evidence that thoughtful investment in the work environment translates directly into better service delivery to citizens.

Moreover, the Secretariat’s completion has had a profound economic and cultural impact. The consolidation of ministries into one location has drastically reduced the state’s expenditure on rented office spaces, freeing resources for other developmental initiatives. It has also stimulated economic activity in Asaba through ancillary services such as catering, maintenance, and transportation.

Architecturally, it contributes to the city’s evolving skyline, symbolizing Delta State’s transition into a modern, forward-looking administrative capital. The Secretariat also serves as a catalyst for cultural and organizational transformation within the public service. With ministries now operating in close proximity, interdepartmental collaboration and information sharing have become more efficient, enabling faster decision-making and cohesive policy implementation.

The architecture itself fosters openness and transparency, reflecting the government’s aspiration for accountability in governance. The design encourages movement and interaction—hallways and courtyards double as informal meeting spaces where ideas can flow freely.

The challenges encountered during the project’s execution—ranging from unavailability of suitable, well-located land within the city centre for this size of project to financial constraints —underscore the reality that transformational change is rarely smooth. Yet, the successful completion of the Secretariat in spite of these obstacles reinforces the notion that progress is attainable when vision meets perseverance. The structure stands today not just as an administrative building but as a monument to possibility; a tangible reminder that public infrastructure can indeed embody excellence, sustainability, and social consciousness.

Pundits say with consistent upkeep and adaptive use, the Secretariat can serve as a dynamic model of good governance and sustainable development for decades to come. Its presence not only challenges other subnational governments in Nigeria to rethink the relationship between infrastructure and human development and see public buildings not merely as expenditures, but as investments in social capital.

Ultimately, the Delta State Government Central Secretariat exemplifies Naomi Klein’s message that it is possible to build differently, invest in people and green infrastructure and embrace change as a creative force. It demonstrates how visionary leadership, innovative design, and commitment to sustainability can converge to produce outcomes that transform both people and places. Through its design and execution, the Secretariat redefines what is possible in Nigeria’s public infrastructure landscape. It stands not only as a functional seat of government but also as a bold declaration of faith in progress—a living symbol that when we dare to build with purpose and empathy, we build for posterity.

At its heart, the Secretariat is an architectural narrative of hope and what happens when visionaries, policymakers, and designers choose to align human ambition with environmental responsibility.

December 1, 2021
New constitution possible through substitution, says Olanipekun

Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN) is the Vice Chairman of the Body of Benchers. One-time Ondo State Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice and a former Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) President, he is a Council Member of the International Bar Association (IBA). A respected Barman with a large heart, he served pro-bono as the Pro-Chancellor of the University of Ibadan (UI). He has awarded many scholarships and financed numerous philanthropic projects. Ahead of his 70th birthday today, he spoke with journalists on wide-ranging issues, including how to tackle conflicting orders and abuse of ex-parte applications, how Nigeria can have a new constitution, why true federalism will end agitations, the need to appoint appellate court justices from the Bar and academia, and his regrets. Deputy News Editor JOSEPH JIBUEZE and Special Projects Manager LAWRENCE OLADOTUN were there.

Can you take us through your journey to law?

Law was not my choice. At every juncture, I’ve seen God’s hands in my life. God’s grace has become the inscription on my houses. In 1969, I was a hybrid student, fair in the sciences and good in the arts. At higher school, I keyed into the sciences. I was aiming to become a geologist. A teacher asked to me to give law a thought because of my prose. The war just ended. The University of Nigeria Nsukka (UNN) advertised for concessional students. I applied and was admitted to study journalism. My letter was sent by Telegram to Ikere while I was in Ilesha. It wasn’t brought to my attention until a week thereafter. I packed my things and travelled overnight. When I got there, I was told at the Students Affairs Department: ‘Young man, we matriculated yesterday.’ I broke down. What would I tell them at home? I returned. After higher school, during the December to October interval, I worked at the Federal Ministry of Justice. The great Elias was the Attorney-General. When I was young, the late Justice Ogundare used to come to my father’s house. They were political allies. My father would tell me his friend was the most brilliant man in the world. So, I got interested in law and filled it as my first choice at the University of Lagos (UNILAG) and the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University). I was admitted into the two universities for law. I was also admitted for English at the University of Ibadan (UI) and for Geography at Ahmadu Bello University (ABU). I wanted to do law and my father had doubts. He said lawyers got involved in one society or the other, and that I’m from a Christian home. I wanted to change my course again to Mass Communication. Along the line, Niyi Osundare, the celebrated poet, who was my senior in school, told me: ‘Wole, go for law’. When I wanted to change to Mass Communication, the late Prof Abiola Ojo was to sign me up. On my form, he saw Ilesa Grammer School. He said I was third on the merit list for law and that he was not going to release me for Mass Communication. He said though eight people had wanted to take my space, he was not going to release me. He said I’d be a pride to the legal profession. That was how I ended up in the legal profession. God guided me. In the early days, things were smooth. We could predict the time it would take you to complete a particular matter. God has been so wonderful. That’s just the summary of it.

How does it feel to be 70?

We’re taking it easy now and handing over to the younger ones, but some clients at times will insist, in and out of the country, that you take their briefs. But, for the past two years, I’ve not been going to court as I used to. I take some time to read. I don’t see myself being happy without reading. Minimally, I must wake up two hours every night. There are two lawyers who, anytime they travel with me, must not sleep with two eyes closed, because I could remember something in a flash and I’d call them, and they must answer. So, I enjoy legal practice and being in court. I’m always excited and at my best when I’m in court. I want to plead: advocacy is not as it used to be. In those days, they would allow you to present your case, even at the Supreme Court, for about 30 minutes. Nowadays, maybe because of the pressure of work, advocacy is not encouraged. The younger lawyers need to know how senior ones present their cases, their manoeuvres. It appears we’re losing all these good attributes of our tradition that will endear senior lawyers to the junior ones. All said and done, to God be the Glory. My prayer is that the younger ones will be greater than us and more prosperous.

Any regrets?

I don’t have any regrets as such. I’ve seen the legal profession as a ministry. I thank God for my career. I’ve devoted my entire adult life to the legal profession, going in and out of court and in the process contributing my humble quota to Nigeria and the evolvement and emancipation of the rule of law. In the process, God has been kind to us as a family. But it is not enough for me to be successful. I must think in terms of successors, not in terms of one’s children and grandchildren and nuclear family, but the generations following us that constitute our successors. We were successors to the Awolowo’s, and we were proud successors. Did we encounter any difficulties in climbing the ladder? No. When we left the university, jobs were waiting for us irrespective of discipline. As a young lawyer, I had a vehicle, which was not difficult to buy. I wasn’t born with the proverbial silver spoon, but I had things working for me because the environment was conducive. There was no discrimination or religious egocentrism. At weekends, I’d travel from Ilorin to Ikere, and on Monday, I’d leave Ikere to attend court in Ilorin and arrive within two hours. The roads were good. The regret is not because of personal failure or because I’ve not seen God’s goodness, but the way Nigeria is. And I don’t want to be part and parcel of the deceit to say that all is well. That is my regret.

Did you ever consider joining politics?

Former INEC Chairman Prof Attahiru Jega last asked me this question. He was the chairman of the Visitation Panel to UI. As a former pro-Chancellor, I was there. He said: ‘Chief, we’re so proud of you, but why can’t you join politics to see what you can do about Nigeria?’ I told him, regrettably, that I cannot join politics, because I won’t last there. I would have loved to join politics to demonstrate a splinter of what I’m saying, which should be: ‘do as I do, not as I say’. When you saw what God used me to do at UI as pro-Chancellor for four years, I didn’t take a dime as allowance or commission. I didn’t award any contract although billions passed through me through my connections. I didn’t ask how they spent it. Rather than taking from there, I instituted a scholarship for law, computer studies and medicine. I built a law theatre for them using my money. When they had a problem with flood, it was only the Federal Government who gave them more than what I gave them. But I left the place a happier man, satisfied. But what is the state of our education? How can I be happy as a senior citizen when I see people dying, including soldiers? For any adult who says he’s happy, he’s selfishly so.

What are your thoughts on conflicting orders?

The Chief Justice of Nigeria was spot-on by intervening. We were running into very nasty, turbulent waters in our jurisprudence. It was so embarrassing and was becoming scandalous. It’s unconscionable for any lawyer to do it. Also, one would least expect any judge who had taken the oath of allegiance to the Constitution, as it were, however imperfect the Constitution may be, and to the institution of justice, to countenance processes which ordinarily should not have come before him. It has become the in-thing for lawyers to be shopping for judges in respect of matters they want to file, knowing full well that the matter falls within a judicial division that is within a state. It doesn’t happen in political matters alone; they do it in commercial matters and the execution of judgments – shopping for familiar judges here and there. One cannot overemphasise the fact that it is scandalous. In an old case of Nwankwo vs State during the Second Republic, Nwankwo was a beautiful writer in the Old Anambra State. He was charged for sedition. He was based in Onitsha. All of a sudden, the matter was taken to Enugu, the capital of old Anambra State. The Court of Appeal castigated the judge, holding that any judge who wants to assume jurisdiction over any matter must go through the processes and get himself convinced whether or not the cause falls within his jurisdiction. Onitsha and Enugu were both in the Old Anambra State, yet the Court of Appeal castigated that judge for assuming jurisdiction on a matter that should have been heard within Onitsha Judicial Division. How much worse assuming jurisdiction in Jigawa on a matter that arose in Anambra? It paints the judiciary and our jurisprudence red. You can see the mischief in it – going to a remote place to obtain an order. Before assuming jurisdiction, a judge should read the processes and ask himself questions: ‘Should this matter have come before me? Why are they bringing it before me?’ In law, there is also what we call forum convenience, determined by where the parties reside and where the cause of action arose.

Are you concerned about allegations of corruption in the judiciary?

We should not be fighting corruption through the press. It should be fought with empirical proof. They talk about billions exchanging hands: let them charge those who are involved in it – the lawyers who have aided and abated. Mention the judges. Nobody is above the law. Was it not in this country that a CJN was unfairly and unjustly removed? If you could manipulate the law to remove a CJN, use that same law to prosecute any judge who has been caught in bribery, corruption or scandalising the institution of the judiciary. Name names. Then, you can also curb corruption in the judiciary. But all said and done, it is sickening to talk of corruption in the legal profession. It should never be. Law is the law. It can be certain, definitive and predictable. My plea is that the law must be certain and predictable. It must not be as uncertain and unpredictable as the British weather.

What do you think is the solution to agitations for secession?

This question is profound and touches on the very essence of our nationhood. What should be done is that we should be honest and sincere with ourselves. We have left undone what we ought to have done as a country, and we’re doing what we ought not to have done. Nigeria is manageable if we want to. We were proud of Nigeria because we were once operating true federalism. We believed in Awolowo and in a government of Western Region that was not a failure, that would cater for our security, health, education and others, and that would tolerate opposition. We saw a government that offered us free education. We were under a government that operated as if Manchester United of old was playing. In those days, who were you to come to Old Trafford and thrash Man-U? The Federal Government then was not domineering. All the items in the Concurrent Legislative List enabled Awolowo to do what he did. (Referring to 1963 Constitution before him). The Constitution recognised the right of every region to arms and ammunition to defend its citizenry and territory. It is unlike now that you have Amotekun but the government cannot procure any military hardware for the outfit. The region was capable of conducting a census. Today, all powers have been appropriated and expropriated by the Federal Government. How did we get there? No federalism is run this way.

So, what is the way forward?

What can Nigeria do? We have to return to true federalism. The American constitution was not put in place by politicians but by statesmen. When you look at the 10th Amendment of the US Constitution, it provides: ‘The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution nor prohibited by writ to the states are reserved to the states.’ We must know what federalism entails. It implies that some states were in existence before the centre, but they decided to shed some of their powers to the centre, such as military, customs, part of aviation while retaining residual powers to themselves. Today, the Federal Government is everywhere. We’re getting to a stage where if husband and wife quarrel, they will go to Abuja to settle it. Nigeria is the only federal state that I know has one police force. In the 1963 Constitution, native authorities were permitted to have their police formations. We know the authors of the Constitution of America and even Afghanistan and others. The preamble to our Constitution says: ‘We the people of Nigeria…’ Where did we gather? The preamble is so important because it gives reasons why a country is together. Who are the ‘we’? My friend John Nwodo who was minister of information under General Abubakar said he did not know those who prepared it. Everyone who comes to power wants to maximise all the powers, not for the benefit of Nigerians, but personal interests. That’s why we have chaos and agitations. Man will always agitate, even if God is here. In the Bible, the Israelites agitated for a king. But one thing is this: violent agitation will not change anything. But the people in power must also allow intelligent, scholarly agitation, presentations. We can’t get anything done through this National Assembly. I respect constituted authority, but honestly speaking, they can’t provide for us a constitution that will take us to the promised land. When you look at debates at the Congress in America and the House of Commons in Britain, they are not always along party lines. It’s on what is best for the nation for the present and the future. In Nigeria, they will talk of the interest of the party rather than the interest of the nation, whether APC or PDP. Why should we be corrupt if we have systems that work? But we can’t have such systems under this constitution. Whoever is the President under this Constitution is the most powerful in the world in terms of raw power vested in an individual.

How can the constitution be replaced with a new one in our circumstances?

In law, when you amend, you can substitute. They don’t allow us to educate them! The Bible says ‘My people perish for lack of knowledge.’ That amendment allows them to substitute – bring in a new constitution. Let them look at the case law. They believe they know it all. There is what is called an autochthonous constitution, which legally speaking means homegrown, taking cognisance of the vagaries of our society. Let’s face it: my father was not born a Nigerian. He was born before 1914. Lugard conscripted my father to be a Nigerian. Nigeria is not the father of the Southeast or Northwest. In 1960/61, in Eduati vs Balewa, the Supreme Court per Ademola CJN held that the constitution represents a truly federal constitution in which all residual powers are vested in the regions. Can the Supreme Court today, in its jurisprudential conscience, say that the Constitution represents a truly federal constitution where residual powers are vested in the states? Everything, including law and judiciary, has been unitarised. Same in education, police, communication, road construction, security, tourism – everything unitarised.

What are your thoughts on appointment of appellate court justices?

What are the qualifications in Nigeria? Ten years post-call for a judge. It should be in active practice. For the Court of Appeal, 15 years. The Constitution doesn’t say you must be a sitting judge of a high court. But what do we have today? For you to get to the Supreme Court, you must be a Justice of the Court of Appeal. Legal practitioners are ostracised. To me, the Supreme Court should be a potpourri of those who have been on the Bench, the Bar and the academics. It should be the confluence of all of them. Then they can come out with profound and robust judgments. I’m not saying those who are there are not doing well, but we can do better. It was not like this before. Elias, Nnamani, Ajegbo were practising lawyers before their appointments to the Supreme Court. There are very good and brilliant judges who, in the good old days, would have been sought out and brought to the Supreme Court. What we have now is promotion rather than appointment. It’s still part of the problem we have. Justice Oputa was Chief Judge of Imo State. Would they allow any Chief Judge who we know is brilliant to go there now? Kayode Eso was Chief Judge of Oyo State before he went to the Supreme Court. We change things and without any justification. And nobody would want to listen. The present CJN – I want to commend his humble efforts and plead that we should all reconsider these salient issues begging for our attention in our profession.

November 18, 2021
Mustapha: Ilorin gets new Turaki
Ilorin, the capital of Kwara State and the seat of the Emirate, was agog at the weekend as one of its illustrious sons, Mallam Saliu Mustapha , was turbaned the new Turaki of Ilorin.

Royalty, (led by His Royal Majesty, Dr. Ibrahim Sulu Gambari, CFR), the political clan (led by President Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR), Kwara State Stakeholders (led by Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq), Captains of Industry, and the ordinary folks, converged first at the Emir’s palace for the turbanning and later at the Kwara State Banquet Hall for the reception.

Turaki Saliu Mustapha (TSM) is a close ally of President Buhari; he is the former Deputy National Chairman of Buhari’s defunct political party, Congress for Progressive Change (CPC). He is a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC).

TSM is stepping into a famous and celebrated traditional shoe. Turaki is a very special senior title in Ilorin Emirate and indeed Northern Nigeria. It is bestowed on a respectable individual whose outstanding contributions to the development of the Emirate is unquestionable.

Turakin is like a Minister of Business or Finance in the Emirate. He represents the Emir in whatever the royal father wants the title holder to represent him.

The stature of some individuals who had occupied the Turaki seat underscores the significance of that title. Turakin Adamawa, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar (GCON) and late Dr. Olusola Saraki, a political collosus and stateman, best exemplify the weight of the Turaki title.

Their remarkable philanthropy, political sagacity and common touch (community development) stood out Oloye and Atiku as Turakin.

Oloye’s son, former Senate President Abubakar Bukola Saraki (CON), took over as Turakin Ilorin when his father became Wazirin Ilorin. The younger Saraki was elevated to Wazirin after oloye’s death. SM is taking over from ABS as Turaki.

The appointment of SM as Turakin Ilorin apparently took many by surprise. He does not have the visibility of a Saraki or an Atiku. But, apparently, the Emir made his choice based on Mustapha’s legendary philanthropy and impactful contributions to the development of Ilorin Emirate.

But despite his taciturn nature , TSM is a remarkable personality. His personae can be defined by his character, his philanthropy and his politics. I got an insight into his personae during a recent sit-down with him.

Mustapha is a practising muslim who had an early christian education. He was born and brought up in Kaduna. He calls himself a “special specie” for being a Northern Muslim who went to christian missionary schools for his primary and secondary education.

He attended catholic school, first at St. Ann, in Kaduna and then the famous St. Bartholome also in Kaduna, where former Head of State, Gen. Yakubu Gowon (rtd) GCFR, had his primariy education.

For his secondary education, it was also first at a catholic school, St. John, Jos where he took Christian Religious Knowledge (CRK) as a compulsory subject, got an insight into the teaching of the bible and participated in Mass.

“It was fun back then”, he recalls with nostalgia.

Mustapha returned to Kaduna to complete his secondary education and then attended the famous Kaduna Polytechnic for his tertiary education where he studied Mineral Resources and Engineering.

TSM is a successful business man. He started business very early in life with vehicle importation. He is now a big-time importer and exporter. His unobstructive nature is a model for his business: no noise, no celebrity exposure.

The same model he applies in business, he has tried to apply in politics. But as a rising political star, his visibility has become national and adequately recognised.

In politics, TSM does it big. He enjoys his status as a progressive politician, seared by the late Gani Fawehinmi and progressive heavyweights like Chief Olu Falae, late Senator Waziri Mamud, a presidential adviser to Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (GCFR) whom he served under.

Mustapha was variously publicity secretary of Dr. Ezekiel Ezeogu’s Progressive Libration Movement (PLM); a member of Fawehinmi’s Progressive Action Congress (PAC) and funded the legal luminary’s legal exploits that brought about the liberalisation of the registration of political parties by the National Electoral Commission.

Mustapha was in the All People’s Party (APP) which was rebranded into the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) and made wave with its fielding of Buhari as presidential candidate in 2003. But Mustapha is best known for his roles in Buhari’s defunct CPC. He was, at a very young age, Deputy National Chairman of CPC, and was instrumental to the formation of the APC in 2014. He led the CPC to the legacy party. CPC’s National Chairman, late Prince Tony Momoh, was on medical trip abroad and Mustapha, as his deputy, signed on behalf of CPC, the merger document that was deposited with INEC for APC’s registration.

TSM is in the limelight for his ambition to become APC’s National Chairman. He is not a political heavyweight in the Nigerian sense, having not occupied elective executive or legislative offices as his competitors (former governors, former and current senators) have done. But good for him, he doesn’t carry the baggage of some of these heavyweights. He is the youngest aspirant and exhumes vibrancy.

If elected as APC National Chairman, TSM says he will promote party internal democracy, instil party discipline and bridge the gap between the older generation and the restive youth generation.

Aspirant Mustapha is not relying solely on his close relationship with PMB to clinch the APC top position, he is campaigning vigorously, reaching out to the leaders and stakeholders that are garmaine to realising his aspiration.

TSM was the cynosure of eyes at last Saturday’s APC State Congress in Ilorin. Seated with Governor Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq, the Turaki got a loud ovation when introduced to the delegates.

Obviously, TSM hopes to get political mileage from his turbaning as Turaki and he has a message for his peers, the youth:

”You can’t give what you don’t have. Get involved. The youth can’t sit on the fence. With my participation in politics and my aspiration, I should be able to convince them that it is the right thing to do, to get involved in politics. it is an inspiration for me.”I

Congratulations, Turaki.
- Adedoyin is a journalist and APC Chieftain
October 25, 2021
Empathy defines the productivity of each leader
There is a funny narrative in the social space about most Nigerian politicians. Nigerians have observed that they only notice a display of ‘performed’ empathetic actions by most Nigerian politicians on the campaign trail. Then they are seen stopping by the roadside to buy roasted corn or the local bean pudding locally called akara from some indigent women. Some of them go to orphanages and take pictures with those living with disabilities. These acts seem to end with their inauguration into offices or so it seems.

So these ‘assumed’ acts of kindness end and the elected people have security around them. Even local government chairpersons become very inaccessible. They have a overabundance of aides that determine who has access to them. So the leadership is removed. They begin to live in a bubble.

This sad reality of the behavior of most politicians points just to a few things; first, most people that seek political offices do not understand what leadership means, most do not originally have the seeming empathy they fake when they seek offices.

A political office does not imbue anyone with a sense of compassion. The office merely projects who the person is the more. Again, there is something fundamentally wrong with a society that keeps getting leadership at all levels that their empathetic quotient does not guarantee a better welfare for the people.

The Roundtable Conversation has over the years sought to understand why the nation seems to gravitate more to those without empathy for the people. But again, we realize that the leadership comes from the people and as the saying goes, each society get the leadership they deserve. Is there something that the Nigerian society can begin to do differently as we navigate towards a 2023 election that we seek to be different from the rest we have had? What are the people supposed to look out for?

Leadership is about service and not about gender even though we know that women have a better capacity at the tedious task of tidy thinking. However, while we seek to change our electoral and leadership emergence processes that would guarantee fairness and equity in our politics, we must all in our corners begin to have introspection and bring better ideas to the table.

We sat down for a conversation with Senator Khairat Abdurazaq-Gwadabe who represented the Abuja Federal Constituency between 1999 – 2003. We wanted to find out how in a patriarchal society like Nigeria and given the great odds against female participation in politics she was able to win a senatorial election in a federal capital territory given the issues of gender, state and experience in Nigerian political space. Did her past actions have any electoral value?

Even though born in Ilorin the capital of Kwara state, she was able to contest and win an election as a senator in the federal capital territory. Her story is as intriguing as it inspirational. Having been raised in a politically active family, she had experienced leadership around her and grown to know the value of service to the people and she had lived it.

To Senator Gwadabe, even though she was born with the proverbial silver spoon, she was raised to be as humane as she can afford to be. She had grown up, done her studies in Nigeria and abroad and had promised herself that if ever she had the opportunity, she would seek political office as a route that can enable her uplift the people especially the often forgotten in the rural areas especially of a federal capital that had a lot of issues concerning the indigenous people and a fast expanding government presence in the city.

So the moment the government at the time encouraged women to get into the political space, she seized the moment and threw her hat into the political space. She took the challenge and joined a political party and was lucky enough to win the nomination ultimately after skipping many the huddles. Interestingly, she had contested as a single lady in a country where society assumes that single ladies are not good enough to provide leadership. It is immaterial that single, divorced, separated or widowed men get elected or appointed to positions without reference to their marital status.

So a Senator Khairat won the seat on her personal merit and based on her capacity and track record in the capital city. The first challenge she faced was the idea that some party members felt she must first go to the House of Representatives before ‘graduating’ to the senate. She refused. Interestingly, the reason the people gave then was so puerile it made no development sense. They wanted the older men to go to the senate instead. And the question remains, what has old age got to do with leadership?

Even though it was quite challenging but persistence and a connection with the people were very helpful. At the end of the day, she defeated the other candidates. At some point, one of her fellow candidates supported her and campaigned with her. She did get more support from the men surprisingly. That spoke in a special way to her. Most men would support any woman they believe has capacity and can serve especially when you already have a track record.

Even though the thought of a woman contesting for a senatorial seat was tough, Senator Khairat was on a simple five-pronged mission at the time; would voters vote for a woman, a young person, a non-indigene, was religion an issue, or was language an issue.? They proved to her that all those didn’t matter.

In fact being a woman was an advantage because to the locals, they had tried men, they could see that as anindividual she had always been with them and done things for them even before the elections started. They equally said they wanted a woman for a change because they had dealt with male representatives and decided to give a woman a chance to prove her sense of service.

However, she combined the acceptance of her candidacy with very aggressive campaign to get to all the nooks and crannies of the Senatorial district. So she never took anything for granted.

Her strategy had always been to leave a part of her with the voters prior to her seeking their votes. There was the connectivity that existed prior to the election. She had always made some impact based on her sense of genuine empathy for their welfare given the challenges that existed with government expansionist tendencies in the new federal capital. The senator recounted a funny but instructive incident that happened after the election. Journalists had questioned the man who lost to her whether he intended to go challenge her victory in court and the man laughing said if he was not a candidate, he would have voted for her too.

To Khairat, her experience has shown her that even though there are socio-cultural challenges for women in politics, determination, personal improvement, education, sense of service and a big dose of consistent display of empathy for the people win votes. The problem often resides with the people and their values. Why do people not make certain demands from candidates? We must begin to evaluate the character of those we support to access leadership because adults do not change. You take your personality to leadership. Leadership does not train you to be kind.

She believes women must prioritize their personal development and get themselves ready for active political participation. For now, she feels women must stop feeling that leadership is served a la carte. To be more active in politics demands a paradigm shift from women. Mothers seem to have failed. We must return to our core values.

Women must stop sexualizing themselves because when such is the case, the men naturally feel they only have their sexuality to offer which is not be true. Part of the fight for gender parity in politics must be about women stopping to flaunt their femininity and showing more of cerebral capacity and the empathy to help more women who are always the victims of poverty and all other indexes of underdevelopment.

As member of Senate committees on Environment, Health, Women Affairs (Chairperson), Federal Character, Tourism & culture and Federal Capital Territory, she put in efforts to continue the impactful actions that won her the seat. When she had a voice through the senate, she fully utilized all the legislative tools of law making, lobbying and oversight duties to improve the lives of people she was representing as ba fulfillment of her campaign promises.

One of the sore points that evoked her determination to go get a voice was some of her visits to the rural communities and the fact of seeing the number of maternal and child mortality due to lack of healthcare. Seeing women in labour being carried on bicycles on very bad roads was heartbreaking for her and she tried then as an individual but felt getting to the senate would help her solve more of the problems of those whose lands had been taken, who were mere farmers being unable to pay tuition for their children because their lives depended on the harvests from lands they could not lay claims to anymore.

The people she represented, some call them indigenes but she refers to them as early settlers loved her for being the one who remembered they needed rights to a good habitat, to good schools and hospitals for at least the pregnant women and their babies. Maternal and child mortality had always been an issue she had worked on to improve.

The senator advises that Nigerians must start thinking of leaders that can engender the national budget. How are women’s issues protected in our national budgets? For now, women’s issues in health and education need more. Why is Nigeria one of the countries with the highest maternal and child mortality? We must go beyond partisanship and elect people who have the empathy to impact on lives because no one is free until the least amongst us is taken care of.
- The dialogue continues…
October 9, 2021
‘There will soon be no woman in the Senate’

A very touching historical video by one Dumebi Kachikwu for ROOTS traced the history of women’s political participation and advocacy way beyond the popular Aba women Riot of 1929 that many erroneously credit as the first major intervention in political issues by women in a colonial Nigeria.

In what appears like a passionate plea to Nigeria and African women to do what they know how to do best, he traced history to 1910 in Agbaja in present day Kogi state when women collectively stayed away from their homes for a month based on the suspicion that some men had been secretly killing pregnant women. This action, according to history pushed the elders in the communities to address their concerns.

Again in1924, three thousand women in present day Calabar took to the streets to protest the tolls imposed on markets by the colonial authorities. In the South West, women organizations like the Lagos Market Women Association, Nigeria’s Women’s Party and the Abeokuta Women’s Union were pressure groups that actively took action to stop the colonial administration in their tracks. He recalled too that the Aba Women Riot of 1929 was a collective action that defied tribes and religion. The women pushed for justice and equity and even though some of them were killed in the process, they still won as they achieved some of the aims of their protest.

In tracing the history of women’s standing up to the colonial administration in Nigeria, Ukachukwu is beckoning on women to remember that the they have always been active participants in the political sphere. He therefore wants women to stand up and own their positions in both the country and continent.

At the Roundtable Conversation however, we realize that the fact that Rwanda presently has the global highest number of women in parliament at 61.1% does not erase the fact that women seem to have taken a back seat in African political issues. Understandably, the 1994 genocide is a contributory factor there is a clarion call on women to intervene in the development of the country and continent. The female power is still unmistakably valid at all times and now is no different.

The Roundtable Conversation for long has identified the effects of the lack of gender parity in Nigerian political space seeing that Nigeria with a population of more than two hundred million has one of the lowest gender representations in parliament with a paltry 6.9%. What this portends is that the Nigerian political space still excludes women as a carryover of the colonial mono governance structure that reordered the traditional African complimentary leadership that existed before the white men came to, in Achebe’s words, put a knife to that which held us together as a people and things have fallen apart.

The Roundtable Conversation sat down with the Senate Minority leader, Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe who had penultimate week delivered a Keynote speech at the inaugural annual conference of Nkata Ndi Inyom Igbo with the theme, “Enhancing Women’s Participation and Partnership in governance and Development”. The Socio-Cultural Group of professional women believes that we all must join in the conversation to find a solution to the leadership question in ways that gender should not be a barrier for competent and willing women to win elections in a democracy.

The Senator startled everyone when he pointedly declared that, ‘If nothing is done and urgently too, there will soon be no woman in the Senate”. He should know, he is in a Senate of 109 members with a paltry seven female senators! A House of Representatives with 360 members has only 22 women. Most state houses of assembly have no woman at all and those that have do not make up to 5% of the total number. No woman in Nigeria has won a governorship seat since 1999.

According to the Senator, the reality is that the number of women has been on the decrease since 1999. He said Nigeria must take decisive actions to make the political space more inclusive of women. However, modern politics according to him requires education and the literacy rate especially for women across some regions is still very low. So first things first, education of all our children, males and females must be a priority if we must get ahead in a world ruled by ideas and technology. The leaders in parts of the country where the literacy rate for women is very low according to the statistics of UNICEF, UNESCO and WHO must make education of the people a priority just like they make that of their children.

Asked what he has done as a legislator to bring his fears to the fore and get his colleagues to act, he said that he had always advocated that we have to increase the number in the federal system to bring in more women. If certain appointments are based on Federal character, can Nigerians not realize that there is no gender parity in the Nigerian political space? Is the sense of justice limited to appointments in a country in dire straits that desperately needs the input of women in a complimentary leadership style?

He also has been pushing for a renewed legislative agenda in changing the laws to reflect the current realities in global politics. However, it is often a herculean task to get the majority to see the real danger in playing the ostrich. Some would often quote the constitution as it concerns federal character but see advocacy for political inclusiveness in another light. So if we can balance appointments, why not revisit our laws for gender balance? While we acknowledge the nuances of culture and religion we continue to push and persuade them to see the current dynamics as not very intrusive in that regard. We continue to knock on the doors hoping it works someday. We must continue to push for implementation.

Asked whether women in politics are doing enough to help their gender, he said the same acculturation men are exposed to are the same for women too because you often see women not supporting fellow women seeking elective positions. So women in politics often have to work twice as hard as the men before they get results. Women must learn to sustain the unity they have at the rural community levels in party politics. They can work better with the sense of team unity that guides their interactions at the community levels nationally. Unfortunately it does seem they do not seize those moments.

Fundamentally, Nigerians must take stock. We can look around and see that the chicken has come home to roost. When women are uneducated, there is likelihood of early marriage and with marriage as a child bride, many things might follow. There are chances of the child-bride dying in pregnancy or labour due to reproductive issues which increases the maternal mortality, some might get the almost disabling condition of Vestico Vaginal Fistula (VVF) which subsequently makes them unproductive. An illiterate mother has less chances of raising well balanced kids nutritionally and mentally.

The numbers of uneducated and unskilled youths that cause most of the social ills that affect all of us are all products of a system that relegate women to the background. Ironically, most of the political elites understand the implication because their own kids neither miss education nor do they become child brides.

Nigerians must begin to think beyond today. The idea of focusing on the short term is a huge problem in any nation that desires development. Our short term plans are very destructive to any nation. Nations have fifty, hundred and fifty years strategic development plans. It seems we are a country of here and now. The earlier we begin to address gender parity in the country the better for everyone. We have to be more discerning and make better choices.

The senator believes that political parties must begin to do intra party re-strategizing to chat a better political culture that can bring a change. The essence is for political parties to begin to create the template that can engender more inclusiveness and with it the development we all seek.

We must as a nation agree that democracy that must be viable must stop seeing women in leadership as ‘kind gesture or mere tokenism’ to the female gender. There must be a reorientation for us all to realize that development in the twenty first century works better with complimentary leadership with women who have shown capacity and readiness to serve.

The serious issue of the decreasing number elected women across the country since the return of democracy in 1999 is an ill-wind that blows no one or region any good. It is a global truth that most countries including Nigeria with fewer women in leadership are not doing too well developmentally.

The recent pandemic across the globe has also shown the capacity of women leaders in other climes as most of the countries with female leaders statistically have done better at containing the spread of the virus and subsequently its effect on their economies. It is wrong to assume that gender parity is a favour to women. No, it is not, it is a way of life that dates back to pre-colonial and colonial periods.

The Amazons of Dahomey – present day Benin Republic got their title from their leadership gallantry against the French colonialists. Queen Amina, Idia, Moremi and a number of other historical women leaders are legends today that have earned prime historical positions even better than most men of their era. The myopia of the political leaderships in all regions must give way to better long term vision and plans. The divine that made us men and women thought of partnerships in more things than reproduction and home keeping.

The dialogue continues…

September 4, 2021
Containing the campus wars between History and Political Science
The sub-discipline of International Relations is such a vastly popular one among parents and their wards across Nigeria. It must have to do with the interesting but wrong-headed notion that a degree in International Relations automatically positions a holder for a career in diplomacy over and above the contending others or that diplomacy is such a fascinating career. There is no career line that is more fascinating than the other, so much depending on what each person makes of it and what is going on at any point in time in the world.

This is not to discount the point that International Relations is a very rich domain where it is properly taught. But, is it properly taught in much of Nigeria? Except in very few universities in Nigeria today, what is offered as International Relation is hardly more than fragmentary stuff in pre-Neorealism. But neither the National Universities Commission, (NUC) nor, surprisingly, the Academic Staff Union of Universities, (ASUU) or any other stakeholders for that matter is on the barricades over this, yet, leaving students to consume unsophisticated pre-Neorealism International Relations circulated as Benchmark by a thoroughly unprepared regulator.

Notwithstanding this, or to make matters worse, there is a big, unbelievable fight for which of the Department of History and that of Political Science should keep the teaching of International Relations to itself. At the last count, there are no less than 17 Nigerian universities where this fight has either taken place, resulting in the victory or defeat of one conflict party or is actively on.

Unlike courses such as Mass Communications, Theatre Arts, Economics, Accountancy, Banking and Finance, Computer Science, Microbiology in addition to the traditional status quo ones – Law, Medicine/Veterinary Medicine, Engineering, Architecture/Building, Pharmacy, courses such as History, Political Science, Sociology/Anthropology, (English, Linguistics and Psychology but it would not be surprising if they are) are finding it increasingly difficult to attract students. Most students who end up with History, Political Science keep wondering or asking what they can make of life reading such a discipline. That, I am sure, leaves the typical Political Science lecturer everywhere in the universities explaining and convincing first to third year students that they are, indeed, in the right department because they are going to be the rule writers in the policy mill, media, think tanks, research institutions and the civil society and, therefore, under whose conceptual regimes their counterparts in the so-called professional courses or disciplines will labour. The overarching point though is that no discipline is superior or inferior to the other. They are simply different from each other, and the fact of inferiority/superiority binary in the consciousness of parents and students is a major manifestation of the intellectual aspect of our underdevelopment. In the age of ‘the globalisation of diseases’, the sub-discipline of Public Health might have become so privileged. But the guy in DC who did the paperwork upon which the threat of American withdrawal from the World Health Organisation, (WHO) was based might have no better knowledge of virus or bacteria beyond elementary school Biology. S/he is more likely to have read Public Administration or International Relations or Political Science at Yale, Princeton, Harvard or some university like that.

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In the face of the coming of private universities and the heightened competition for students, History and Political Science have particularly found themselves tagging desperately at International Relations as the only nomenclature by which any of the two disciplines offers anything inviting for a grandeur loving students and parents. So, History tries to reinvent itself by adding International Relations to the Department. Political Science in most universities finds this offending. But, the question is, do History and Political Science need to fight over International Relations?

The argument here is that the fight is a typical Nigerian crisis of elevating non- issues to substantive status and fighting to finish over such. Historically, International Relations is not a realm that any discipline can successfully appropriate. International Relations has been and would remain amalgam of Philosophy, Economics, History, Geography, War Studies, Current Affairs, Public Administration, Political Science, Sociology and even Development Studies. So, it is a patently false claim to say that International Relations belongs to Political Science. That is pure and outdated disciplinary parochialism. International Relations belongs to no discipline at all.

In fact, trying to appropriate International Relations to Political Science doesn’t show good awareness of the turbulence going on in the discipline. This is because there is an on-going shift from International Relations to ‘International Studies’ in the post Cold War because, for most scholars in the social sciences, the world has grown beyond the ‘inter-nation’ that IRs arose to study. It is the reason that courses such as ‘Global Governance’, ‘International Public Policy’ and ‘International Historical Sociology’ (particularly at the London School of Economics) are emerging in the curriculum alongside traditional IRs in many universities in the UK, Canada, Australia.

This trend is a continuation of the equally even more widespread practice in knowledge production generally. For instance, Johan Galtung who pioneered Peace and Conflict Studies had no background even in the Social Sciences. He was initially in Mathematics. Walter Rodney who wrote the canonical text for many of Political Science courses such as ‘International Economic Relations’ or ‘Third World and Dependency’ is a Historian. It is too late to kick against this because Political Science itself borrowed so much from Philosophy, History, Law, Geography, Economics, Psychology, Sociology & Anthropology, amongst others.

Another key point against the campus war is the widespread nature of the practice of offering ‘History and International Relations’, almost across the world. In the UK, for instance, it is so widespread, with no less than five of the toughest universities in the University of London federation offering it – LSE, King’s College, Birkbeck, Royal Holloway and SOAS. Could we be saying they are stupid? The Queens University, Belfast just as Leeds, Exeter, Essex, Lancaster, Keele, Readings, Loughborough and so on. The University of Readings, for example, has this justification for it: Our joint honours BA History and International Relations course enables you to address today’s key issues and investigate their roots in the past. Explore both history and international relations and gain an understanding of how they influence one another”. Seen as such, the campaign against combining the two disciplines in Nigeria disadvantages the Nigerian products against their foreign counterparts and competitors who would not have been deprived of the benefits of multi-disciplinary education. Why should we, consciously or otherwise, be constraining our own products in a world in which they are already structurally disadvantaged?

In most of the universities where this war has been fought or is raging in one form or another, a key contention is that a Department of History running a BA History and International Relations programme is violating one aspect or another of NUC rules. They make the point especially about History having no theory. Let us assume that this were true, does that make a Department of Political Science in any university the enforcers of NUC regimes? And would the NUC be right to insist on such a regime even in the context of the tremendous changes in the structure of knowledge in the contemporary world? It is disheartening to hear claims of History lacking theory because that is what ‘Philosophy of History’ is all about. It is the same meta-theoretical debates about secure grounds for knowledge claims in Political Science that they confront. The only tragedy in the case of Political Science is that positivism massacred the meta-theoretical promise for it, leaving the discipline highly impoverished when compared to Literature or History. Still, a poststructuralist Political Scientist says nothing that a poststructuralist Historian would not understand. A Marxist Historian uses no categories that a Marxist Political Scientist would find strange. So, why should there be a fight over International Relations between the two but for unrestrained, ancient paradigmatic parochialism? Political scientists making such statements need to check again, taking cognizance of the ‘Perestroika Revolt’ of 2002 and its achievement: the ‘defeat’ of the ‘Rationalists’ by the ‘Reflectivists’ who fought it out between 1988 and 2010 when Prof Patrick Thaddeus Jackson’s magisterial work on The Conduct of Inquiry in International Relations that is holding the peace now, especially with its 2nd edition in 2016.

It is pointless mentioning how the success or failure of the practice in Nigeria would have basically no impact whatsoever on the practice of combined degree programs in ‘History and International Relations’ across the world. There is no enlightened audience anywhere in the world where the campaigners can proudly beat their chest that they got a Department of History to drop ‘International Relations’ from its name.

The Department of Political Science at Veritas University, Abuja, for instance, started by naming itself the Department of Political Science and Diplomacy. Others can re-invent by renaming themselves as Department of Politics and International Security; Department of Politics, International and Strategic Studies; Department of Politics and Transnational Studies; Department of Politics, International Peace and Security; Department of Politics and International Development; Department of Politics and Global Governance; Department of Politics and Conflict Studies; Department of Politics and Global Studies

Department of Politics, Conflict and Security Studies; Department of Politics, Conflict and Development, amongst others. There are many more to think about. History too can re-invent by considering International History, Global History, Public History, etc. The point to note is that each of the above nomenclature has its merits and drawbacks in global knowledge politics today.

It is not within the orbit of the Department of Political Science in any university to determine how another Department in a completely different Faculty may name itself, for no reasons other than its own desire for the same title of International Relations. The principle is wrong and even if it succeeds, it will not be what will bring about a glorious end in any sense.
- Mr. Onoja, a doctoral candidate at the University of Ibadan, teaches Political Science at Veritas University, Abuja
September 1, 2021