Category: Hardball

  • Jona’s metamorphosis

    Wole Soyinka’s Jero plays, Trials of Brother Jero and Jero’s Metamorphosis, are world famous.  The two plays are a satire of how a prophet, a beach hustler, really, upped his act.  Jero himself would appear a grand symbol of free-wheeling hustling in Nigeria’s power universe.

    “After all, it’s the fashion these days to be a desk general!”, was Jero’s last mischievous blurt in Jero’s Metamorphosis.  It was the era of military rule, where by the grace of coup-making, people, just like that, became desk generals!

    But Hardball, this morning, is not discussing literature or even military rule, that best-forgotten era of Nigerian public life.  It is rather intrigued by the sudden metamorphosis of President Goodluck Jonathan, less than six weeks to an election he correctly gauged he would have woefully lost, had it held on its original date of February 14.

    Indeed, there is a bit of the Jero in our Jonathan.  If Jero pimped and hustled for survival, using religious trickery, Jona too jumps and hustles for re-election, turning 360 degrees from a Boko Haram dove scared stiff even to visit grieving Chibok parents, whose 278 daughters were carted away by Boko Haram, to a hawk glad-handing the troops at the fronts.  Why, our new beloved General-Field Marshal even did a dramatic stick-sit, just like the original!  God, drama would never end!

    Whatever has stampeded our president into this act of emergency general, even if in truth, he were ceremonial commander-in-chief of the armed forces? Fear of — indeed, blind panic about — woeful electoral defeat!

    Still, it is interesting to see our president grandstanding as a compassionate general, who cares about his troops.  Maybe he does.  The problem though is that he is showing it too late in the day, and too close to election to suggest that he only cares about the vote that he hopes the drama would harvest.  Well, no crime, even if well and truly annoying.  But it is only fair the new general is put on notice that Hardball is not fooled by his latter-day theatrics — neither would most Nigerians.

    By the way, the Jonathan presidential campaign, during the unfortunate Buhari certificate saga that never was, gave the impression Gen. Buhari was an “illiterate” who had “no school certificate” result.  Though he rose to be a Major-General, what they hinted at was that military education was worthless.  Yet, the commander-in-chief was all too happy scrambling into a camo for his battle front drama.  As a PhD holder and sound academic, he ought to have donned his academic gown and mortarboard before diving for the front!  So, military education is not useless, after all?

    Another irony: it is amazing how Jonathan so much grandstands to be a general in charge, even though he be a civilian, and how Buhari remains supremely proud of his military past while being comfy with his current civies.  If you call it the titanic imagery of perception, you won’t be wrong.  But again, our folk know which of the two is fake and which one is real.

    Still, the president would have averted all the panic had he done what he was paid and feted to do.  Instead he virtually slept, for some five years, only to jerk awake!  A Rip Van Winkle once slept for 20 years, only to jerk awake to see everyone had left him behind.

    President Jonathan tells himself he is no Rip Van Winkle.  But we’ll see about that on March 28!

     

  • Old men and the loot-bag – a fable

    Once upon a time, in a small hamlet that once had a remarkable name among hamlets, lived a notable group of elders who contrived to establish themselves under the name, Aferafera. They are men of means; they are men of learning, men you would recognise in a crowd. Though they may act mean, which is an irony, they are no mean men.

    Though the Aferafera may not be models of celestial graciousness, you would not accuse them of Satanism or vile machinations either. Perhaps their crime may well be that they love themselves much more than they love others. It is either that they dwell in their beautiful world of self interest, which naturally galls the people who are condemned to be around them or that such hapless people are merely envious.

    But because it is a hamlet peopled by Aferaferas and other people, stuff will always happen, which will converge divergent interests. Stuff like this: one cool evening in this hamlet, commotion broke out around the village square. Some youths had circumscribed a rascally lad better known by his public name: Alapapin.

    The angry youths held Alapapin by the scruff, well hampered and made ready for a mob judgment. Alapapin scuffled and screamed his innocence loud enough to rouse the entire hamlet. Presently, some members of the Aferaferas invited the mob into the walled precincts of the imposing edifice of one of their kinds.

    What would the matter be, they asked?

    Alapapin is the thief, they chorused. All the livestock that had disappeared in this land all these years, this is the thief. Here is the evidence right here in his bag. The wine tapper here had espied him from up the palm tree as he snatched a little goat, stuffed a rag in its mouth and threw it in this bag. The tapper hurried down, trailed him and alerted the rest of us. Here, in this sack, is the live evidence.

    Well Alapapin what do you have to say, the Aferafera elders asked him?

    My Lords, the owners of this land, you all know me in this hamlet. Though a stranger I may be here but I won’t have young men accuse me falsely. Am I not the handy man of this hamlet? Am I not the same who fetches, who digs who erects and who traps the biggest game for our elders? When did I become a thief? How can they mistake this little game I have in this sack for a goat? My noble elders, if these excited young people do not know a game in a sack I believe you do. Do look into this sack and tell these young rascals what you see…

    The exhibit-in-a-sack was passed to the Aferafera elders, about six of them. The atmosphere was electric as each of them peered into the bag and grunted. After they were done they looked at each other nodding and declaring in unison – it is indeed a poor little game in this sack. Now let Alapapin be; and as you know, what shall we do without him. You must disperse now; return to your chores. The youth left; much crestfallen.

    Moral: Every man has a price; even old men.

  • Bamidele and the Ekiti burden

    Opeyemi Bamidele’s warning to Ekiti Governor, Ayo Fayose, which The Nation of February 25 headlined “Bamidele to Fayose: stop disgracing Ekiti people”, hinted at a crushing, though compartmentalised burden:

    1. Ekiti schizophrenia ala Fayose: Ekiti, pre-Fayemi Fountain of Knowledge and Fayemi-era Land of Honour and Virtue, is unarguably a land of scholarship, legendary land of professors, and proud PhD holders.  Scholarship comes with rigour, which commands honest hard work, which confers sound character, which comes, ala carte, with refinement and honour.  Indeed, sound learning is never complete without sound character.  So, Bamidele’s self-confessed bewilderment in Fayose: how could a land be so blest with honourable people yet endure a daily blast of knavery from Fayose’s supposedly high gubernatorial office?  Indeed, where did Fayose come from?

    2. Pristine Vs Contemporary Ekiti: The poetry of Prof. Niyi Osundare, “farmer-born, peasant-bred”, offers a proud vista of the pristine Ekiti, hilly, rugged and honest people, unfazed by their humble locale, endowed with Spartan will to push towards modernity.  That is the personal story of Osundare, a farmer’s son, now perched on the crest of global literary endeavours.  It even rings truer of an Afe Babalola, who never attended formal secondary school, yet is a legal titan today, toasted at home and abroad.  Where, in such a progression, did a Fayose spring from — and, even ecstatically “elected” (never mind the rumbling doubts from the Ekitigate audio rigging tapes), even after a disastrous first term, that produced a vast abattoir of political opponents and a state that reeked of heavy sleaze?

    3. Ekiti and progressives hubris: Twice, progressives have blundered out of power in Ekiti and twice, Fayose, Bamidele’s new burden, has proved their nemesis.  Governor Niyi Adebayo (1999-2003) was plagued by a crisis of expectation, which heralded Fayose’s first coming.  Governor Kayode Fayemi (2010-2014) boasted superlative performance, judging from his predecessors’ records, but ironically bred visceral hatred, within and outside his party, that again paved the way for Fayose’s second coming.  A principal and ultra-active actor in this APC shake-down, that shot Ekiti into avoidable disaster, was Bamidele himself.

    So, which of these three segments of the Ekiti burden crushes Bamidele the most, as he laments the wanton disgrace Fayose heaps on the Ekiti, as wayward boy governor?

    If Bamidele were to be true to himself, it has to be the third.  Ekiti schizophrenia, he strictly could not help.  If Judas, one of the original 12 apostles, betrayed Jesus the Christ, then every civilisation breeds its own Judas.  Woe betide them, though, that make such Judases come to the fore!

    Pristine Vs modern Ekiti is neither here nor there.  Modernity comes with some painful trade-off.  The wailings against England’s Industrial Revolution birthed the corpus of poetry called the Romantics, with names like Wordsworth, Coleridge and Keats sparkling across the literary generations.

    But for Bamidele, progressives hubris, the third segment of the burden is real — and Hardball dare says, befitting.  Bamidele’s complaint over Fayose is noble.  But Bamidele himself was an active part of the ignoble process that delivered Fayose’s second coming.  Still, if the present Bamidele lamentation is purgatory, then it is welcome.

    But Kayode Fayemi should join Bamidele in that purgatory, prelude to reclaiming Ekiti from Fayose’s Stone Age savagery.  Ekiti, the pristine conscience of the Yoruba nation, must regain its noble soul — whichever party gains ascendancy there.  Otherwise, Bamidele and Fayemi risk a harsh verdict of history!

  • Jonathan’s dark power

    It could be described as a weekend of power, by power, and for power. This is one way of speaking about the power-related activities of President Goodluck Jonathan on February 20 and 21. Ironically, there was no powerfully believable statement by Jonathan at the inauguration of the 750 megawatts Olorunsogo Power Plant Phase II, Papalanto, Ogun State. He said: “And we promised this country that surely in the next two years, the interface between 100 per cent government control of power sector and 100 per cent control of the private sector will be sealed properly and Nigerians would take power for granted.”

    It is interesting that, the next day, Jonathan continued his sweet talk at the inauguration of the 220 megawatts rehabilitated gas turbine at the Egbin power station in Lagos. Jonathan boasted: “Very soon, the problem of epileptic power supply will be history in this country. We shall be out of darkness. With the progress we have made, there will be no going back, we must stabilise power in the country.”

    Is Jonathan aware of  the elasticity of words and the possibility of a variety of interpretations? In particular, when he declared, “We shall be out of darkness,” did he understand the words beyond the context of the ceremony? In other words, did Jonathan grasp the illumination that darkness could be understood figuratively?

    Indeed, the reality is that there is a deep darkness across the land, which is not just about the state of electricity supply. To illumine this thought, it is sufficient to highlight the darkness of inexcusable backwardness despite the country’s enviable resources and the darkness of official corruption that is a veritable blight on the land. These are dimensions of darkness that the people cannot wait to escape; and the chance to do that is here, speaking of the expected general elections, which have been rescheduled by six weeks.

    It is noteworthy that Jonathan was quoted as saying: “Since we launched the roadmap in 2006, I have been encouraged by the progress we have made. And this is part of our transformational efforts in the power sector.” More than what Jonathan says he feels, what matters is whether the people have been encouraged by the progress, if any, that his administration has supposedly made not only in the power sector but in general.

    Jonathan said his administration had spent over US$8 billion to boost the national electricity generation capacity; but talk is cheap, even when it’s about such expensive expenditure. It is paradoxical that the result of this publicised spending is a reflection of the power of darkness.

    Again, it is useful to reflect on the figurative use of language. Doesn’t the power of darkness suggest the darkness of power? When the corridors of power are not brightened by any moral lamp, darkness follows. The guiding light is that the people need to pursue the enthronement of the morally enlightened.

    Jonathan is entitled to his power timetable and his 2017 target; but it is food for thought that his dates for the achievement of stable power continue to be unstable. Isn’t that why he represents dark power?

  • Koro for minister!

    Musiliu Obanikoro, ex-this, ex-that, former and aspiring minister, made things easy and sweet on the stumps when he renamed himself Koro, a shot-gun, short-and-sweet, two-syilable abbreviation of the five-syllable, clanging original.

    But the problem is when accented somewhat, Koro could in Yoruba mean “bitter”, though that is not the meaning — or taste! — of the original name.

    Could this then be why the ex-chairman, Lagos Island Local Government, ex-commissioner in Lagos State, ex-senator of the Federal Republic, ex-minister of the Federal Republic, ex-failed gubernatorial candidate and aspirant, and ex-Nigeria High Commissioner to Ghana tends to leave a bitter taste in the mouth, in his many public involvements?

    Koro exited his Lagos Island council chair in a blaze of controversy, crossed, with his Alliance for Democracy (AD)-secured Lagos central senatorial mandate to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); then, on PDP platform, came back for an imperious gubernatorial demand: Koro for governor!  Of course, that ended in electoral disaster — and just as well, for Babatunde Raji Fashola, SAN, his conqueror back then in 2007, has proved, for Lagos and indeed, the whole country, a splendid revelation.

    The same bitterness plagued his tenure as junior Defence minister, with the Army portfolio. As minister, Koro’s matter of urgent national importance was marshalling his soldiers to disrupt work at the Ilubirin Lagos Homs project, his own ground-breaking idea of a Lagos boy telling Lagos that he was not only in government, he was in power!  But it is payback time right now, for his Abuja principal now runs from pillar to post in Lagos, and the rest of the Southwest, searching for votes he wilfully threw away!

    Then came the 2014 Ekiti governorship election, and Koro upped a rising ministerial notoriety with a tag-team partnership with Jelili Adesiyan, Police Affairs minister, using their combined Army and Police troops to muscle voters in Ekiti and Osun elections, in brazen display of illicit federal might, under the guise of securing these elections.

    The ploy worked in Ekiti, and the utterly disgraceful Ayo Fayose is the result; but was foiled in Osun, despite its “initial gra-gra”, as they would say on Lagos streets.

    Indeed, allegations from the Ekiti rigging audiotape scandal would suggest Ekiti as, so far, the bitterest in Koro’s chequered public career.  The tape, secretly recorded by Capt. Sagir Koli, an intelligence officer under the suborned Brig-Gen. Aliyu Momoh (from allegations from the tape), captured Koro, Adesiyan, Fayose, Iyiola Omisore, and other PDP partisans, at a meeting in Fayose’s Spotless Hotel, Ado Ekiti, pillorying Momoh for not executing their rigging plans effectively enough.

    Koro has, of course, denied all; and once threatened a legal suit against Saharareporters that broke the news. But it is not looking sweet — for those who first denied there was any such meeting have changed their story, insisting though that  the meeting was not meant to rig!  President Goodluck Jonathan, in whose name Koro’s voice claimed it was acting, has all but dismissed the tape as alleged fabrication.  He, however, admitted he had not listened to it.  So, what was the basis for his judgement?

    Anyway, it so happens Koro covets being minister again. Jonathan has agreed, scandal or no scandal — but why is no one surprised?  But the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) is calling on the Senate to block Koro’s nomination, at least pending a forensic probe.

    Koro for minister! That isn’t sounding so sweet right now, is it?

  • 12 reasons Jonathan deserves rejection

    Last week, Villascope, the in-house journal of the Aso Rock Villa listed a dozen reasons why President Goodluck Jonathan deserves re-election. Well dear reader, let us ignore the confounding shallowness of the claims and dissect them together, one at a time to determine if this president actually deserves a day longer in office.

    One: Road construction is first on the list. Their major showpiece here is the refurbished portion of Benin-Ore road. This government never managed to complete any road from start to finish in six years. They lie about Onitsha-Owerri road which was about 90 per cent completed by the Obasanjo government. The East-West road has remained an albatross; Lagos-Ibadan Express is a non-starter and the Second Niger Bridge was a forgotten promise until a few weeks ago. On account of roads therefore, Hardball will not return Jonathan.

    Two: Railway rehabilitation is flaunted and one wonders whether it is the same antiquated and chugging coaches one often finds passengers sit on their roof? One hears it is sheer torture making any journey in them across the country. Sorry, no serious country would refer to those things as trains in this age.

    Three: Re-modeling of airports. Yes, airports were remodeled but what quality? At what cost?

    Four: Transformed agriculture sector. This is the biggest scam of the Jonathan government. They said they gave ten million farmers mobile phones for accessing fertilizer. Hmn? The fraud called rice fund, cassava bread fund among others are well kept secret of billion naira sluice funds…

    Five: Increased access to education. Just because about ten hurriedly-hung universities have been established overnight does not mean access has been increased. What is the percentage of the increase?

    Six: Access to housing. Where are the houses built? By who and for whom? When President Shehu Shagari built houses those days, we all saw them. It is wicked to pass off posh private estates for public housing.

    Seven: Improved power supply. Dear reader you know this is a blatant lie. They just handed our facilities to their cronies and we suffer more and pay more now than the PHCN days.

    Eight: Improved water supply. Where? What really does the Ministry of Water Resources do? Why don’t they just scrap it?

    Nine: Better health facilities. Where? With strikes in the health service all the time?

    Ten: Reformed security infrastructure. Dear reader you know this is a big lie. For instance you sabi our police well, well now? And you know that Niger, Chad and Cameroun are currently helping big brother, Nigeria.

    Eleven: Increased Nigerians’ participation in downstream oil sector. Lie, IOCs still control 97 percent of the sector. Friends of government are only hijacking the facilities the IOCs are divesting from.

    Twelve: Economic transformation: Haba! With our naira trading at N215 to a dollar? With budget not passed in February…?

    Why, just because this government has lost touch with reality does not mean the entire populace is so afflicted. Let’s vote Jonathan out before it’s too late.

  • As OBJ suffers catalytic catharsis

    Ah, power must be a bastard and you can quote Hardball on that. Exactly 10 years ago, a certain President Olusegun Obasanjo was at the peak of his power. He was in the middle of his second and last term in office. He brooked no challenge to his power and authority. He ruled with so much alacrity, so much drunken omnipotence that he did literally whatsoever he wanted.

    He ‘captured’ the party that installed him to power and had it under his armpit. He would change its chairmen like he changed his under wears. And with each change, he polluted the party with lackeys and scallywags made in his own image. When the National Assembly sought to assert the principle of separation of powers, Obasanjo would simply reach for the axe and hack the ‘recalcitrant’ Senate President or Speaker of the House. There were four Senate Presidents in eight years and two Speakers who fought him to the ground every inch of the way.

    How wonderful life would be if it were a video machine to be played back at will on our palm like a magical device. But never mind dear reader, if you live long enough, the way the world goes geeky by the day, someone would invent something that would convert our memories into video.

    With that, Hardball would play back his memories of about ten years ago, showing that scene in which Chief Sunday Awoniyi, a staunch founding member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), was lamenting Obasanjo’s relentless perfidies. In April 2005, Chief Awoniyi was as frustrated with President Obasanjo just as Obasanjo is frustrated with President Goodluck Jonathan today.

    Awoniyi accused Obasanjo of suffering from “spiritual corruption” which, accoding to him, flowed from Obasanjo’s Aso Rock. He went on to define it thus: “When a man is afflicted with spiritual corruption, he corrupts everything around him. He prefers to bring around himself, men who are tainted and morally depraved, and easily blackmailed or manipulated…one of the ugliest attributes of the spiritually corrupt is greed. Greed for power…”

    This perfectly encapsulates Obasanjo in his hey days. By 2005, Obasnjo had dispersed all the founding fathers of PDP. In a show of his peculiar male hormone, he hijacked the party and converted it to his personal estate. The party was run from Aso Rock and his word was its law. When the men who founded the party and understood its guiding ethic spoke, he abused them and called them ‘senile’.

    Today, Obasanjo makes a public show of tearing his PDP membership card. What poetic justice. My father used to joke that let those who imbibe snuff suffer the indignities of leaky noses. He also said that it is often better for a man to step on his excrement so that he will learn to be a lot more decorous in his toilet manners.

    In his valedictory speech, he said he would not be part of a party that would destroy Nigeria. That’s nice; what Hardball wants to describe as catalytic catharsis: some sort of spiritual cleansing for all his misdeeds. Shall we now all join hands in burying his abiku called PDP?

     

  • Ekiti: Ifa cannot be shamed

    Hardball, this morning, returns to the terrible beauty of the two Ifa political “donations” to Ekiti.

    One did good — at least by common infrastructure parameters — but was electorally(?) thrown out.  It is, however, thanks to the Ekiti rigging audiotapes, emerging that the so-called rejection would appear a farce, cooked by desperate politicians, aided and abetted by dishonourable soldiers, claiming an illicit charter from the Presidency — the apex of democratic Nigeria.  That one is Kayode Fayemi.

    The other did bad — and still, despite a rare second chance, however procured, is doing bad.  His first chance ended with an ignominious impeachment, with a sweeping after-odour of alleged sleaze, murder of innocent citizens, and gargantuan abuse of office.  Even, his second coming is appearing terribly cursed.  As candidate, his decorum was equivalent to that of a tout.  As governor-elect, he invaded, thugs in tow, the courts to shred court records, beat up judges and assault lawyers.  As governor, he is the very essence of a gubernatorial cad.  He is Ayo Fayose.

    But with the Ekiti rigging audiotapes, Fayose’s unsung end appears at hand. Only Fayose himself cannot see it!

    To recap, the Ekitigate rigging tapes: Ayo Fayose, then the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) gubernatorial candidate, was recorded, allegedly in his Spotless Hotel in Ado-Ekiti, with the likes of Jelili Adesiyan, Police Affairs minister, Musiliu Obanikoro, then Defence minister of state (Army), Iyiola Omisore, then Osun gubernatorial wannabe, with others, trying to hustle, muscle and bustle a truly pathetic Nigerian Army officer, Brig-Gen. Aliyu Momoh, on how their rigging manual was not being applied to the letter. Capt. Sagir Koli, the conscience-stricken intelligence officer attached to Momoh, secretly recorded the proceedings; and blew the whistle on the alleged electoral felons.

    True to type, Fayose first flatly denied his voice was on the tape, claiming — more of lying, really — that a voice software was used to fake his voice.  When Fayemi upped the ante, and played the tape on air on Adaba Radio, Akure, a Fayose side-kick challenged Fayemi to a public debate, though Fayemi boasts a PhD, and the Fayose sidekick, a proud NIJ diploma in journalism!

    Then the latest: Fayose, in a bad stutter, admitted he was indeed at the alleged plotters’ meeting.  But insisted he was there to rebuke the army officer to make the election more equitable!  Haba!  Whoever spewed out sweet nuts thrown into their mouths by malevolent spirits?

    The same Saharareporters that Fayose lied against to have invented his voice, via a voice software, had the special pleasure of broadcasting, online, Fayose’s recantation.  The same news portal claimed, in the Fayose follow-up report, that President Goodluck Jonathan allegedly told the Wallstreet Journal — quoting Saharareporters now — “that the tape was not ‘real’, stating that the incident will not be probed.”  It is up to the Jonathan presidential spokespersons to clear the air on that allegation.

    Now, back to Fayose, the Ekiti gubernatorial cad.  It is indeed sweet to hear he of stomach infrastructure, for once, stutter and cough, to execute an especially hard bluff and bluster.  But he must realise he must lay on his bed — bayonets and all — exactly as he had laid it.

    Fayose can be as caddish as he wants. But this he must know: Ifa will not be mocked!

  • NNPC and foren-sick auditors

    It must be in order for Hardball to confess upfront that he is not particularly in love with accountants – and lawyers too. He would be the most happy if the world could do without them or better still, do away with them. Why? He thinks they do more harm than good to the modern man; or if you prefer, they cause more harm to the civilised world.

    Lawyers are not the subject of focus here, so we let them go in peace today. Besides, and in fairness to lawyers, they hardly start the quarrels, they are only on hand to help complicate and cash in on them.

    Accounting on the other hand and by Hardball’s estimation, is the most legitimised scam man ever contrived. It is a dreadful irony that a system that has been perfected over the ages to help man track his wealth is also the one most vulnerable to abuse and manipulation. For instance, every audit or accounting report can bear at least half a dozen versions.

    In other words, six different reports can be generated on one company’s particular accounts and mind you, not by six different firms, but one. Yes, just one accounting firm can produce for you, six different reports if you so desire and would make it worth their while.

    Any John Doe who can read an annual report of accounts knows that accounting is more about creative (mis)application of numbers for a desired result than a true picture of business transactions for a period. Yet people hardly speak up or demand a revolution. We have seen companies – some so-called blue-chip companies – audited to death by equally top-notch audit firms. Often, we have seen companies that are mere hollow shells yet reputable audit firms hide such deleterious facts from the investing public for many years until the dam of infamy busts and everyone gets drowned in it. Everyone but the audit firm.

    The best example in Nigeria is the Cadbury debacle a few years ago: for over a decade, a foremost audit firm reassured shareholder and the public that Cadbury was a blue-chip company. By the time it came to light that Cadbury had turned to dust, it was almost beyond salvage. It took almost another decade to revive it. Of course casualties were aplenty. The audit firm lost nothing; not even its ugly face.

    Who does not know the story of Arthur Anderson (AA)? At the apogee of AA, the entire globe was at its feet; it had its pick of jobs from government and corporate. Woe betide you if you worked with an AA alumnus: you would almost believe he resumed from Mars and returned straight to Mars after work. AA became a deity worshipped by denizens of the corporate world until a certain mega energy firm called Enron crashed. The world suddenly woke up to the fact that AA is actually a mere wooden totem. And if gold rust…

    As you may have guessed dear reader, the leitmotif of this long verbal excursion is that Hardball is of the lay opinion that something seems sick about the recent PWC’s forensic audit of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC. Especially because they call it forensic!

  • North: Muslim; South: Christian; Middle Belt? Take a guess!

    Today, Hardball has a short-and-sharp puzzle: In the North, I am Muslim.  In the South, I am Christian.  In the Middle Belt, what am I?

    This might sound stranger than fiction, but I am  PDP!

    Before official electioneering, Olisa Metuh, chief spokesperson for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), had dubbed the main opposition party, All Progressives Congress (APC), a Muslim party.  The party, through its top hierarchs and own corporate body language — if you believe in corporate metaphysics! — was echoing that allegation; and was salivating on how it would bomb, with that explosive religious blackmail, its chief rival for federal power.

    But Yemi Osinbajo’s emergence as APC vice presidential candidate crumbled all that.  When the professor of Law, and Pentecostal pastor teamed up with Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (PDP’s baleful northern hegemonist and Islamist bigot), that plot collapsed.  Like a bubble, it vanished — like dew before the morning sun!

    Worse: How Buhari’s message of Change resonated all over the country was well and truly scary; Kano, with its intimidating crowd, being a depressing reference point. Might he then have positively benefited from the PDP’s reckless religious baiting, making the northern street voters to bond with him and his party even more?

    Meanwhile, down South, from the crowds at Buhari’s campaign, Christian antipathy, which the hate message in religious guise should have driven, seemed not gathering traction.  Indeed, the more the hate message and scaremongering, the less, it seemed, its impact on Buhari’s street value. Might the APC candidate then be beneficiary of his running mate’s Pentecostal bona fides?

    Nothin’ spoil, the president and his men seemed to decide, as they pounced on a new strategy: not so different from the brazen original, but no less bizarre, sinister and ridiculous.

    So, Mr. President, start a new round of southern churches electioneering blitz.  From Winners Chapel, to the Redeemed Christian Church of God Camp, to the Lord’s Chosen Church vigil, the message was the same.  My people, I have not come to campaign, but to do thanksgiving.  Your president worships in your midst.  Your president wears his humility as a gown.  Surely, that should count for something — in raw votes?  Surely, it makes Christian sense to vote for a Christian brother?   Of course, it needed not be put that way, but the message was crystal clear.

    In the North, however, Vice President Namadi Sambo felt no need for such subtleties. “Buhari ya dauko pastor a matsayin mataimakinsa kunsan coci nawa yake dashi?  Yanada coci 5000, do haka karku zabesu” he told his audience in Hausa, meaning: “Buhari has selected a pastor as his running mate, do you know how many churches he has?  He has 5000 churches, so based on that, don’t vote for them”!

    From Dutse in Jigawa, to Minna in Niger and other northern cities, the message was unchanging on the stumps — the message of redemption, from the vice president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria!  How deep into infamy can a high officer of state sink?

    But pray, after a pretence to Christianity in the South and a pretence to Islam in the core North, what will the “largest party in Africa” be in the Middle Belt?

    Good question — and guesses are welcome!

    But if you call this farce the largest unravelling of the largest party in Africa, you may not be wrong.