Category: Hardball

  • Intrigues of Delta State guber primary

    The politics of Delta State took centre stage last week as an aftermath of the governorship primary election that saw the charismatic Ifeanyi Okowa emerge as the party’s standard-bearer. But the subtext of the story is the meddlesome mania of the President and his cohorts in the hierarchy of the PDP. The impression had been falsely presented that Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan was not interested in who becomes his successor from Delta North. So why did he pick Anthony Obuh? Obuh comes from there and that puts paid to that falsehood. But he had said repeatedly before his support of Obuh that the governorship had been zoned to Delta North, but given the array and acrimony within the coterie of aspirants from the region, Governor Uduaghan said they might lose it by default.

    What started off that ugly drama was the intervention of the presidency and such unflinching men as Chief E.K. Clark, Senator James Manager and the hard-charging militant-turned-government contractor Tompolo. First they said they did not want Uduaghan to run for Senate. They mounted pressure on him to step down. They knew that Manager had become senator for two terms, and in the senatorial zone, it is now the turn of the Itsekiri. But playing the ethnic Ijaw card, Clark worked with President Goodluck Jonathan and Manager to force him to step down. Their plan was for Manager to become the majority leader in the Senate, creating an Ijaw deuce of president of Nigeria and Senate majority leader. Little wonder the PDP hierarchy plotted and gloated over Udoma-Egba’s ouster from the race in Cross River State.

    The other twist was that Clark and the president rejected Obuh, and asked Uduaghan to get a ‘popular’ candidate. They took advantage of two things. One, Uduaghan is a minority Itsekiri. Two, they dangled the subtle threat that if he defied them, they would undermine his position as the chief security officer of the state. Tompolo and Clark, according to earlier reports, were going to control the primaries and force the police and the armed forces to report to them rather than the state chief security officer of the state, that is the governor.

    The governor, who had backed Delta North, saw himself unable to pick from a fractious group of Delta North aspirants. So he looked to the Urhobo Progressive Union, who could come together behind David Edevbie. But with the game under the control of the presidency, Manager and Clark, it was too late for him to rally a victory. The odds fell in Okowa’s favour. It was for most part a victory for presidential conspiracy against a beleaguered governor.

     

  • Baba barks again (BBA)

    BBA — Baba barks again: and the polity shivers!  At any rate, that’s what Baba would wish.

    Baba is, of course, you know who: former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who (the courts be damned!) reserves the right to maul his subjects anyhow he likes.  That, from news reports, is the standard fare in his new offering, My Watch.

    Virtually forever, Baba has pressed his right as no respecter of persons, no matter “whose horse is gored”, to use his favourite cliché.  But more sinister, with the release of My Watch: Baba appears to be pressing his right as no respecter of the courts!  But however that adventure ends, the court will decide, since the matter is sub-judice.

    Still, one single philosophy runs through all Baba’s autobiographies, all harbouring the ultra-self-pushing “My”: My Command (his Civil War account), Not My Will (his account as accidental military head of state) and My Watch (his three-volume tome, on his tenure as elected two-term president), the controversial publishing and presentation of which has landed Baba in hot soup in the court of Justice Valentine Ashi of  a Federal High Court in Abuja.

    That sole philosophy: drum up other people’s perceived rot just to divert the nose from your own pus.

    In My Command, everybody was a villain — not even the mercurial and iconic Brigadier Benjamin Maja Adekunle, the Civil War hero, lately deceased, who pioneered the formidable 3rd Marine Commando amphibious division that struck terror in the heart of the Biafra rebel enclave. Everybody was undisciplined; everybody was a knave; everybody was a coward.

    But Brigadier Godwin Alabi-Isama’s The Tragedy of Victory punched holes in Baba’s fanciful tale of wayward narcissism, even claiming the self-painted dashing war hero once took a bullet in his buttocks, while fleeing from enemy bullets!  That revelation, backed by veterans who corroborated the claims at the book’s public presentation, made Baba a butt of public jokes.  Baba never forgets — or forgives.  That would appear why he comes hard on Alabi-Isama in My Watch!

    In Not My Will, Baba gloried in the fact that what the great Obafemi Awolowo coveted all his life — the Nigerian presidency — he got in on a platter of gold as military head of state.  But he was in a hurry!  If he had waited a little, he would have added that Nigerians even begged him to come back — and he did, as two-term elected president.

    Still, the Awo he tried to mock then and probably still resents now, even in death, towers above Obasanjo, like some Gulliver in Lilliput.  While Awo’s place in history is secure, Obasanjo still tries to cement his own.  The snag is: Obasanjo would rather write his own history, reserving the right to selectively forget and remember!

    That desperation would appear to have catapulted him into My Watch, which venom and immodesty his old age has not even mellowed.

    In My Watch, Obasanjo still tried to paint Atiku Abubakar, the vice-president under him, black.  Somewhat he has succeeded, even without a shred of proof, in erecting his preferred public image of Atiku.  Yet it was Obasanjo, not Atiku, that as president and Oil minister, suborned the Oil and Gas sector to donate (more of extortion, really) to his private presidential library — pushing out others’ pus to cover your own, if you get the gist?

    Someone should tell Baba that his perennial barks are biting with no one — except the utterly dense.  So, he should spend his winter years on things more ennobling and purposeful.

    As for his new challenge to the courts, you don’t tell a child to shun cultivating wild incisors.  The glaring discomfort comes all too soon!

     

     

     

  • Agric Minister versus Agric Minister

    Nigeria’s current Agriculture Minister, Dr. Akinwunmi Adesina, remains one of Hardball’s agent provocateur and for good reasons. Yes, he is good looking, always well-turned out and ‘has the raps and smarts’ as we used to say in school those days. He is also acclaimed to be a technocrat, meaning that he knows some buzz words and jargons and he can render them in British or American accent.

    And this is Hardball’s beef with Dr. Adesina: he has been charged with what is perhaps the most important ministry in the land in nearly four years and like all the so-called technocrats in the Federal Executive Council (FEC), he has made a mess of it. But if it were mere incompetence and ineptitude, one would be a lot more forgiving; Adesina has survived in the FEC through panoplies of lies, deceit, bamboozlement and mesmerism. Two recent events will corroborate Hardball’s assertion.

    Last week, Adesina in his usual manner enthused that Nigeria’s food import bill has declined by N466 billion from one trillion naira in the last three years he has been in charge. He also said that agricultural sector added N780 billion to the economy during the period. He said further: “Our farmers are seeing the benefits and they are producing more food. Our national food production expanded by an additional 21 million metric tonnes of food within three years. This is a record in our nation’s history…”

    The event was the inauguration of Flour Mills of Nigeria’s first commercial 10 per cent composite flour product. Though these commercial mills are just about rolling into production, Adesina told his audience that all bread, cakes and confectioneries consumed in Nigeria today contain cassava flour.

    The millers on the other hand have a different story. One of them, who spoke last week, said the cassava value chain is still riddled with challenges and difficulties like a dearth of large scale investment, power and transportation. According to him, “we have not been able to get cassava processing right. The only major company doing that now in Nigeria is Thai Farms, a subsidiary of Flour Mills. Today, it can produce 60 metric tonnes or two trailers of cassava flour. You find other SMEs working hard but they can only produce about 10 metric tonnes. When you put everything together, you find that it is far from what flour millers need.”

    There you have it. As far as Adesina is concerned, the whole Nigeria is eating cassava bread, while the millers tell us that we have not even planted cassava!

    Adamu Bello, former Minister of Agriculture (2001- 2007) must have been so pissed off by Adesina’s unrelenting equivocation that he had to publicly challenge Adesina. He said most of the claims made by  the current minister are unjustified and unverifiable.

    Bello said going by the data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the last time a growth rate was recorded in the agric sector was in 2007. On the other hand, NBS shows a decline in agriculture output since 2008, reaching a low ebb in 2012 and 2013. “It is only the almighty God that will judge,” Bello said in exasperation. If Hardball was full of mischief as some have accused him, what about Bello?

  • Jonathanomics: Pay a premium for darkness!

    Jonathanomics: Pay a premium for darkness!

    Chief marketer: Sam Amadi, chairman, Nigeria Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC).  Prime mart: Reformed power sector monopolies.  Players: DISCOs and parched electricity consumers.  Market ethos: The more you look, the less you see.

    If there was any neo-liberal version of the good, old (selling and buying of a) pig in a poke, this reformed power sector must be it!  NERC, on its website, boasts the punch line: “Electricity on Demand”.  And good,  old Sammy, Harvard-trained, with all the latest reforms jazz words, sure knows how to sell his market.  But how can a salesman sell without guaranteeing supply?

    That irony is simply lost on Dr. Amadi, as he merrily and zestfully sells the DISCOs’ (Distribution companies’) imperative for an upward revised tariff.  But can DISCOs guarantee the supply of the stuff, to walk the talk of NERC’s “Electricity on demand”?  Consumers are certainly not having a disco party, in this troubled market!

    The ludicrousness of the situation is brought to the fore by the December 1 mark-up of the electricity tariff regime.  Pronto, charges have been marked up: pre-paid meters reset to roll faster; and the notoriously unfair estimate billing, of the old analogue meters, marked up too, to hum in more cash.  The DISCOs were certainly set for the cash disco, but alas!

    At the point of rolling, however, electricity generation dipped: from a peak 3,554 mw, en route to a promised 5,000 mw by December ending; down from an original target of 6,000 mw, power supply dipped 3,206 mw by December 2, according to statistics from the Federal Power Ministry.

    The long and short? NERC could not guarantee its boast of “Electricity on demand”.  Meanwhile, the mark-up of tariff remains inviolate, even as supply is yo-yo.  For users of pre-paid meters, that they will be billed for whatever they consumed is cold comfort.  They will still pay more for “electricity NOT on demand”.  For the market rabble stuck with conventional meters, well, it is double jeopardy: the DISCOs will enjoy an ear-pounding disco of free cash, while the luckless consumers lick their wounds — they will pay for darkness!

    But in this age of universal self-help, let the purveyors of this voodoo market be warned.  If securing your market rights degenerates into longsuffering consumers viewing DISCOs’ billing agents as endangered species, who to blame know themselves!

  • Why was Okupe singing?

    As there a significant difference between 136 and 144? Don’t ask this question in Aso Rock, the seat of the country’s presidency, if you seek an objective answer. As far as the Goodluck Jonathan administration is concerned, it’s a big deal and worth celebrating that Transparency International (TI), the respected watchdog, this month ranked Nigeria 136th on its 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) focused on 175 countries. The assessment was based on the presumed extent of public sector corruption in the countries. Nigeria scored 27 out of a maximum 100 marks, and was listed as the 39th most corrupt nation in the world.

    To appreciate why the Jonathan presidency is somersaulting in ecstasy over the latest ranking, it is important to note the background: Nigeria was ranked 144th in 2013, 139th in 2012 and 143rd in 2011. So, with the 2014 position, the 2013 standing has been bettered, if such a positive word may be used, by eight rungs.

    It is possibly a reflection of corruption, or more specifically, corrupted thinking and understanding, that Jonathan’s Senior Special Assistant on Public Affairs, Dr. Doyin Okupe, burst into song. Perhaps more appropriately, he should have burst into tears. Okupe gleefully said in a statement: “The latest TI rating is a proof that President Jonathan’s effort in the fight against corruption is yielding positive results. There is no doubt that since President Jonathan came on board as president of this country, the fight against corruption has been taken several notches higher.” He further said: “Unlike any previous administration in the country’s history, the present administration has instituted institutional reforms aimed at giving fillip to the anti-corruption war.”

    Okupe’s zeal is understandable, considering that the 2014 grade is Nigeria’s best on the CPI under President Jonathan. It is evidently a merry matter for those who are in power but have failed to exercise their power to arrest corruption in the country in any impressive manner. However, this moment cannot be for crowing, and it is both puzzling and disturbing that Okupe demonstrated unawareness by his effort to take advantage of the news for publicity purposes. Okupe needs to be told, or taught, that the country’s 136th position in a class of 175 is still as shameful and embarrassing as it has been since the inauguration of the Jonathan administration, and certainly does not qualify as a publicity opportunity.

    Particularly relevant to the country is the TI observation: “A poor score is likely a sign of widespread bribery, lack of punishment for corruption and public institutions that don’t respond to citizens’ needs.” TI Chairman, José Ugaz, said: “The 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index shows that economic growth is undermined and efforts to stop corruption fade when leaders and high level officials abuse power to appropriate public funds for personal gain.”

    This picture, no doubt, faithfully represents the country’s state of affairs. Indeed, it may well be impossible for the Jonathan administration to significantly minimise public sector corruption, given his peculiar perspective. This is the leader who said on national television: “Over 70 per cent of what are called corruption (cases), even by EFCC (Economic and Financial Crimes Commission) and other anti-corruption agencies, is not corruption, but common stealing.” There is nothing to add, except to wonder at Jonathan’s thought process.

     

     

     

     

  • Of Zion, Babylon and Nebuchadnezzar

    Trust the Rastafarians with their clear-cut, black-or-white life view: Zion is paradise.  Babylon is hell.  No beating about the bush.

    So, when they strum their guitar in their simple-and-steady way, with their world-famous reggae music, and strut the stage in inspired performance, perhaps with a whiff of ganja not far off, the message is clear: Jah is the One; righteousness is the rule; Zion is the city; Babylon is the hell.  Who is not for us is against us!  That is the Rasta world.

    But the real world is not so stark. As the Rasta see in Zion some paradise, others see in Zionism — imperial acts that issue from Zion — sheer hell.  Welcome to the world of controversy!

    That brings Hardball to Prof. Wole Soyinka’s crushing judgement on President Goodluck Jonathan: Jona is the very Nebuchadnezzar he claimed not wanting to be.

    Indeed, the president, in WS’s view, is on balance, even worse: Nebu was a transformative nation-builder, ruined by hubris.

    Jona, on the other hand, from his far-from-stellar act so far, is sheer humdrum, plagued by delusion of transformation; an insecure leader, crippled by a patent inability to soar in the realm of winning ideas, and a rather un-civic lover of power: very high on power; but very low on duty and responsibility.  Ay, what is power without its corresponding responsibility?

    To be fair, Jonathan is no better — or worse — than his predecessors, all of whom, without exception, WS had been clear nemesis: the lone and perpetual voice, in Rasta-speak, crying in the wilderness of Babylon, while what he expected, and still expects, is Zion — Tafawa Balewa; maybe not Aguiyi-Ironsi: he was consumed too soon by his own power callowness; Gowon; maybe not Murtala, for he ruled too short; Obasanjo 1, Shagari, Buhari, IBB, Abacha; Shonekan, even if the court said his sorry regime never existed; maybe not Abdulsalami: his was a transition interlude; Obasanjo 2, Yar’Adua, and now Jonathan!

    Jonathan’s “mortal sin”?  Decades of misrule had  weakened the house so much that its foundation, at least to the informed eye, appears swaying. Yet, Jonathan continues as if it is as solid as ever!

    Jonathan took over a Nigeria at a crossroads.  But he still spurs it, like a wild horse, ridden by a reckless horseman, to the brink!

    Even then, his minders, to every informed public criticism, reply with vulgar abuse — or worse: with lies they told themselves and verily believe, that Jonathan is the best thing to have ever happened.  That may be right though: he could be the best thing to have happened to their personal economies, Nigeria is a prebend’s paradise, after all!

    For WS, it is a life crusade; a patriot’s call to have the best for his country, based on his own personal credo of merit, brilliance and character.  He started his crusade very early; and, even in his old age, when he should be resting, he is still at it.

    But the Nigerian system, deaf of hearing and making its pact with unbridled mediocrity, is firmly of an opposite mind — and closed too!  Jonathan? The latest of its grotesque programmed products!

    But if only Jonathan listens a little and were less wilfully misguided!  Maybe the Nigerian paradise may yet come!

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

  • Who buy those stoves?

    Hardball took an astral trip back to those giddy old days of rulers in khaki when military administrators were overlords in our various states. Milads they were known as, they went about, all sorts, all characters, the only smart thing about most of them was their starched uniforms. They would strut about, pretending to govern, barking out instructions to bloody civilians and trying hard to be ‘action governors’. You dared not share a thought with them. Power corrupts but power in a soldier’s hands corrupts murderously, to re-jig that famous saying.

    This is how come one Milad of those days was inspecting a new flyover bridge and on getting to the scene, so displeased was he with the quality of work done, that he was reputed to have hollered: “who build this gada that is doing gbigi gbigi in my leg; no kobo for you?!

    Hardball is now moved to scream: “who buy that N12, 000 Eco-stove; how much food village woman dey cook with this kind stove?!

    You must have heard about the N9.2 billion the Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved for the purchase of ecostoves at its meeting of late November. The matter struck like a thunder out of the blue; if the matter ever came up before that day, not many Nigerians may have heard about it. We just got the bombshell – 175,000 clean cookstoves are to be imported for onward distribution to Nigeria’s rural women.

    Wow, the long-forgotten rustic womenfolk are in for a good time. Pray, by what alchemy did this modern wonder come about? Which genius or would it be a wizard dreamed this scheme up and ensured its execution via the speed of light. Hardball was almost going to break into the song: come and see Nigerian wonder, come and see Nigerian wonder. Just when you think you have seen it all, our government simply reinvents itself and reaches more obdurate limits.

    Just the week before this FEC meeting, the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy had most solemnly announced to Nigerians that the economy is so gloomy that some austerity measures had become imperative. There was need to immediately cut all the fat about the government, we were told one bright morning. No more overseas junkets for public officials in the name of training and seminars for instance. Those who acquire and enjoy the good things of life would have to pay a penalty by being levied heavy taxes. It is even suspected that the complete removal of that phantom petrol ‘subsidy’ would follow if not now, after the 2015 polls.

    Now in the midst of all these economic strictures and pains we awaken another week to be confronted by a nine billion naira caper. Oil prices are crashing and our currency is equally off its hinges; our reserves are depleting with barely enough to take us through three months of our ravenous purchases. Yet we can afford nine billion naira to throw around?

    Who are these rural women that we love so much that if they do not get these stoves immediately they would become extinct? Of what significance are 750,000 out of no fewer than 25 million rural women? Or what really is the purpose of this wonder policy? Nigerian rural women have been long deprived and abandoned and cannot even afford a good meal a day.

    Say, was our Finance Minister, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, at that meeting where this decision was taken?

  • Uncle Sam’s confused wisdom

    It is puzzling that the internationally powerful and influential US government, which apparently enjoys playing the role of the world’s policeman, may be more willing to render assistance to victims of the terroristic Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria than help in quelling the Islamist guerilla force. This odd sense of responsibility is a possible implication of the picture painted by the Press Attache, US Embassy, Abuja, Sean McIntosh, in an effort to clarify his country’s position.

    Interestingly, McIntosh reportedly offered a list of help-related figures, including the provision of $19m for the vulnerable and conflict-affected households in Nigeria by the American government in 2014. He said: “More than $7m from the US Agency for International Development’s Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance supports health, water and sanitation services; the delivery of emergency relief supplies and protection activities for women and children in Northeastern Nigeria.” He continued: “USAID/Food for Peace has provided nearly $7m in emergency food assistance and the US Department of State has provided more than $15m to fund protection activities in affected areas.”  McIntosh also said: “In addition, the US government provided more than $54m in humanitarian assistance in Cameroon, Chad and Niger, targeting refugee populations from neighbouring counties, including Nigeria.”

    Perhaps to drive the point home that the US is not short of ideas and plans to help those affected by the violence in Nigeria’s Northeast, McIntosh reportedly mentioned that two new programmes were in the pipeline, including a ‘crisis response’ programme to be funded with between $20m and $30m, and designed to provide basic education, especially for internally displaced boys and girls.

    It is noteworthy that these sweet-sounding words were uttered against the background of a weighty allegation by the Nigerian Ambassador to the US, Prof. Adebowale Adefuye, which implied that America seemed to be enjoying the bloody drama by terrorists in Nigeria and was not doing enough to assist the country in winning the terror war.

    In a damning criticism, Adefuye on November 10 told members of the Council on Foreign Relations: “The US government has up till today refused to grant Nigeria’s request to purchase lethal equipment that would have brought down the terrorists within a short time on the basis of allegations that Nigeria’s defence forces have been violating human rights of Boko Haram suspects when captured or arrested” He also said: “We find it difficult to understand how and why, in spite of the US presence in Nigeria, with their sophisticated military technology, Boko Haram should be expanding and becoming more deadly.”

     Adefuye’s complaint and observation brings to mind the memorable biblical quote, “Am I my brother’s keeper?”  Maybe in an increasingly individualistic and impersonal world, Adefuye’s words had a ring of naïve optimism about human nature and, perhaps more importantly, what is called realpolitik.

    However, there is the other side of the coin, which is the burden of America’s perceived global leadership ambition. It ought to be easy to see that terrorism in any part of the world is a threat to all, particularly in the context of the reality of the global village. Uncle Sam’s wisdom in this matter is confusing and confused, and suggests that there may be more to it than meets the eye.

  • Jimi catches the bug

    Jimi Agbaje, the hoped-for electoral golden boy of Lagos Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), has caught the bragging bug, even before landing the Lagos PDP gubernatorial ticket.

    Somewhat, Agbaje reminds Hardball of the global boxing order, before the Klitchko brothers.  In that classical age, with titans like the Incomparable Muhammad Ali, George Foreman, Smoking Joe Frazier, Sugar Ray Leonard, Marvellous Marvin Haggler and the Detroit Hitman, Tommy Hearns, boxing, especially the heavyweight class, was the near-exclusive preserve of men of colour.

    So, if any white slugger as much as showed the most elementary of promises, he was suddenly hyped as the “Latest White Hope”, a not-so-disguised racial antipathy in sports.  But before you could bawl White, the latest white hope was clobbered  black-and-blue by the usual nemesis, leaving the White press on the lookout for next White hope!  But that was before the emergence of the Russian duo, Brothers Klitchko.

    Back to Lagos politics, where the PDP has received hopeless gubernatorial and other electoral whupping these past 16 years.  Will Jimi prove the Klitchko? Or yet another hope turned mirage?  That is in the belly of time.

    What is not, however, is that Agbaje has caught the PDP bragging bug.  Not so long ago, a PDP national chairman bragged that his party would rule Nigeria for the next 60 years.  Then after: maybe a power century, a millennium — or even power till kingdom come, forever and ever, Amen?

    Well, shortly after, the bragger-in-chief disappeared in the PDP maelstrom; and not so long after, the PDP humpty-dumpty came crashing, at the tail end of Bamanga Tukur’s tenure.

    Agbaje seems unaware of the very recent history.  He told The Punch that if he got the ticket, PDP would win: and not for four year, or even eight, but no less than 16 years!

    Sure, 16 years is far shorter than 60.  Besides, if the Alliance for Democracy (AD)-Action Congress (AC)-Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN)-All Progressives Congress (APC) continuum could rule Lagos for 16 years, why not PDP, particularly with Agbaje, its new progressive golden boy on the saddle, to kick-start the Lagos PDP golden age?  Why not, indeed?

    Still, what might have inspired Agbaje’s bragging?  In the absence of previous state record, superlative performance  by the Jonathan Presidency at the federal level?  A superlative and verifiable PDP special programme for Lagos as a former federal capital and enduring economic hub?  A solid manifesto that clearly demonstrates the state opposition could do the job better?

    Hardly any — except, of course, the all-too-familiar language of power, no matter how obtuse!

    But, not unlike the PDP national experience, a short while after Agbaje’s boast, humpty-dumpty appears to have hit Lagos  PDP.  Yomi Finnih, famed medic and Lagos PDP long-standing member, led some PPD supporters to ditch the party.  What is more?  That was done as President Jonathan was visiting, the point a jubilant Governor Babatunde Fashola merrily rubbed in!

    Well, politicians moving to-and-fro could well be Nigeria’s peculiar pre-election ritual, a tale, in Shakespeare-speak, of sound and fury, signifying nothing.

    Still, if Jimi Agbaje is bringing new thinking into the Lagos PDP, he gains nothing by just catching the bug of power-talk without rigour.  Winning elections takes more than open sesame of wishful thinking — and bragging!

     

  • Jimi catches the bug

    Jimi Agbaje, the hoped-for electoral golden boy of Lagos Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), has caught the bragging bug, even before landing the Lagos PDP governorship ticket.

    Somewhat, Agbaje reminds Hardball of the global boxing order, before the Klitchko brothers. In that classical age, with titans like the Incomparable Muhammad Ali, George Foreman, Smoking Joe Frazier, Sugar Ray Leonard, Marvellous Marvin Haggler and the Detroit Hitman, Tommy Hearns, boxing, especially the heavyweight class, was the near-exclusive preserve of men of colour.

    So, if any white slugger as much as showed the most elementary of promises, he was suddenly hyped as the “Latest White Hope”, a not-so-disguised racial antipathy in sports.  But before you could bawl White, the latest white hope was clobbered  black-and-blue by the usual nemesis, leaving the White press on the lookout for next White hope! But that was before the emergence of the Russian duo, Brothers Klitchko.

    Back to Lagos politics, where the PDP has received hopeless gubernatorial and other electoral whupping these past 16 years. Will Jimi prove the Klitchko? Or yet another hope turned mirage? That is in the belly of time.

    What is not, however, is that Agbaje has caught the PDP bragging bug. Not so long ago, a PDP national chairman bragged that his party would rule Nigeria for the next 60 years.  Then after: maybe a power century, a millennium — or even power till kingdom come, forever and ever, Amen?

    Well, shortly after, the bragger-in-chief disappeared in the PDP maelstrom; and not so long after, the PDP humpty-dumpty came crashing, at the tail end of Bamanga Tukur’s tenure.

    Agbaje seems unaware of the very recent history.  He told The Punch that if he got the ticket, PDP would win: and not for four years, or even eight, but no less than 16 years!

    Sure, 16 years is far shorter than 60.  Besides, if the Alliance for Democracy (AD)-Action Congress (AC)-Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN)-All Progressives Congress (APC) continuum could rule Lagos for 16 years, why not PDP, particularly with Agbaje, its new progressive golden boy on the saddle, to kick-start the Lagos PDP golden age?  Why not, indeed?

    Still, what might have inspired Agbaje’s bragging?  In the absence of previous state record, superlative performance by the Jonathan Presidency at the federal level? A superlative and verifiable PDP special programme for Lagos as a former federal capital and enduring economic hub?  A solid manifesto that clearly demonstrates the state opposition could do the job better?

    Hardly any — except, of course, the all-too-familiar language of power, no matter how obtuse!

    But, not unlike the PDP national experience, a short while after Agbaje’s boast, humpty-dumpty appears to have hit Lagos  PDP.  Yomi Finnih, famed medic and Lagos PDP long-standing member, led some PPD supporters to ditch the party.  What is more?  That was done as President Jonathan was visiting, the point a jubilant Governor Babatunde Fashola merrily rubbed in!

    Well, politicians moving to-and-fro could well be Nigeria’s peculiar pre-election ritual, a tale, in Shakespeare-speak, of sound and fury, signifying nothing.

    Still, if Jimi Agbaje is bringing new thinking into the Lagos PDP, he gains nothing by just catching the bug of power-talk without rigour. Winning elections takes more than open sesame of wishful thinking — and bragging!

     

    2015 and politics of affirmative action

    By Nkechi Jane-Frances Odinukwe

    During the recently concluded National Conference, the Committee on Social Sector

    recommended among other things, for the federal character provision in 1999 Constitution to include gender considerations. The committee equally recommended for gender mainstreaming of all laws, policies and programmes of government, passage of Equal Opportunity Act/Laws at states level and an amendment of Section 223 (b) of the 1999 Constitution to include the term “Federal Character of Nigeria and gender”.  They did not stop at that but also recommended  for the constitution to be amended to read that state at all levels put in place 35% affirmative action to ensure that women, minorities, people with disabilities and other marginalized groups participate and are represented in governance and other spheres of life.

    The National Council of Women Society (NCWS) also submitted a proposal on the floor of the conference requesting for 50% equal representation of women in implementation of National Agriculture Policy. NCWS motion went down like a pack of cards by a boom of the loudest ‘nay’ ever recorded in the history of opposed motions in Nigeria. It appeared that majority of delegates were in consensus on the impropriety of the motion. One wonders what may have been running through the minds of distinguished delegates when they unanimously voted against this motion. Perhaps conference delegates felt that the 35% quota for elective and appointive positions as recommended by the National Gender Policy 2006, was still underutilized; making it premature for an upward review of the quota in any shape or form.  Whether the motion survived or not, the need for greater involvement of women in the processes of governance was at least re-echoed.

    February 2015 general elections are round the corner and political activities are on the increase across the federation. No day passes without some news about party defection, demand for political seat vacation or subtle election campaigns cloaked as rallies or grand reception for defecting party members. Just as expected, President Goodluck Jonathan has finally declared his intention to run for the presidency in 2015 elections.  Politicians are up to their old tricks again. They have started expressing their intent to curry favour and citizens’ votes with air-filled promises that are fast forgotten after elections are over. Voters are getting wiser on the antics of this game and should vote wisely in February 2015 general elections. I often wonder how well our votes will be protected during the elections; especially considering voters’ history of voting wisely only for politicians to shortchange the process with ghost votes. This is more so with nation’s political culture that continuously recycles same old faces from one elective position to another. Political positions in contemporary Nigeria has become about retaining old sour palm-wine in old urn. There appears to be no room for unknown names in this field and no opportunity for grooming young people who have no connection to party stalwarts, financiers and political godfathers.  One wonders if young and gifted Nigerians leaving the shores of this country in droves are simply wary of politics or frustrated with exclusionary nature of our political class who has not provided an enabling space for the young to use their God-given talents to benefit the country.

    What about women? Where lies their role in 2015 elections? A look at the number of women indicating interest to vie for political positions across Nigeria shows that Nigerian women will not be left out in the struggle for political offices in 2015. Of interest is the gubernatorial ambition of a certain female senator from the South-east. Gubernatorial positions are male dominated but the said senator may be considered one out of  few Nigerian women with enough mettle to take on the demands of such a position going by her past achievements in the National Assembly. Another example is the Anambra North Senatorial seat which is likely to be an all women contest during PDP primaries.  Observers of Nigerian politics have however stressed that it will take much more than impressive political pedigree for these few women to win their party primaries. Oftentimes, winning elections in Nigeria has nothing to do with who is best qualified to govern but who has cavernous cash pocket, influential godfather, presidential blessing, strong political party backing or is lucky enough to bear a politically familiar surname. For women in politics, it becomes more difficult as the little space provided for women is often filled without regard to who is most eligible to promote the interest of women at decision making forums.  Even with the insignificant number of women currently showing interest in elective positions, critical reflection on intending female candidates is urgently needed as it appears Nigerian women are yet to break out of the nuances of politically motivated gender- based affirmative action.

    It may be said that the Jonathan’s administration has tried to make good on its 2011 Jos Township Stadium political promise to give women 35% ministerial and ambassadorial positions but what about political parties, state and local government structures? Why would they not borrow a leaf from the federal government’s initiative? How do we handle the politicization of 35% involvement of women in governance processes especially considering the little space men have grudgingly accepted to offer women,? I do not know whether Nigerians are paying attention but it has become the norm for female political party members to be restricted to ‘soft’ political positions as women leaders even when a significant level of grassroots mobilization of the electorate is carried out by women. How can women effectively challenge the culture that still keeps men in decision making positions invisibly when politicians at all levels wittingly sponsor voiceless female aspirants who merely add to affirmative action statistics?

    Does the positioning of women who do not have any commitment to promoting the cause of women in legislative and decision making positions speak to or against 35% representation of women in decision making positions? Considering the temporary nature of affirmative action policies, should affirmative action be about counting the number of women seen to be in elective and appointive positions or more about providing a level playing field for qualified persons through elimination of preferences enjoyed by virtue of race, ethnicity, gender, wealth or filial relations? If a woman is simply selected by influential party chiefs to contest and possibly win an elective position, will she have the willpower to freely canvass ideas that may be contrary to her benefactor’s agenda – would not her loyalty lie with whoever selected her to win party primary ticket or general election? Most women are simply selected into structures even at the community level just to play out the politics of gender balance without so much as contributing to decision making… that is the politics of gender-based affirmative action in Nigeria.

    Since it has been said that equitable participation of women in politics and government is essential to building and sustaining democracy, Nigerian women must keep asking questions that speak to quality of equitable participation needed from our female representatives.  Equitable participation here should not be about mere increase in number of women in elective and appointive positions alone but must include complimentary decision making leverage. Women in politics and appointive positions must see the need to frequently mentor young and capable female Nigerians into councillorship and state-level positions and also facilitate policies/bills that uplift Nigerian women. As 2015 election approaches, female aspirants must  know that Nigerian women will be watching to see the quality of representation they provide when elected.

    Odinukwe is a Legal Practitioner and Gender Activist based in Abuja.

     

    Letters

     

    OAU Davids and Goliath President

    On the face of it, the reported stoning of President Goodluck Jonathan by a vanguard of Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife students is incredible stuff. As an idea, it has a feasibility that can be estimated at a degree shy of impossible. This is because the President enjoys the protection of an elite security force. Alert and nimble, their trained reflex answers any detectable attempt to harm the President: this typically constitutes a disincentive to plot. But pictures and eyewitness accounts confirm that the irreverent students defied the prohibitive risk.

    What did Jonathan do to deserve the hail of stones that is reserved for the devil in Mecca? The answer can be traced back to the day President Goodluck Jonathan inaugurated a modern Stone Age.

    On February 3, 2012, President Jonathan mounted the soapbox of Seriake Dickson’s gubernatorial campaign rally in Yenagoa and regaled the teeming crowd with a reprehensible story. He told them of how he relished the spectacle of impudent miscreants stoning Timipre Sylva, then incumbent Governor of Bayelsa State. The stoning had occurred during the President’s homeboy visit and bore the decipherable signs of his tacit imprimatur.

    President Jonathan said, ‘’Dickson, you brought the people from Abuja to present the flag; the only thing I want to do is to tell you that some time ago I was in Bayelsa and the people stoned the Governor. I was here and you must work hard for Bayelsa not to stone you. The day they stone you, I will join to stone you’’.

    At the time, President Jonathan had imagined that his perch on the top of the totem pole exempted him from similar disgrace. But he misjudged: he actually scheduled his own baptism of stones with that cruel public endorsement. Two years later, the spatial distance between Yenagoa and Ile-Ife was literally bridged to a stone’s throw.

    So the daredevils who cast stones at President Jonathan may have been furnished with good breeding; very unlikely prospects for such despicable stunt. But it seems that Karma, the triumphal payback principle of the universe, momentarily commandeered their volition and drove them to serve President Jonathan a dose of his own medicine.

    President Jonathan supervised the stoning assault on the then vulnerable Governor Sylva. Jonathan was content to recline and watch the absurdity run its full course, like some morbid voyeur. He declined to affect indignation that such barbarity could be executed in his presence. He even opined that the incident offered the next governor a didactic nugget. Jonathan, a PhD, thought he sounded sensible when he decriminalized lynching, proclaiming that any group that thought the governor had been substantially slothful was free to empty their stone quiver. And he threatened, to dramatic effect, that if such Stone Age mob emerged, he would join, lugging Aso Rock itself. The President made these scandalous declarations without a blush.

    Thankfully, the students adopted the President’s recommendation and chose to test its value on him – it was a passable empirical experiment. The OAU lynch mob had apparently determined that Jonathan, the stoning exponent, has now qualified as a stoning target.  Has he not been largely idling away like ‘Governor Sylva’? Has he not been a C-in-C in hibernation mode, with Boko Haram sacking entire villages and expanding borders of the territory under their Caliphate?

    The takeaway from this Karma return on President Jonathan’s woeful investment is that all of us, at some point, would be compelled to reap the reincarnation of our actions. And the rebound often comes to initiate the offender into the embarrassment the sufferer has already recovered from. In the ironical role reversal, we see Speaker Tambuwal watching as his oppressor duck stone hits.

    One stone could have scored the David point. And Goliath could have fallen flat.

    Emmanuel Uchenna Ugwu

    @emmaugwutheman

     

    The recent violence in Ibadan

     

    For those of us living outside Oyo State, one particular thing that has been our joy in the last three and half years is the peace and tranquility that has been reigning supreme in the state since the inauguration of the Governor Abiola Ajimobi administration.

    Before the advent of the administration, most of us who are Oyo State indigenes used to bury our heads in shame anytime the issue of the state was being discussed. This was because of the fact that the state, which used to set the pace among the comity of states in Nigeria, had retrogressed in all aspects of development. It had been turned into a theatre of war where lives were no more than a piece of tissue paper. Ibadan, the state capital, was held by the jugular by hoodlums most of whom were members of the transport union, aided by the governments of the day. The attendant consequence was the disappearance of Oyo State on the radar of development, while it was largely being treated like a pariah.

    All these have disappeared and we are now raising our heads anywhere we find ourselves as proud indigenes of Oyo State. Thanks to Governor Ajimobi whose efforts have resulted in the peace that the state is now enjoying.

    This is why I was so saddened with the ugly events of the past one week when the city of Ibadan was visited again with violence by the agents of darkness who were bent on returning Oyo State to its inglorious past. It is on record that so many properties were lost to the mayhem which occurred at Oke Ado and Born Photo-Popoyemoja-Idi Arere axis of the Ibadan metropolis. What an unfortunate incident!

    There is no gainsaying the fact that the mayhem was masterminded by politicians who are bent on truncating the existing peace in Oyo State, in a bid to realize their selfish ambition. It will, therefore, be a sad reminder of the ugly past if these people are allowed to have their field day and continue to unleash terror on Oyo State, a state that has reveled peace in the last three and a half years.

    Security agencies should, therefore, launch a thorough investigation into the Ibadan fracas and fish out the perpetrators and their sponsors. The state security outfit, Operation Burst, should also intensify its patrol operations, both within and outside Ibadan metropolis. Nothing should be left undone to guide the existing peace and stop the hoodlums from holding the state to ransom.

    I also like to appeal to Governor Abiola Ajimobi not to allow the incident to distract him from the good works that he is doing in Oyo State for which all of us, indigenes outside the state and in the Diaspora, are very proud.

    *Kolawole Akilapa,

    Diobu, Port-Harcourt, Rivers State.

    Nigerians must rise beyond divisions

    It is unfortunate that despite many years of self rule, oil boom, and economic prosperity, corruption, and long years of military dictatorship has brought about a situation in which Nigerians have no sense of patriotism or nationalism. Tribal and regional inclinations have been dividing Nigerians for a very long time. Instead of Nigerians to unite against their common problems, they choose to remain divided. The political class are enjoying this division to take advantage of Nigerians. For example, the consistent power (electricity) failure is as common in the north as it is in south. The Igbos, Yorubas, Hausa-Fulani and even Jonathan kinsmen, the Ijaws are suffering from it. Instead of Nigerians to unite and pressure the government, the Ijaw’s will say Jonathan is their kinsman and they will not join other Nigerians in pressuring him.

    On the alleged missing $20 billion, is the money stolen against northerners alone? It belongs to all Nigerians. Likewise the current insurgency in the north-east. The money budgeted is for all Nigerians not just for people of the north-east.  Nigerians should unite against it. If one argues that northerners are against President Jonathan and that is why the bombings are going on, then why will they kill them selves? Why will there be a bomb blast in a mosque?  Why will they do it in their own land?

    The Nigerian masses are at the receiving end. They are at the mercy of those evil, devil-nurtured, renegades, traitors and satanic politicians. They have enslaved us. They steal our money, we work for them for peanuts, our parents as their drivers, our mothers as their nannies.

    Is that how Nigerians want to continue to live? Why don’t we join hands to fight corruption, and to demand a better life? Our predecessors lived that way, we are living it, do we want our children to inherit this rot? Woe unto Nigerians.

    The 2015 general election is by the corner. Nigerians are still divided. What sort of people are we? Nigerians are becoming dumb, unlearned, and the most unwise people in the world.

    With the killings going on, is Nigerian problem one of Muslim-muslim ticket? What’s wrong with a Buhari-Fashola ticket? If Jonathan runs with David Mark, and they are deemed competent why should Nigerians go for them? The current government has failed and Jonathan should be blamed. This man is incompetent and incapable. Nigerians must rise above this nonsense and irrational inclination and choose leaders based on competence and ability to deliver. Buhari has said that nobody can Islamanize Nigeria. Let me also say that nobody can Christianize Nigeria. Nigeria belongs to all and not to group.

    Nigerians should stay battle ready for 2015. Elections must be free, fair and credible. Elections must hold throughout the country including Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states. Elections must hold in Gwoza.

    Nigerians must emancipate themselves by voting the right leaders in 2015.

     

    Comrade Abdulbaqi Aliyu Jari,

    Katsina

     

     

     

    Osundare: a breath of fresh air (The Nation, 2 December 2014)

    By Olakunle Abimbola     

    In the present morass, Prof. Niyi Osundare winning the 2014 Nigerian National Order of Merit (NNOM) is a breath of fresh air.

    Still, a breath of fresh air evokes an ironic déjà vu.

    A few months before the 2011 presidential election, there was a contrived air of great expectations.

    Mobile adverts, particularly on the panel of Danfo commercial minibuses, spoke of the imminence of “A breath of fresh air”, a pan-Nigeria new deal that would, perhaps, eclipse the globally acclaimed New Deal of US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

    FDR’s New Deal (mainly, 1933-1936) was well and truly phenomenal, with its 3RsRelief for the unemployed and poor; Recovery of the economy to normal levels; and Reform of the financial system to prevent a repeat depression — lifting America from the Great Depression.  The Depression started in August 1929, hit the trough with the Wall Street Crash of October 1929, and triggered a global economic meltdown.

    Nigeria’s answer to FDR was Goodluck Ebele Jonathan.

    The Nigerian equivalent of the American dream was a once shoeless southern creek boy, from the poorest of the dirt-poor,  from the minority of minorities — and, to boot, a charming name of Goodluck, and the record: first Nigerian president to boast a PhD! — rising to the acme of Nigerian political power, despite the country’s bully and domineering majorities.

    And GEJ’s answer to FDR’s New Deal was a Transformation Agenda, which mesmerising core was to pump the breath of fresh air, after which Lugard’s musty contraption would never be the same again!  Moral?  GEJ’s age of merit and quality beckons!

    Four years later and a few months to another presidential election, however, that promise has vanished, leaving the air toxic, rancid and pungent — almost in all spheres of national life.  An anticipated era of Plato’s philosophical kings has begotten the exact opposite: an unrepentant rule of the executive rabble.

    Whereas pre-Jonathan Nigeria was a venal redoubt where, to parody the England of the poet Matthew Arnold (1822-1888), Philistines (the garish nouveau riches) routinely trumped the Greeks (the deep and cultured), Jonathan’s Nigeria has slid into sheer political barbarism, where about nothing is sacred.

    Transformation has turned deformation.  Hope turned mirage.  Merit turned unbridled mediocrity.  Freshness turned stale.  Public institutions, proud slaves of private whims: with the Police sacking Parliament; and an unfazed IGP Suleiman Abba, in an eager and merry dance to Hades.  A once proud and secure state has turned captive, pliant and prostrate, to blood-thirsty anarchists.

    Moral?  It is Jonathan’s age of unbridled paralysis, stupid!

    But from this sooty pot of national paralysis has emerged the immaculately white pap of welcome sanity:  Niyi Osundare, sole NNOM winner for 2014.

    So, a near-irredeemably damaged state can still throw up uncompromising quality?  Perhaps some redemption is afoot!

    But the ultra-sweet bonus: Osundare triumphs even as Hurricane Jona is busy blowing Nigeria to the cliff; and Typhoon Fayosh is busy smashing everything of common sense in Osundare’s native Ekiti, where Governor Ayo Fayose sits as unbridled cave-master, with zero tolerance for anything lawful, anything noble, and anything decent: in stark contrast, to echo Osundare himself, to the “arrested renaissance” of the Kayode Fayemi years, in a race-against-time into the Stone Age.

    Still, Prof. Osundare is no short burst to success.  On the contrary, his is the Old School long and arduous trek to excellence.

    Way back at the University of Ibadan in the early to mid-1980s, he mentored a crop of students in his highly interactive creative writing class: Kongi — no, not the inimitable WS but Sesan Ajayi of blessed memory, who nevertheless patterned his poetry after WS’s; Remi Raji, now a professor of English at UI, Babatunde Ajayi, Jr, Afam Akeh, the political science major who had his soul yoked to euphonic poetry, Nduka Otiono and, of course, yours truly, to mention a few.

    As he always warned that the Nigerian Ivory Tower was turning grey, he honed his students’ poetry skills as he fired their humanity; beseeching them to protect their inherent nobility, and avoid leaving school to “join them”, no matter the odds.

    But of course, the laureate’s staying power was that, in whatever he did, he walked his talk.

    To start with, he was — and still is — a consummate academic that always told you creativity was “99 per cent perspiration and one per cent inspiration”.

    He worked hard at his trade, and from Song of the Marketplace, to The Eye of the Earth, to Moonsongs, to Song of the Season, to Waiting Laughters, to Midlife, to The Word is an Egg, to Early Birds, to Not My Business, to Tender Moments: Love Poems, among others, the Ikere-Ekiti “rural-born and peasant-bred” toughly nurtured his genius, to produce a happy concert of inspiration and perspiration!

    Not for him, cloistered but conspiratorial silence when things go awry.

    At Ekiti’s fatal embrace of Fayose’s toxic “stomach infrastructure”, he composed a dirge for his native land: pained lamentation of a devastated troubadour, for his doomed lady.  “The People Voted their Stomach — Blues for an Arrested Renaissance” went viral: for its arresting content and its enchanting form.

    Less than three months later, the Ekiti blues is real!

    When Fayose’s barbarians sacked the courts, battered judges and ripped court records, the poet’s rebuke came in biting riposte: “They slap Court Judges ‘In the Land of Honour’ “, the pristine voice of noble Ekiti scolded the present barbarity that would pass; and rued how “Impunity mates Immunity/And the union begat Imuniti” (devastating pun for “immunity” and literally, Yoruba for beyond arrest; or executive lawlessness).

    Less than three months later, Fayose’s pact with the past — while others make a dash for the future — is all but cemented!

    Unlike the infamous hee-haw of some Ekiti elders, over the governor’s galloping illegalities: the latest being the Ekiti Assembly 7 sacking 19 (a triumphant improvement on Jonathan’s Nigeria Governors Forum novelty of 16 greater than 19), the man has not died in the poet (to paraphrase our own WS).  In the face of glaring lawlessness, he has refused to be silent.

    That this poisoned atmosphere, in Nigeria as a whole and in his native Ekiti, still produced Prof. Osundare as sole NNOM laureate for 2014 is well and truly remarkable.  It is simply the inevitability of excellence — particularly that hue that combines brilliance with conscience — for any nation desirous of attaining its manifest destiny.

    So, when on December 4 the President meets the Poet to deliver the award, it would be a meeting between mere tinsel and solid gold.

    Perhaps Nigerians, on the virtual eve of another election, will gravely ponder: why do we settle for tinsel (or even worse) when we have and can get solid gold?

    Osundare’s win is tribute to the sane segment of troubled contemporary Nigeria.  These times would pass, if the deep don’t surrender their sanity to the galloping barbarians.

     

    Quote: “Osundare triumphs, even as Hurricane Jona is busy blowing Nigeria to the cliff; and Typhoon Fayosh is busy smashing everything of common sense in Ekiti