The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Before Prof Mamman destroys education sector

    Before Prof Mamman destroys education sector

    Sir: The 6-3-3-4 education system was introduced by the then military government to help every child acquire reading and writing skills. In the instance where they are unable to advance their education beyond the [6-3] bracket, which is Junior Secondary School, they would have acquired marketable skills that make them self-sufficient and skilled enough to create self-employment. If they can advance, they are free to proceed to Senior Secondary School and beyond.

    The educational system was focused on skill acquisition and self-development. The schools were equipped with technical drawing laboratories, home economics, science laboratories, chemistry laboratories, biology, and physics laboratories, which were funded and well-equipped. But the situation is different in today’s secondary schools. Back then, the government and missionaries largely controlled a larger number of schools.

    Despite the good intentions at the inception of the 6-3-3-4 policy, the results were disappointing. The United Nations Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) in 2022 reported that Nigeria had 20.2 million out-of-school children. In a recent interview, Minister Tahir Mamman estimated the figure to be between 10-11 million though this estimate is not properly backed by research. As reported by UNICEF (2022) 50% of girls across Nigeria have never attended school, nor have any higher basic education. This report highlights poverty and underfunding of education as key factors contributing to the crisis of out-of-school children in Nigeria. Whether we rely on UNICEF’s study or Mamman’s guesstimate, it is clear that there is still a long way to go for primary and secondary education in Nigeria.

    Prof. Mamman initially wanted to disrupt the admission process for the 1.9 million pupils eligible to write the UTME examination in 2024 by suggesting that the 18-year-old university admission criteria would start from 2024. However, he later retracted this proposal. Now he has proposed that the Ministry of Education not register students under 18 years of age for the West African Examination Council (WAEC) O’ Level exams and NECO.

    The proposition for the 18-year age restriction as a barrier to entering Nigerian universities or tertiary institutions, especially for the average family, would be like pouring salt on a wound for struggling families. Particularly for gifted students who finish their education before they attain the age of 18, what do you propose they do? As the nation is facing massive brain drain, is this policy made with the interest of the Nigerian people at heart? I do not think so.

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    The minister needs to remember the dark years when Nigerian students attended universities in the Republic of Benin, Togo, and Ghana between 2006 and 2016. Over 10,000 Nigerian students were enrolled in one university in the Republic of Benin at a time, not to mention several other universities along the coasts of West Africa. This migration occurred due to a bad educational policy that set a cut-off mark of 200, meaning no university would admit anyone with a score below 200. Consequently, Nigerian parents and their children sought alternative admissions elsewhere. The Republic of Benin, Togo, and Ghana benefited from Nigeria’s policy deficiencies during that period. Many Nigerian private universities were affected as their candidates went elsewhere. However, a single policy change by JAMB, lowering the cut-off mark, has positively impacted Nigerian universities, polytechnics, colleges, and the towns and cities where these institutions are located, in terms of student population and socio-economic development.

    It is important to note that the direction of knowledge acquisition worldwide is shifting from strict university degrees to skill set development. The age restriction is a draconian policy that does not align with current knowledge requirements. Across the world, in fields like Computer Science and Information Technology, one does not need a four-year university degree to gain professional certifications; universities in Europe and America award degrees based on professional certifications. Similarly, in Mass Communication, Marketing Communication, Business/Management, Art, Engineering, Social Science, Science, and Accounting/Finance, professional bodies are updating their skill requirements, not relying solely on university degree curricula.

    The 18-year age policy, as suggested by the minister, would negatively impact universities, parents, and youths in many ways. It would lead to parents sending their children to universities outside Nigeria. Many students who complete their secondary education at age 16 would have to wait for two years, potentially making them prey to undesirable activities such as cybercrime and other vices. Honourable minister, we need to reduce the number of out-of-school children in Nigeria, not increase it.

    •Ojikutu Adeniyi Ph.D. Ikeja, Lagos.

  • Delta: How not to execute contracts

    Delta: How not to execute contracts

    Sir: The video that went viral on Governor Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State telling a non-performing contractor that he wasn’t going to accept a trashy road project, presumed completed, during the governor’s inspection visit, speaks to how debased governance has become in the state.

    While praise singers have flooded the viral video with comments hero-worshiping the governor as being exceptionally responsible and concerned about quality projects delivery, the reality is truly one of self-indictment.

    In the video was a road project so shoddily executed that the governor could see the scam of a job visibly on face value before he sought to vindicate self by ordering probe.

    The most repulsive tone to the self-indicting drama was the supervising Commissioner for Works, Rural Infrastructures, Charles Aniagu, asking the contractor questions, like “what was the BEME on the project, was there no review on the contract”, all in the desperation to claim innocence before the governor. What an embarrassment.

    Government contracting processes, including procurement and choice of contractors, is so well organised on paper that it does not support the engagement of quacks or ‘wheelbarrow’ contractors. Yes, it is hard for charlatans to meet the criteria, technical and material, for winning and executing a government road contract.

    But here was a commissioner who should have details and specifications of the project as signed on the contract even if inherited from the previous government. Under him are several engineering supervisors of the ministry, on government payroll every month, to ensure infrastructures projects are delivered to prescribed quality.

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    This is what you get when partisanship takes precedence over merit and other fair considerations in the choice of appointments and award of contracts.

    Since the days of Chief James Ibori, the PDP hegemony over Delta government has set the tone for the prevailing culture of shoddy contracts. Successive administrations have only made things worse.

    Whereas the Warri/Sapele Road constructed since nearly half a century under the Sam Ogbemudia military administration era has not experienced collapse till date, I challenge government praise singers to point to one road project from the era of Ibori till date that has endured the test of time. Some have been re-awarded, reconstructed only to break down again.

    Whoever told Governor Oborevwori that the show he displayed in that viral video has earned him more trust of Deltans or that it has boosted his political fame does not mean well for him. It is the height of misgovernance for a government to wilfully fund the delivery of a shoddy road and then turn around to tell the contractor, “I will not accept this”.

    When a government shares contracts as compassionate gifts to undeserving, incapable political associates, friends and family members, the sense of entitlement that often result in shoddy delivery of such projects is what you get.

    In the preceding administration, this was evident in the 6.6Km Ikpide-Irri Road, Isoko South LGA, Okowa awarded to a company incorporated for marine services. Vigilant elites in the community rejected the contractor for messy execution of the project.

    It took months of hesitation for the Okowa government to accept that what the contractor was delivering was substandard. But rather than cancel and award the contract to a competent hand, Okowa merely reviewed the contract sum from original N736million to up to N1.5billion, giving false impression that the shoddy execution was as a result of undervaluation of the project cost.

    All said and done, rejecting an inferior project is not responsible leadership. You can’t wilfully engage a contractor to execute a fake project and reject the job after releasing funds.  That amounts to avoidable wastage, sheer economic sabotage, because you need to cough out more of the commonwealth to engage a new capable hand to complete the job.

    •Wilson Goruvwoghor,Otu-Jeremi, Delta State.

  • Jigawa@33: Creating possibilities

    Jigawa@33: Creating possibilities

     August 27, 1991, former President Ibrahim Babangida’s military junta carved out Jigawa State from Kano State. This milestone ushered in the dawn of a new era for the infant child.

    Jigawa’s journey to statehood triggered mixed feelings of fears and hopes. Jigawa’s present geographical setting passed through gross negligence and stagnation under the old Kano dispensation. The politics of ‘development monopoly’ culminated in the exclusive industrialisation of Kano. It also cornered the lion share of tertiary education and farming activities culled from the public funds. Recall that industrial network favoured Kano metropolis and its outskirts. At birth, Jigawa narrowly survived with the College of Education Gumel as its only tertiary institution. Kano metropolis, Rano and Dambatta were having the highest concentration of advanced learning centres.

     The inquisitive mind interrogates: what are we celebrating after 33 years? Jigawa is real and occupying a developmental space. It is an emerging new world for cross fertilisation of innovations and creativities, metamorphosis of ideas into best practices. The youths are industrious, extremely ambitious for the installation of a new state order. Collaborative efforts by the leaders and the rest of us have yielded painstaking operations, defining and re-defining our common goals, deploying and redeploying both human and natural resources for transformation.

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    In 33 years, Jigawa is blessed with a new beautiful face. We have every cause to wear a broad smile. We have every reason to tell all Nigerians that Jigawa has come of age and fits the purpose for which it was created. We are in a mood of jocundity for the evolution of numerous urban and semi- urban centres. It is the rightful process of averting a lopsided development in favour of a particular place(s). Our development cycles are renowned and evidence based. Social amenities are ubiquitous and evenly distributed across the state. The road networking is one of the best in the country for socio-economic inclusiveness of the people. A balanced development has now greatly contributed to the boosting of small scale industries and artisans.

    Amidst crisis of marginalisation bedevilling many states, Jigawa is a working template for unity in diversity. What kind of diversity, one may retort? After all, is it not all about Hausa Fulani? The state is fragmented into five distinctive emirates: Dutse, Hadejia, Kazaure, Gumel and Ringim emirates. With the exception Gumel, the other emirates have produced governors, including the incumbent Malam Umar Namadi. It is just a matter of time for the Gumel emirate to produce a governor and we will have a political equilibrium.

    •Abdu Abdullahi,aaringim68@gmail.com

  • Taming the kidnapping scourge

    Taming the kidnapping scourge

    Sir: Nigeria’s kidnapping problem has surged in both scale and intensity, particularly in the Northeast and Northwest. What was once the work of isolated criminals has now become a lucrative business for extremist groups and organized bandits alike.

    The numbers are staggering: between February and March of this year, over 500 people were abducted in a series of coordinated attacks. From the mass abduction of 200 women and children in Borno to the brazen kidnapping of nearly 300 schoolchildren in Kaduna, the scale of these crimes is reminiscent of the 2014 Chibok tragedy that shocked the world.

    But what fuels this surge in kidnappings? The answer lies in the economic incentives that have turned human lives into commodities. For extremist groups like Boko Haram and ISWAP, kidnapping is not just a tool of terror but a crucial source of revenue.

    Ransoms are demanded, lives are traded, and the profits fund further violence. In the Northwest, the situation is equally dire. Here, bandit groups have shifted from cattle rustling, their former lifeblood, to kidnapping, which offers higher returns with fewer risks.

    This shift has made the region the epicentre of Nigeria’s kidnapping, with over 660 kidnapping-related incidents recorded between 2019 and 2024.

    The implications of this kidnapping epidemic extend far beyond the immediate victims. The profits from these crimes fuel other forms of criminality, including human trafficking and the illegal trade in human organs.

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    Some victims, whose families cannot afford the ransom, face an even grimmer fate—being sold to ritualists for their organs. This horrifying practice underscores the depths of depravity that the kidnapping industry has reached.

    Moreover, the kidnapping crisis is intricately linked to broader security concerns, such as the control of resource-rich areas. Armed groups use kidnappings to displace local populations, gaining control over mining areas and other valuable resources.

    This tactic has created a vicious cycle of violence, where the profits from kidnappings fund further criminal activities, deepening the instability in affected regions.

    The government’s response to this crisis has been largely reactive, with security forces stretched thin across multiple conflict zones. This limited state presence in rural and remote areas makes these populations particularly vulnerable to bandit attacks.

    The government’s reluctance to publicly pay ransoms, despite reports of state actors making such payments in the past, further complicates the situation.

    So, what can be done to address this crisis? A multi-faceted approach is essential, combining technology, accountability, and socio-economic development. Investing in advanced surveillance systems and integrating tech solutions into the national security framework could enhance intelligence gathering and help pre-empt kidnappings.

    Holding District Police Officers and Police Commissioners accountable for kidnappings in their jurisdictions could incentivize proactive measures to prevent such incidents.

    However, addressing the kidnapping crisis requires more than just a security-focused approach. It also demands a concerted effort to tackle the underlying socio-economic factors that drive individuals towards criminality.

    Implementing economic empowerment programs in vulnerable communities, improving access to education and healthcare, and creating job opportunities could help reduce the appeal of criminal activities.

    Ultimately, the government must recognize the kidnapping epidemic as a national emergency that demands urgent and sustained action. Without a coordinated response involving federal, state, and local governments, as well as international support, the crisis will continue to spiral out of control, with devastating consequences for the country as a whole.

    Nigeria stands at a crossroads. The choices made today will determine whether the nation can reclaim its security and provide a safe and stable future for its citizens or whether it will continue to be haunted by the spectre of kidnapping and its associated horrors. The time for action is now, before more lives are shattered and more communities are torn apart.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, (NYSC) abdulhamidabdullahiali@gmail.com

  • Breaking the Abeokuta-Ifo-Ota-Lagos Expressway jinx

    Breaking the Abeokuta-Ifo-Ota-Lagos Expressway jinx

    Sir: Road infrastructure is one of the catalysts that drive the development of a nation. Without a good road network, development cannot be all-encompassing, as it links hamlets, villages, towns, and cities.

    Over the years, Nigerians have complained about the non-availability of a good road network across the country. From Lagos to Maiduguri, and Calabar to Sokoto, the story is the same: bad road network.

    With a land mass of 932,768 square kilometres and a population of about 216 million, Nigeria is said to boast just about 200,000 kilometres of road network. Out of this, about 63 percent are in bad condition. This implies that the number and length of roads in the country are far too small to cope with the transportation sector of the nation’s economy.

    A critical look at roads in Nigeria shows that the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway remains the best motorable road in Nigeria today, while others are in one form of disrepair or another.

    Talking about roads that are critical to the socio-economic development of Nigeria but are in complete deplorable condition, the Abeokuta-Ota-Lagos Expressway, regarded as the second busiest road in the country, is one such road.

     For a very long time, this all-important road has been in bad shape despite the fact that it provides a thoroughfare for people commuting between Ogun, Lagos, and Oyo states, and even the neighbouring Benin Republic. The road also provides an alternative route for industries, particularly in the Ota and Agbara axis, to move their finished goods to other parts of the country using the Papalanto-Sagamu interchange or the Abeokuta-Siun road.

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    The poor condition of the road has led to complaints by motorists, pedestrians, and even members of the communities living along the road about the need for the owner (the federal government) to fix it, to no avail.

    For Governor Dapo Abiodun who constantly uses the road and also experience the same hardship as other Nigerians, there was an urgent need to salvage the situation, leading to the turning of sod and the official flag-off on Friday, August 23. Performing the flag-off at Itori, Ewekoro Local Government Area, Abiodun noted that the road is significant not only to Ogun State but also to Lagos State and the nation, as it provides a thoroughfare for people going to the neighbouring country.

    Abiodun’s attempt to reconstruct the road was first conceived in 2019, but all efforts to convince the federal government to release the road to the Ogun State Government proved abortive. A few months ago, while inspecting the ongoing construction of the Atan-Lusada-Agbara road in the Ado-Odo/Ota Local Government Area, Abiodun informed about the efforts by the Ogun and Lagos State governments to take over and reconstruct the expressway. Abiodun said he and his Lagos State counterpart were frustrated by delays from the federal government.

    With President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the federal government was approached again for the transfer of the road to the state, a request that was granted. The president, through the Minister for Works Dave Umahi, graciously handed over the reconstruction of the road to Ogun State.

    One is happy that five reconstruction teams will be involved to fast-track the reconstruction of the road and each team is expected to handle Ota/Ifo, Papalanto, Ewekoro/Itori, Abeokuta, and the team allocated for palliative works to ensure smooth traffic along the project alignment during the construction duration.

    Each zone is required to cover a distance of approximately 15 km. The project is expected to be completed in 18 months. For Governor Abiodun, the bureaucratic bottleneck, discouragement from top government officials at the centre, and even incessant trips to Abuja, along with all other inconveniences, did not deter him from ensuring that the needful is done.

    Now that Governor Abiodun has finally broken the jinx and the reconstruction of the Abeokuta-Ifo-Ota-Lagos Expressway has started in earnest, it is hoped that the hardship experienced on the road and the low economic activities experienced by communities along the road will return to normal.

    •Elijah Udofia,Laderin, Abeokuta, Ogun State.

  • A note to Justice Kekere-Ekun, CJN

    A note to Justice Kekere-Ekun, CJN

    Sir: Your journey to the pinnacle of the judiciary is a source of inspiration and a testament to your unwavering dedication, integrity, and excellence. However, as you step into this role, you inherit a judiciary that is beset with challenges.

    There is widespread loss of confidence in the judiciary, with many Nigerians viewing the courts as instruments of oppression rather than avenues for justice. The system is further weakened by chronic delays in the dispensation of justice. Cases drag on for years, with endless adjournments and appeals that serve no purpose other than to frustrate litigants and deny them timely justice.

    The backlog of cases is overwhelming, and the courts are under-resourced, lacking the necessary infrastructure and personnel to function efficiently. Additionally, the perceived lack of independence is a critical issue that cannot be overlooked.

    There is no doubt that the consequences of these challenges are far-reaching. The corruption within the judiciary means that the rich and powerful often manipulate the system to their advantage, while the poor and vulnerable are left without recourse. The delay in justice delivery has led to a situation where many Nigerians have lost faith in the legal process altogether. For the average citizen, seeking justice through the courts is a daunting and often fruitless endeavour. Moreover, the lack of public awareness about legal rights and the judicial process exacerbates the problem. This ignorance, coupled with a corrupt and inefficient system, leaves countless individuals without access to justice.

    Therefore, there is a pressing need to address these issues head-on. This requires not only the implementation of strict anti-corruption measures but also a commitment to holding judges and judicial officers accountable for their actions. By promoting a culture of integrity and transparency, you can begin to rebuild public trust in the judiciary. Judicial reform must also be a priority.

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    This includes improving the efficiency of the courts, reducing case backlogs, and ensuring that justice is delivered in a timely manner. Expanding access to legal aid and enhancing public awareness of legal rights are crucial steps in making the justice system more accessible to all Nigerians, regardless of their socio-economic status.

    Furthermore, it is essential to safeguard the independence of the judiciary. Judges must be empowered to make decisions based solely on the law and the facts of each case, without fear of reprisal or external influence. Strengthening the autonomy of the judiciary will help ensure that justice is administered fairly and impartially.

    Let this new chapter of your CJN-ship be one in which every Nigerian, regardless of status, finds equal access to justice and the assurance that the law is truly on their side.

    •Aremu Ebunoluwa Toluwani, PRNigeria, Abuja.

  • Re-evaluating the 18-year limit

    Re-evaluating the 18-year limit

    Sir: Last week, Minister of Education, Professor Tahir, announced the federal government’s decision to enforce the 18-year age limit for the West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASCE) and the National Examination Council (NECO) due to various concerns about academic integrity and the preparedness of younger students. By setting an age limit, the government hopes to create a more level playing field where students are academically and emotionally mature enough to handle the pressures of these critical exams that chart a path for access to tertiary education.

    While the policy aims to curb examination malpractice and ensure that students are mature enough to go through the academic rigors of these exams, it also raises concerns about its broader implications, particularly for out-of-school children and access to global opportunities for Nigerians.

    Nigeria has one of the highest rates of out-of-school children globally, with approximately 10.5 million children involved. Many of these children come from marginalized communities where access to education is limited by poverty, conflict, or cultural norms.

    For these children, the opportunity to sit for WASCE or NECO exams represents a potential pathway out of poverty. The age limit policy also has significant implications for students’ access to global opportunities, such as scholarships, international programs, and prestigious fellowships offered by institutions like the World Bank and UNESCO. Many of these opportunities are age-sensitive, with specific eligibility criteria for completing tertiary education. Therefore, when there is a delay in completing secondary education, students will be held ransom while pursuing tertiary education at a much older age.

    By delaying students’ ability to sit for their final exams, the policy could inadvertently disqualify them from these opportunities, particularly if they cannot complete their exams before reaching the age limit for certain programs. This could further widen the gap between Nigeria and other countries regarding access to global educational and economic opportunities, ultimately hindering the country’s development goals.

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    To mitigate the negative impacts of the 18-year age limit policy, the Nigerian government should consider the introduction of a flexible age policy which considers individual circumstances rather than enforcing a strict age limit. For instance, students who demonstrate academic readiness and emotional maturity could be allowed to sit for the exams, regardless of age. This approach would ensure that students capable of passing the exams are not unnecessarily delayed.

    Secondly, the government should invest in programs that help out-of-school children catch up on their education, such as accelerated learning programs or alternative schooling models. By providing these students with the resources they need to succeed, the government can help ensure the new policy does not leave them behind.

    Rather than relying solely on age limits to curb exam malpractice, the government should invest in more robust security measures, such as biometric verification and digital monitoring. These measures would address the root causes of exam malpractice without penalizing students who are ready to take the exams at a younger age.

     In collaboration with civil society organizations, the government should launch awareness campaigns to educate parents and students about the importance of academic integrity and the risks associated with exam malpractice. By fostering a culture of honesty and responsibility, the government can reduce the reliance on age limits as a deterrent.

    While the 18-year age limit for WASCE and NECO exams is a well-intentioned policy, it risks exacerbating existing inequalities in Nigeria’s education system, particularly for out-of-school children. By adopting a more flexible approach and investing in supportive measures, the Nigerian government can achieve its academic integrity and preparedness goals without compromising access to education and global opportunities for the nation’s youth.

    By critically assessing and adjusting this policy, Nigeria can better align its educational system with its broader developmental goals, ensuring that all students have the opportunity to succeed both locally and on the global stage.

    •Jacob O Sule,George Washington University, Washington, DC, United States.

  • SSCE/NECO 18 years limit: No, Prof Mamman, No

    SSCE/NECO 18 years limit: No, Prof Mamman, No

    Sir: Professor Tahir Mamman, Nigeria’s Minister of Education, recently announced a policy setting the minimum age for writing the Senior Secondary School Certificate Examinations (SSCE) at 18 years, starting from 2025. This decision has sparked widespread criticism from education stakeholders. The new age limit, rather than enhancing educational outcomes, risks stifling student progress and diminishing the quality of education in Nigeria.

    Setting the minimum age for SSCE at 18 years is out of step with the global trend toward encouraging early academic achievement. Nigeria’s 6-3-3-4 educational system, which anticipates students finishing secondary school by age 18, does not account for the diverse academic paths students might take. Many students, particularly those who are gifted or started school early, complete secondary education well before turning 18. Imposing an age limit would unfairly penalize these students, forcing them to wait unnecessarily, which is both a waste of time and an impediment to their academic and professional growth.

    Maintaining the minimum age for SSCE at 16 years, as has been the practice, is a more balanced and sustainable approach. It allows academically ready students to progress to tertiary education without delay while ensuring those who need more time can take it without undue pressure.

    Many 16-year-olds are mature enough to handle the demands of higher education, and the current policy of allowing SSCE at 16 has produced generations of successful graduates who have excelled in various fields. There is no evidence raising the age limit would lead to better outcomes; on the contrary, it could increase student frustration and dropout rates.

    The policy is particularly problematic for gifted children, who often progress through school at an accelerated pace. Forcing them to wait until 18 years to take the SSCE disregards their unique needs and potential, stifling their intellectual growth. Professor Mamman’s dismissal of gifted children as a minority is troubling. Gifted children are a vital part of the nation’s future, and their needs should not be ignored.

    Moreover, the policy raises concerns about what students will do during the two years they must wait before writing the SSCE. The Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT) rightly warns that “the devil finds work for idle hands.” Forcing students to remain idle for two years is not only wasteful but potentially dangerous, increasing the likelihood of disengagement from education and negative behaviours.

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    A significant issue with the policy is the lack of consultation with key stakeholders in the education sector. A major decision like this should not be made unilaterally. The minister’s failure to engage with bodies like the National Council on Education (NCE), the NUT, and other relevant organisations is a serious oversight. Education policy should reflect the input and concerns of those directly involved in educating Nigerian students.

    Professor Mamman’s justification for the policy—that students are not mature enough for tertiary education until they are 18—is flawed. The minister appears too keen on fixing what is not broken. How is age an issue at this time when millions of school-age children are out of school? While 18 is the legal age of adulthood, maturity is not solely determined by age. Many students can handle the challenges of higher education at 16, especially in today’s fast-paced, information-rich world. Maturity is a function of age and experience, and students who have been well-prepared through secondary education are more likely to succeed in higher education, regardless of whether they are 16 or 18.

    Instead of implementing a blanket age limit, the government should focus on creating a more flexible and inclusive education system that caters to the diverse needs of Nigerian students.

    Education is the cornerstone of national development. The policies governing it should be based on evidence, not assumptions. Setting the minimum age for the SSCE at 18 years is a regressive step that could do more harm than good. By maintaining the current age limit of 16 years and implementing sustainable solutions, the government can ensure Nigerian students have the best chance to succeed in their academic and professional lives.

    It is imperative that stakeholders—including the National Assembly, parents, educators, and civil society—resist this policy and advocate for a more flexible, inclusive, and forward-looking approach to education in Nigeria. The future of the nation’s youth, and indeed the future of Nigeria itself, depends on it.

    •Elvis Eromosele,elviseroms@gmail.com

  • Daily Trust and the Tinubu Administration

    Daily Trust and the Tinubu Administration

    • By Bishir Dauda Sabuwar

    Sir: In her editorial, published, Tuesday, August 27, Daily Trust rehashed the issue of the newly acquired presidential jet. The piece is so boring because so much has already been said on the matter by both the presidency and the armchair critics. The editorial did not reveal anything new or underscore an overlooked point. It is just a repetition. Those of us who have read the paper for a long time are bewildered by the sudden change in pattern and narrative the paper employs these days. What is even more baffling is that it seems the paper uses two narratives: for governments at the sub-national level, it is cool. No scandal is exposed. No deep investigative report.

    But when it comes to President Tinubu, things take a different dimension, including the published one-sided imbalanced report. In short, the paper is hysterical when it comes to amplifying a story that portrays PBAT administration in a bad light.

    I wonder why the paper failed to ask the National Assembly or even the chairman of the Appropriation Committee or an official from the presidency before they claimed that the National Assembly did not appropriate the money used to purchase the jet.

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    They also insinuated that the National Assembly returned favour to PBAT, whom the paper alleged had given NASS billions. Is this ‘billions’ a bribe from the president or the appropriated money for the assembly?

    The Daily Trust owes its readers a duty to accurately and objectively report news as it is.

    Also, the purchase of the presidential jet is twisted as if the jet is a personal property of PBAT.

    Another rehash point is on hunger. The paper lamented seriously and even quoted the World Food Programme (WFP) and Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). But at the same time, the paper ignored all the interventions of the federal government to address the issue.

    For example, distribution of 42,000 tonnes of grains, N110 billion for youth empowerment, N10 billion shared with states, N50,000 to one hundred thousand households in each state of the federation, exemption of import duty on food stuff for five months, etc.

    •Comrade Bishir Dauda Sabuwar,

     Unguwa Katsina.

  • Case for urgent reform of Land Use Act

    Case for urgent reform of Land Use Act

    • By Mujib Dada-Kadri

    Sir: Land Use Act of 1978 which has been instrumental in formalizing and redefining Nigeria’s land administration for over 35 years has been battered with different judicial interpretations complicating land acquisitions and property ownerships which have continuously threaten Nigeria’s investment climate.

    For example, Section 1 of the Act stipulates that all land in the territory of a state is vested in the governor of the state and held in trust for the benefit of Nigerians. Section 22 further provides that “It shall not be lawful for the holder of a statutory right of occupancy granted by the governor to alienate his right of occupancy or any part thereof by assignment, mortgage, transfer of possession, sublease or otherwise howsoever without the consent of the governor first had and obtained”.

    The complexity commences with bouquet of judicial interpretations. In the case of Asheik v Borno State Government (2012) 9NWLR, Pt 1304, the court held that a certificate of occupancy is only a prima facie evidence of title or right of occupancy in favour of the person whose name is on the certificate of occupancy. It is not conclusive proof of title to land it relates to.”  In Bassey Vs Bassey, it was held that the Land Use Act did not absolutely abolish customary tenure over lands in urban areas. Regarding root of title, in Madu Vs Madu, it was held that Certificate of Occupancy (CofO) confirms that the holder is a valid owner of a land in dispute but such ownership can be challenged by someone with better root of title.

    Similar decision upheld in Chinye A.A Ezeanah Vs Alhaji Muhammed Attah (2004). Hence, an unending rivalry between root of title and perfect title inspiring avoidable property litigations and disputes at the expense of economic development.

    Interestingly, a Supreme Court judgement of 2017 further contributed to the complexities of land administration when it held in Yakubu Ibrahim & Ors Vs Simon Obaje that Land Use Act provision on governor’s consent regarding alienation of land does not apply when land transactions involve private individuals except there is overriding public interest or conflict between parties, citing the preamble of the Land Use Act as a justification for such interpretation.

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    Given the above, one is forced to question the essence of “Governor’s Consent/Certificate of Occupancy”. Hence, the need for amendment of the Land Use Act vis-a-vis urban planning aspirations and economic investments.

    Chairman of the Presidential Technical Committee on Land Reform (PTCLR), Prof. Peter Adeniyi, opined that only 2.5 per cent of the land in Nigeria is registered. This reveals how inefficient and unambitious our land administration and urban policies are. It also explains why land disputes, land title frauds, unapproved buildings and poor revenue generation are so prevalent in Nigeria. How do governors enforce sanity in urban planning or policy when they lack detailed supervision on property transactions going on in the urban areas?

    Only the federal capital territory, Abuja, has exhibited fairly progressive and ambitious strides in land administration vis-a-vis urban planning. The commercial nerve of the country which is Lagos has been lucky with boom in the island part of the city but has been less efficient with land administration/urban planning or seamless real property documentations coupled with needless land disputes and land grabbing.

    The importance and urgency for the need of reformation of land administration in Nigeria cannot be overemphasized especially when considering the need for improved business climate, investment friendliness, advanced city planning and improved property tax/levy collection.

    •Mujib Dada-Kadri Esq,

     Abuja.