Category: Letters

  • Sallau: A worthy ambassadorial nominee

    Sallau: A worthy ambassadorial nominee

    Sir: Following the recent successful screening of ambassadors-designate comprising 64 career and non-career ambassadors recently by the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, the stage is now set for President Bola Tinubu to post them to their various countries of assignments.

    One indisputable fact is that at this stage of Nigeria’s history is that the country cannot play second fiddle in the international arena. Rather, promoting the country’s national interest- trade and investment, cultural, political and defence should top the agenda.

    To put it differently, President Bola Tinubu foreign policy focus rests on four pillars, referred to as the 4-Ds, namely Democracy, Development, Demography and Diaspora. The core focus areas and strategies – economic diplomacy, aims at rebranding Nigeria as a prime investment destination, regional leadership (ECOWAS), in the form of actively addressing political crises in neighbouring countries like Niger and promoting peace in the sub region, global partnerships which is about strengthening ties with the US, EU, China, and the Middle East for mutual economic benefits and utilizing foreign relations to maximize national interests, including leveraging spaces in the Sahel; and repurposing foreign partnerships to fund local human capital development, such as health and education initiatives.

    One career diplomat who is acquainted with this is Ambassador-designate Hamza Mohammed Sallau. He is not just one of the newly announced ambassadorial nominees representing Niger State, but he is a man whose character speaks louder than titles.

    Sallau has built many years of an outstanding professional career in the Nigerian Foreign Service. Before his recent nomination by President Tinubu, he had been actively serving Nigeria in Qatar, quietly representing the country with professionalism and dignity.

    I can never forget what he said to me during one of my interactions with him, which left a lasting impression on me. He said, “Always do the right thing. It does not matter if every other person is not doing it.” That single statement captures the kind of man he is: principled, disciplined, and guided by integrity.

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    Sadly, many people in public office today treat fellow citizens poorly, forgetting the responsibilities that come with leadership. That is not the case with Hamza. His humility, respect for people, and sense of service distinguish him in a system where such qualities are often rare.

    I am among those Nigerians who do not particularly admire the way Nigerian politics is played. However, seeing Sallau’s name on the list of career ambassadorial nominees gives me hope that all is not lost.

    For Nigerians in the diaspora, we know that having the right people serve as our ambassadors is crucial. Ambassadors are the first point of contact, the image, and the voice of the nation abroad. Appointing career professionals with proven integrity, like Sallau, is a meaningful step toward restoring Nigeria’s international image.

    To me, Sallau is more than an ambassadorial nominee. He is evidence that integrity, professionalism, and service still matter and that Nigeria can still be represented by the right people.

    One can only wish him all the best and hope he will continue to represent and serve the country and its diaspora community in the right way, in any country he finds himself. To the other career nominees who have faithfully served Nigeria in the diaspora, I pray they all have the strength to continue on the right path.

    •Emmanuel Chukwuebuka Ibe, Doha, Qatar.

  • Arewa and the burden of dependency

    Arewa and the burden of dependency

    Sir: The persistent rise in poverty across Northern Nigeria has become too visible, too widespread, and too uncomfortable to ignore. Despite years of government interventions, donor-funded programmes, and repeated political promises, the economic condition of many communities in the region has shown limited improvement. While poverty is a national problem, its intensity and social manifestations in Arewa compel a deeper, more honest examination beyond policy failures and leadership deficits.

    One critical factor sustaining poverty in Arewa is the region’s high dependency ratio: a large population of unemployed, underemployed, or economically inactive adults relying on a small number of productive individuals for survival. This pattern has normalised dependence and weakened incentives for self-sufficiency.

    In many towns and old cities across the North, families are familiar with the daily presence of individuals who depend on routine assistance for food, school fees, medical bills, and emergency needs. What often begins as a humane act of support gradually becomes an inherited obligation. As children of middle-class families grow into employment, the responsibility quietly transfers to them, expanding to include extended relatives and, in many cases, the children of earlier dependants.

    These demands are not symbolic. They can consume a significant portion of monthly income, sometimes exceeding 10 per cent, in an economy already strained by inflation and rising living costs. While similar practices exist in other parts of the country, the scale and permanence of dependency in many northern communities distinguish it from elsewhere.

    Helping others is noble, and no society survives without mutual support. However, what is troubling is how little the condition of beneficiaries changes over time. Decades pass, and the same families remain dependent, with new generations added to the cycle. Poverty becomes inherited, normalised, and quietly institutionalised.

    Two major obstacles sustain this dependency structure. The first is the concentration of responsibility on a single individual. In many extended families, one person shoulders almost all financial obligations: from school fees and medical care to wedding trousseaus and naming ceremonies. This arrangement offers social protection to the provider, shielding them from social pressure. Yet it is a fragile system. When the “big wall” weakens—through job loss, illness, retirement, or death—the entire structure collapses, often plunging families into crisis.

    The second challenge is the absence of deliberate strategies to end dependence at family and community levels. Daily alms, food handouts, and small cash gifts may relieve immediate hardship, but they rarely create lasting change. Many well-meaning individuals give generously without plans to help beneficiaries become self-reliant. The obsession with sharing small sums among many often weakens impact. Distributing N50,000 among 10 people may satisfy social expectations, but it rarely empowers anyone.

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    There are no quick fixes to problems rooted in social behaviour and cultural norms. Still, practical steps can be taken at individual, family, and community levels. First, underemployment must be addressed by encouraging income diversification rather than perpetual assistance. Families should begin asking difficult but necessary questions: if the main provider is unavailable, who steps in? This reflection can inspire deliberate efforts to replicate skills, businesses, and income sources within households and extended families.

    Second, there is an urgent need to equip young people with practical, modern skills that enable them to compete beyond low-paying government jobs. The heavy reliance on public sector employment in the North has contributed significantly to underemployment. An average government salary can barely sustain a household, often forcing workers to remain dependent on extended family support.

    Some families and communities are already experimenting with solutions—organising in-house training programmes, skill workshops, mentorship sessions, and even funding small start-ups through internal competitions. Such models, if adopted widely, could reduce dependency and restore dignity.

    Third, communities must rethink how zakat and sadaqah are administered. Pooling resources for targeted empowerment—rather than spreading them thinly—can transform lives. While this approach is socially difficult given the number of the needy, it offers a sustainable path out of poverty for at least some, who can then support others.

    Poverty in Northern Nigeria is not an unsolvable problem. While individuals cannot replace the role of government, communities are not powerless. By rethinking dependency, redefining charity, and investing in skills and productivity, Arewa can begin to reverse a cycle that has endured for far too long.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu, Abuja.

  • Bauchi State government keeps getting it wrong

    Bauchi State government keeps getting it wrong

    Sir: The Bauchi State government recently approved monthly stipends for Imams and Pastors across the state, a decision that has generated mixed reactions among citizens, especially at a time when critical sectors such as education and healthcare are struggling.

    Briefing journalists after a closed-door meeting with Governor Bala Mohammed, the Head of Service, Mohammed Sani Umar, the governor’s Chief Economic Adviser, Yahuza Haruna, said that the State Economic Council approved monthly stipends for Imams of various Juma’at mosques and pastors across different churches in the state. He stressed that the allowances would cut across all Islamic sects and Christian denominations.

    He further revealed that the council also deliberated on the commencement of salary payments to newly created emirs and district heads across Bauchi State, noting that the government has made provisions for their sustenance. Citizens might wish to recall that Bauchi State government created new emirates and appointed about 141 new district heads across the state – decisions that have significantly increased the financial burden on the state, placing long-term obligations on future administrations.

    All of these at a time public schools in Bauchi State lack teachers, classrooms, and learning materials—and public hospitals are short of medical personnel, drugs, and basic equipment.

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    Education and healthcare are the backbone of any developing society. Without them, there can be no sustainable development or social stability. Illiteracy does not promote peace, and weak healthcare systems only deepen poverty and suffering.

    Across Bauchi State, many young people are at risk of dropping out of school due to lack of financial support. Small-scale business owners struggle without access to grants or soft loans that could help them grow and create jobs.

    Instead, government appears focused on flyovers, massive buildings such as the International Conference Centre (ICC), and road projects that are not urgently needed. While infrastructure is important, such projects do not directly secure the future of Bauchi’s youth or address the immediate challenges facing the state.

    And why the allowances for Imams and Pastors as well as expanded traditional structures now?

    One is not against religion or traditional institutions. Rather, it is a call for responsible governance and proper prioritization. The Bauchi State government should channel its limited resources toward improving public education, strengthening healthcare systems, empowering youths, and supporting small businesses. These sectors have a direct and lasting impact on citizens’ lives and the economic future of the state.

    Here is a call on the Bauchi State government to rethink its priorities and focus on what truly benefits the people. Education and health must come first.

    •Yasir Shehu Adam (Dan Liman) Bauchi.

  • On delayed passage of electoral bill

    On delayed passage of electoral bill

    By Austin Aigbe

    Sir: The delayed passage of the Electoral Bill is a crisis that must be addressed now. Such delays force INEC, parties, the judiciary, and civil society to scramble under impossible time constraints, heightening confusion and undermining legitimacy.

    The impact on institutions is stark. INEC, responsible for elections, needs time, clarity, and resources for effective reform. Late passage of the Electoral Act constrains planning, training, procurement, and voter education. Even sound reforms—such as new election technology—can cause controversy if not implemented early. Rushed changes risk failures and disputes, further undermining trust.

    Parties also suffer from delayed reform. Weak enforcement of party democracy and campaign finance rules enables elite capture. Candidate selection remains opaque and costly, side-lining women, youth, and reformers. When party regulatory reforms stall, parties lack accountability, which fuels pre-election litigation and internal crises.

    The judiciary is increasingly central to electoral politics. Ambiguous or outdated laws spur litigation, forcing courts to fill legislative gaps and making elections judicial rather than electoral contests. While courts are vital for dispute resolution, excessive litigation harms electoral legitimacy and pressures judges, exposing them to political attack and suspicion.

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    These delays have devastating consequences for Nigeria’s democratic future. Without prompt reform, democratic norms disintegrate, and anti-democratic practices become entrenched. Only immediate, credible reforms can restore hope, trust, and progress. Delay is not just costly—it is dangerous.

    The issue is not just technical. The delayed passage of the Electoral Bill stems from political economy challenges. Reforms threaten power networks and patronage, making change contentious rather than consensual. Without sustained pressure from citizens, civil society, media, and partners, momentum for reform fades once electoral crises subside.

    There are reasons for cautious optimism. Recent reforms show progress when broad coalitions back change. Civil society advocacy, court decisions, media scrutiny, and international inputs further reform. Debates on electronic results and early voting have entered public discourse, raising standards and expectations.

    Nigeria cannot afford to repeat the mistakes of delayed reform. Immediate, forward-looking action on electoral law-making is essential. Reforms must be completed before election cycles to allow institutions and voters to adapt. The National Assembly must act now, as a matter of national urgency, to rebuild trust through timely, transparent reform.

    Equally important is strengthening enforcement. Effective implementation and enforcement are essential to transforming legislative reforms into credible electoral practices and to building lasting public trust.

    The lesson is clear and cannot be ignored: democracy cannot survive on last-minute fixes. Action is imperative—and it is needed now. The National Assembly, particularly the Senate, must pass and transmit the Electoral Bill to the president for assent without further delay to secure Nigeria’s democracy ahead of the 2027 general elections.

    •Austin Aigbe,

    Abuja.

  • The price of illicit drug trafficking

    The price of illicit drug trafficking

    • By Aernan Lubem

    Sir: In Nigeria, we have heard powerful statements from public officials so many times that we no longer take them seriously. Big words are announced, headlines are made, and then we wait—for nothing. So when Brig. Gen. Buba Mohammed Marwa (rtd) said late last year that his second five-year tenure would be “hell for drug barons and cartels,” many of us simply nodded and moved on.

    But recent events make it hard to ignore that something different may be happening.

    The recent seizure of over 30 kilograms of heroin at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja is not just another drug bust; it is a statement. Drugs reportedly hidden in sealed packets of Brazilian coffee, worth more than N3 billion, intercepted before they could disappear into the streets. That alone should worry anyone who cares about the future of this country.

    Yet what truly linger in my mind are not the drugs, but the human story behind them.

    A 29-year-old woman, Ingrid Rosa Benevides, a Brazilian, reportedly gainfully employed, standing alone at the centre of a global criminal network. I find myself asking uncomfortable questions. What convinces a young woman with a job and a future to risk everything for a suitcase she does not own? Was it greed, pressure, desperation, or the false promise of easy money? Perhaps a mix of all.

    This is how international drug trafficking really works. The couriers are disposable. They are promised quick cash, reassured that “nothing will happen,” and sent off with smiles and instructions. Once caught, they are left to face the law alone, while those who organized everything quietly recruit another body.

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    And the law, when it comes, does not negotiate with emotions. With the quantity involved, Ms. Ingrid could spend the rest of her life behind bars. Not because she owned the drugs, not because she led the cartel—but because she was the easiest to sacrifice. Her ambitions, freedom, and future may now be the price she pays, while the real beneficiaries remain invisible and untouched.

    There is also an irony that is hard to ignore. Brazil is not a struggling economy gasping for survival. It is a country with vast agricultural strength, advanced manufacturing, and a GDP many times larger than Nigeria’s. One would assume opportunity exists. Yet even in such societies, the pull of fast money and criminal shortcuts still finds willing hands. This reminds us that drug trafficking is not just about poverty; it is about temptation, exploitation, and weak judgment.

    Nigeria, sadly, sits along major global drug routes connecting South America, Africa, and Europe. Traffickers know this. They adapt. When large shipments fail, they turn to human beings—because humans are easier to replace than cargo.

    This case should disturb us. Not just because drugs were seized, but because of what might have happened if they were not. Heroin does not just ruin users; it destroys families, fuels crime, and quietly eats away at society. Every successful trafficking attempt plants future chaos.

    Beyond enforcement, this is a moral warning—especially to young people. No amount of money is worth being used as a courier for substances you cannot pronounce, for people you will never meet, in a game where you are the first to be abandoned. Every “small favour,” every “quick delivery,” every “safe run” carries consequences that can last a lifetime.

    The truth is simple but brutal: drug trafficking always collects its debt. And when it does, it rarely knocks on the doors of the powerful—it comes first for the vulnerable.

    A word, indeed, should be enough for the wise.

    Aernan Lubem,

    Makurdi, Benue State.

  • Tunji-Ojo as ambassador of Ondo @50

    Tunji-Ojo as ambassador of Ondo @50

    • By Femi Salako

    Sir: Ondo State at 50 offers a profound opportunity to reflect not only on the journey of the state since its creation but also on the calibre of men and women it continues to produce. The Golden Jubilee is a celebration of identity resilience and contribution to the Nigerian project. Central to this reflection are illustrious sons and daughters of the soil who in this present generation are projecting the state with dignity competence and honour at both national and international levels. Among this distinguished cohort stands the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji Ojo whose public service record and current national impact epitomise the enduring value of Ondo State to Nigeria.

    His foray into national politics as a member of the House of Representatives marked the beginning of a legislative career defined by intellectual depth, policy focus and people oriented representation. As a lawmaker, he was not content with mere presence but pursued substance, engaging robustly in debates advancing motions and supporting legislative interventions that addressed national development, economic inclusion, youth empowerment and institutional reform. In doing so he earned the respect of colleagues and observers alike and positioned himself as one of the most effective lawmakers of his generation.

    His legislative excellence naturally placed him in the national spotlight and when President Bola Ahmed Tinubu unveiled the Renewed Hope Agenda, he was among those considered capable of translating vision into action. Answering the call to serve as Minister of Interior, Tunji Ojo brought to the ministry a blend of academic rigour, technological insight, and administrative clarity that has since redefined its operations. His is a clear departure from business as usual as he prioritised efficiency accountability and service delivery across agencies under the ministry.

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    Under his leadership the Ministry of Interior has recorded notable improvements particularly in the administration of citizenship services. Long standing challenges associated with passport issuance delays and bureaucratic bottlenecks have been confronted through digitisation process reengineering and stricter oversight. These reforms have had far reaching effects especially for Nigerians in the diaspora who directly experience the outcomes of improved systems. Across Europe, North America, Asia and other parts of the world, Nigerians now speak positively of reforms linked to his tenure acknowledging the professionalism and responsiveness that have returned to critical services. This international affirmation has not only elevated Nigeria’s image but has also projected Ondo State as a source of visionary leadership.

    As Ondo State celebrates 50 years of existence, his achievements resonate as part of a larger narrative of excellence that defines the state. He stands as a reference point and inspiration to other Ondo State sons and daughters who are excelling across governance, law, medicine, academia, technology, entrepreneurship and the creative industries. Together they affirm that Ondo at 50 is better stronger and more relevant because of the quality of its human capital. Their collective impact underscores the truth that the greatness of a state is measured not only by its geography or resources but by the character competence and commitment of its people.

    Ondo State at 50 therefore is a celebration of legacy and promise. It is a reminder that from its towns villages and institutions continue to emerge leaders who shape national conversations and influence global perceptions. In celebrating Olubunmi Tunji Ojo, the state celebrates itself a land that produces thinkers, reformers and patriots who serve with distinction. As the Sunshine State steps into its next half century the example of leaders like him assures all that the future remains bright grounded in service excellence and an unyielding commitment to national progress.

    •Femi Salako,

    Lagos.

  • Unlocking Nigeria’s gas potential

    Unlocking Nigeria’s gas potential

    Sir: The unveiling of the Gas Master Plan (GMP) 2026 by the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Ltd (NNPCL) marks a significant milestone in Nigeria’s long-standing effort to transform its vast natural gas resources into a foundation for industrial development, energy security, and sustainable economic growth. The launch held in Abuja under the framework of Nigeria’s gas-centric energy transition strategy signals a shift from mere policy outlines to implementation-anchored execution across the gas value chain.

    At the heart of the plan is the bold ambition to raise national gas production to 10 billion cubic feet per day by 2027, with a further target of 12 billion cubic feet per day by 2030, supported by projected new investments of over $60 billion across the oil and gas sector. These targets are grounded in Nigeria’s possession of some 210 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) of proven gas reserves, with even greater potential, positioning the country as one of the most consequential hydrocarbon basins on the African continent.

    Government and industry officials have rightly described the GMP 2026 as a strategic inflection point — one that moves beyond policy articulation to practical execution, commercial viability, and sector-wide coordination. It is a deliberate attempt to weave gas infrastructure expansion into Nigeria’s broader development narrative, one that embraces power generation, compressed natural gas (CNG), liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), mini-LNG, and downstream industrial off-takers as critical components of national growth.

    This re-energised focus on gas comes at a time when the world’s energy landscape is rapidly evolving, with global markets placing a premium on cleaner, more efficient fuels. Gas, often touted as a transitional energy source, offers Nigeria a pathway to reduce gas flaring, strengthen domestic energy supply, and integrate its economy more deeply into regional and international energy markets. Current plans to accelerate infrastructure such as the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano (AKK) pipeline and other transmission networks are expected to unlock domestic utilisation while anchoring Nigeria’s potential export capacity in the years ahead.

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    Yet, a plan of such ambition also demands sober reflection on execution, governance, and inclusivity. Historical bottlenecks in gas infrastructure, weak implementation frameworks, and regulatory uncertainties have often stymied earlier iterations of Nigeria’s energy plans. The GMP 2026 must therefore transcend rhetoric to deliver measurable results from tangible improvements in electricity supply and industrial power to job creation and improved economic participation across regions.

    Bold targets require equally bold commitment to accountability, transparency, and institutional coordination if they are to inspire both local confidence and international investor interest.

    Moreover, while gas is framed as a bridge in the energy transition, it cannot be divorced from broader considerations of climate responsibility. Nigeria’s economic strategy must balance the immediate benefits of gas exploitation with long-term commitments to cleaner, sustainable energy ecosystems. Pursuing partnerships that incorporate renewable energy initiatives and emission-reduction strategies will amplify the plan’s impact and align Nigeria’s energy goals with global climate priorities.

    Ultimately, the Gas Master Plan 2026 could be transformative but its success hinges not just on lofty targets, but on disciplined execution, structural reforms, and a shared national commitment to leveraging resources for inclusive growth. As Nigeria seeks to establish itself as a major gas hub and energy security anchor in Africa, the pathway from vision to reality must be paved with strategic clarity, institutional rigour, and unwavering focus on the wellbeing of citizens who stand to benefit most from a renewed energy economy.

    •Felix Oladeji, Lagos.

  • Catastrophic miscalculation

    Catastrophic miscalculation

    Sir: Nigeria’s troubled tryst with nationhood has seen it all in more than 60 years of false dawns, cruel stops and starts, broken dreams, and shattered hopes. Indeed, it is to the eternal credit of the country and a testament to its resilience that it is still standing, somehow managing to hold things together.

    Nigeria’s shaky foundations were laid with the amalgamation of 1914. If independence was supposed to consolidate those faulty foundations, the quick fire coups that followed in 1966 before snowballing into the cataclysmic Nigerian civil war of 1967-70 put paid to those hopes. The country has struggled to recover ever since, with the deep wounds inflicted during the civil war showing a significant capacity to fester.

    Today, Nigeria faces significant challenges to achieving national unity and cohesion. Ethnic and religious divisions instigated by historical differences and disagreements remain sharp.

    In 2023, against significant odds, Bola Ahmed Tinubu who campaigned on the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC) won the race to become Nigeria’s president. If the challenges that greeted his emergence were considered significant, events since have put those challenges in their shadows.

    Sometime last year, reports emerged that about thirteen military officers were taken into detention following a failed coup attempt against the government. While the Defence Headquarters confirmed the news, it was reluctant to release their names pending the conclusion of preliminary investigations. With the recent conclusion of investigations, the Defence Headquarters has since released the names confirming that there is a case made out against the military officers.

    Until the recent surge of coups in a handful of West African countries that border Nigeria, it was unthinkable that a military coup could be contemplated in Nigeria. This was largely because Nigeria had gone down that path before and discovered that as inviting as that path was in the despair of heedlessly chaotic civilian rule, nothing ever lay there but the death of democracy and the disorienting darkness it dips a country into.

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    Nigeria’s leadership crisis is decades old. It is not even about the current administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. In fact, of all those who have led Nigeria recently, the former Lagos State governor is showing the greatest promise. Many have led Nigeria and have failed, including many who came in military camouflage, suspended the constitution, dictated decrees, and ruled with iron fists only to leave the soul of Nigeria broken, its spirit crushed, and its coffers empty.

    As for those for whom discontent and disappointment with the current administration have congealed into nostalgia for the days of military rule, let the fact that nothing good that can go the distance ever comes out of military rule serve as a warning to them. Democracy is too delicate for calloused and often corrupt military fingers. For all its flaws, especially in a country that so often lacks direction and decisiveness, democracy remains the best bet and the surest promise.

    There can be no sympathy for military officers who took their eyes off Nigeria’s steep security challenges to plan a doomed coup. They must be made to dance to the drumbeats of the law, and their apologists must be left in no doubt that Africa’s biggest democracy has no desire whatsoever to return to the treacherously dark days of military rule.

    •Kene Obiezu, keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Soludo’s blow on Monday’s sit-at-home

    Soludo’s blow on Monday’s sit-at-home

    Sir: The reopening of the Onitsha Main Market on a Monday, for the first time in about five years, marks a significant and symbolic moment for Anambra State. Beyond the excitement it generated among traders and residents, the development represents a decisive step in the right toward reopening the state’s economy and strengthening its revenue base after years of disruption caused by the sit-at-home phenomenon.

    This bold move was championed by the Anambra State governor, Charles Chukwuma Soludo, following the closure of the market for one week. The action was taken as a response to the persistent failure of traders and business owners to open their shops on Mondays over the years, a trend that had gradually crippled commercial activities and weakened confidence in public safety.

    Despite threats and warnings issued by some non-state actors, urging traders to stay away from the market, the call was largely ignored. Traders defied fear and opened for business, drawing admiration from many within and outside the state. Their courage sent a strong message that economic survival and collective progress must not be held hostage by intimidation.

    Sustaining this progress is critical. Over the years, the sit-at-home order has severely affected businesses, academic activities, healthcare access, and daily movement of people. Many traders stayed home not out of agreement, but out of fear of attacks. Ending this cycle requires consistency, courage, and clear leadership from the government.

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    Beyond reopening markets, Governor Soludo must ensure the provision of watertight security, not only in and around major markets every Monday, but across the entire state. A visible and effective security presence will further boost the confidence of traders, business owners, workers, and residents to go about their legitimate activities without fear.

    As confidence grows, economic activities will naturally rebound. Increased commercial operations will improve internally generated revenue, create jobs, and restore Anambra’s reputation as a major commercial hub in the Southeast. Security and economic revival must go hand in hand for the gains to be lasting.

    This initiative should also serve as a model for other southeast governors. A coordinated regional effort to end the sit-at-home practice will ensure that the entire region reopens for normal business activities every Monday, reducing losses and restoring social stability across states.

    Finally, non-state actors must come to terms with the reality that the people of the southeast are tired of disruption and economic hardship. The path forward lies in peace and dialogue, not coercion and fear. Enough of the sit-at-home on Mondays; the region must move forward.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Obosi Anambra state.

  • Ifunanya’s unfortunate death from snake bite

    Ifunanya’s unfortunate death from snake bite

    • By Tochukwu Jimo Obi

    Sir: The death of Ifunanya Nwangene, a 25-year-old Abuja-based classical, jazz, RnB, and soul singer popularly known by her stage name, Nanyah, is not only unfortunate but deeply sad and clearly preventable. A young woman full of promise and talent has been lost, not because her condition was untreatable, but because the system failed her at the most critical moment.

    Ifunanya was reportedly bitten by a snake in her home in Abuja. In a desperate attempt to save her life, she took herself to two different hospitals within the nation’s capital. Shockingly, she was allegedly turned away by both facilities due to the absence of anti-snake venom. She later died on Saturday, a death that raises painful questions about the state of emergency care in Nigeria.

    This incident calls for an immediate and transparent investigation. How is it possible that two hospitals in Abuja could lack anti-snake venom, a basic and life-saving emergency drug? Who is responsible for ensuring its availability, and why was that responsibility neglected? These are questions that must not be brushed aside.

    Nigeria carries one of the highest snakebite burdens in Africa, yet the country lacks functional local production facilities for anti-venom. This is not a new problem, and the risks are well documented. Snakebite venom remains a public health threat, particularly in rural and farming communities, but increasingly even urban residents are not spared.

    Ironically, locally developed anti-venoms such as EchiTabG exist. However, they are neither widely produced nor readily available. This failure is largely due to inadequate government funding and a troubling lack of commitment by those entrusted with managing public health systems. The science exists; the political will does not.

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    Instead, government reportedly spends between $10 million and $12 million annually on imported anti-venom. Yet despite these huge allocations, public hospitals continue to lack these critical drugs. The question Nigerians must ask is: where does the money go, and why do patients still die from treatable conditions?

    If Ifunanya could die in Abuja, the seat of power and supposedly the best-served city in the country, one can only imagine how many silent deaths occur daily in rural communities. Many of these deaths go unreported, un-investigated, and unacknowledged, making the tragedy even more disturbing.

    Beyond the absence of anti-snake venom, most public hospitals lack basic facilities required for emergency response and resuscitation. Essential equipment, trained personnel, and functional systems are missing in many centres. This is unacceptable in a country of Nigeria’s size and resources.

    Ifunanya’s death once again reinforces the urgent need for a total overhaul of public health facilities and the declaration of a state of emergency in all public hospitals. The life of every Nigerian matters, and government at all levels must act with urgency to protect those lives. Enough of these avoidable deaths.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi,

    Obosi Anambra state.