The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Insecurity: Northern leaders must take responsibility

    Insecurity: Northern leaders must take responsibility

    • By Hameed Muritala

    Sir: Political, community, and religious leaders in Northern Nigeria must take responsibility for the terrorism and banditry ravaging the region. The northern leaders saw the early signs of this menace yet chose silence and inaction, as though it were no concern of theirs. That silence and years of inaction allowed these threats to grow into the monstrous security challenges we face today.

    It is troubling to see how emboldened bandits and terrorists have become in recent months. They ride through towns in large numbers, brandishing weapons without fear. They impose levies on farmers and communities. Some even do live videos on TikTok, where they flaunt cash and openly taunt both citizens and security agencies.

    How did we get here? How can this level of impunity exist in a country that is not at war?

    Reports indicate that 20 out of 34 local government councils in Katsina have already signed truce deals with bandits. Yet, attacks continue unabated in communities across the same councils. What then is the point of dialogue that yields no peace, only more audacity from criminals?

    It is infuriating to see some religious and community leaders in the North advocating for bandits. Sheikh Gumi, for example, consistently asks for leniency and negotiations with bandits. Some days ago, the chairman of the Arewa Consultative Forum, Bashir Dalhatu urged the federal government to consider granting amnesty to bandits like it was granted the Niger Delta militants. Such narratives are not only dangerous but also embolden the bandits. They divert attention from efforts needed to crush these terrorists who continue to inflict hardship and fears in our people.

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    Currently, schools in some states, including Kwara, Niger, Kebbi and Kastina, have been shut down. While the decision is reasonable, the development is a sad reflection of how bad the situation has become. It also represents a further setback to education in states where access to education is already fragile.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration of a nationwide state of emergency is a step in the right direction. However, on his directive for recruitment of more police and military personnel, I don’t think this is the right thing to do at this moment; Nigeria can still make significant progress with the personnel already in the police and military if the right things are urgently done. The government must invest in modern and adequate equipment—drones, surveillance technologies, communication systems, and operational tools that meet global standards. We must also strengthen intelligence gathering.

    It is equally important that corruption and compromise within the security sector, ranging from diversion of funds to information leaks, must also be confronted head-on. No amount of reform will succeed if criminal networks continue to receive support from compromised insiders.

    •Hameed Muritala,

    Ilorin, Kwara State.

  • The rising wave of insecurity

    The rising wave of insecurity

    • By Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu

    Sir: The recent surge in kidnappings has unsettled citizens and raised serious questions about the effectiveness of national security frameworks. What used to be episodic attacks have evolved into a sustained campaign of abductions, village raids and highway banditry that expose deep cracks in the country’s ability to protect its people.

    Across many states, residents speak of fear as a constant companion. Travellers avoid certain routes, farmers abandon farmlands, and families adjust their routines around the unpredictability of violence. Security agencies, though making efforts, continue to appear overstretched and often reactive. Attackers strike quickly, vanish into unmapped forests, and resurface in another location days later. Communities are left grieving while government assurances rarely transform into long-term relief.

    In a development that underscores the urgency of the situation, several states have now moved to shut down schools as a precautionary measure. Katsina State has ordered the closure of all public schools, following credible threats linked to the activities of kidnapping gangs. In Kwara State, schools across Ifelodun, Ekiti, Irepodun, Isin and Oke-Ero LGAs have been closed over rising concerns of attacks on vulnerable institutions. Plateau State has taken similar steps, placing selected schools on indefinite shutdown. Findings across the northern region show that over 180 schools have been affected by either temporary or ongoing closures linked directly to insecurity.

    This trend represents one of the most alarming signals yet. When schools begin to shut down not because of strikes or infrastructure decay, but due to the inability of government to guarantee the safety of children, the crisis deepens. The consequences are severe: disrupted learning, displacement of pupils, psychological trauma, reduced enrolment, and widened educational inequality. Children bear the heaviest burden of a battle they did not choose.

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    The broader insecurity plaguing the country is not without roots. Years of ungoverned spaces, porous borders, arms proliferation, youth unemployment and an over-centralised policing system have created fertile ground for criminal groups to thrive. Banditry has become organised; kidnapping has become transactional. The combination of economic desperation and weak local intelligence systems has allowed small groups of armed men to wield disproportionate influence in rural communities.

    Still, this moment calls for more than routine condemnations. What Nigeria faces requires a recalibration of its security priorities. Intelligence must take precedence over brute force. Communities need to be integrated into early-warning mechanisms. Technology—especially aerial surveillance, communication tracking, and real-time mapping of forest corridors—must shift from policy statements to operational deployment. States must also be allowed clearer, legally backed roles in security management, as the current centralised structure is no longer sufficient to address a crisis spread across vast territories.

    Public trust, already weakened, can only be rebuilt through visible, sustained action. Citizens want coordinated operations, not conflicting statements. They want preventive measures, not post-attack visits. They want accountability in security spending and clarity in strategy. Above all, they want assurance that their children can sit in classrooms without fear.

    Nigeria stands at an inflection point. The closure of schools is more than a temporary safety measure—it is a national alarm, a stark reminder that insecurity is now undermining the very foundations of development. Whether the country reverses this trajectory depends on how decisively and intelligently the challenge is confronted.

    For now, parents wait, communities worry, and a nation watches the future of its young people disrupted by forces that should never have been allowed to grow this bold.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu,

    Abuja.

  • General Musa as last hope for security renewal?

    General Musa as last hope for security renewal?

    • By Abba Dukawa

    Sir: Nigeria stands at a tipping point as insecurity threatens the very foundations of national stability and erodes public confidence in government authority. Last month, the country experienced some of its bloodiest days as terrorists and bandits unleashed violence on defenceless citizens across the Northeast, Northwest and North central regions. During this period, terrorists abducted and executed Brigadier General Uba and three of his men in Borno State.

    In response, President Bola Tinubu declared a nationwide security emergency, authorising the police and army to recruit additional personnel. The president also nominated retired General Christopher Gwabin Musa—the immediate past Chief of Defence Staff—as the new Minister of Defence. This nomination is far more than a routine political transition; it signals the government’s intent to confront insecurity with competence, clarity, and unwavering resolve.

    As Chief of Defence Staff, Musa became known for his bluntness—a quality Nigerians often say they desire but rarely see in security leadership. He repeatedly warned that Nigeria must cut off the financial lifelines fuelling insurgency, stressing that terrorism thrives not only on ideology but also on steady funding streams, illicit supply routes, and porous borders. He frequently advocated for securing Nigeria’s borders through modern surveillance technology and reinforced patrol systems, insisting that no nation can defeat crime if its territorial boundaries remain exposed.

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    Throughout his tenure as Chief of Defence Staff, General Musa actively promoted the welfare and recognition of officers and troops as a strategy to boost morale and operational effectiveness. He consistently tasked senior officers to prioritize the welfare of their personnel, emphasizing that proper working conditions are essential. He instituted a system for rewarding exceptional service and acts of bravery, sometimes offering monetary rewards or commendation awards. During visits to operational areas, he frequently expressed appreciation for the troops’ conduct, making it clear that their efforts in maintaining national security were observed and valued by army leadership and the government.

    Musa also championed a moral and professional revival within the Armed Forces, emphasizing discipline, dignity, and service. Under his watch, coordination among the Army, Navy, and Air Force improved significantly, accompanied by a renewed insistence that troops in harm’s way deserve better welfare, equipment, and institutional respect. Many officers privately acknowledged that morale rose under him because he led with clarity and made personal visits to crisis zones—often without fanfare or media coverage.

    While some critics argue that Musa’s approach is too tough or uncompromising, supporters counter that his firmness reflects the reality Nigerians face daily: communities under siege, unsafe highways, and families mourning needless deaths caused by armed criminals emboldened by years of leniency. “Peace cannot be negotiated with those who reject peace,” he once said—a statement that resonated strongly with citizens tired of dialogue that produces no meaningful results.

    As Defence Minister designate, expectations are high. Nigeria stands to benefit from Musa’s mastery of counter insurgency operations, his experience managing joint military commands, and his insistence on accountability within the security system. If granted the political backing and operational freedom required, his leadership could strengthen the armed forces, close critical security gaps, and intensify pressure on insurgents, bandits, and violent criminals across the country.

    At the same time, Nigerians expect him to balance force with reform—addressing longstanding issues such as troop welfare, inter agency rivalry, equipment deficits, intelligence lapses, and the need to rebuild community trust in the security forces. Strengthening intelligence gathering and surveillance systems is essential to combat terrorism and banditry, while partnerships with regional and global security agencies must be reinforced. Emphasizing innovation and technology—such as advanced surveillance, AI driven threat analysis, and regional cooperation—will be crucial, as these measures can make guerrilla warfare more predictable and hold attackers more accountable.

    A defence minister must not only direct battles but also create a strategic environment where peace can endure long after the fighting has stopped. Musa now faces one of the most consequential assignments of his career. The nation hopes his appointment ushers in a new era where courage meets strategy, firmness meets accountability, and leadership meets the urgent need for national renewal. In a time of deep insecurity, he carries the weight of public expectation and perhaps the last credible chance for a decisive turnaround.

    • Abba Dukawa,

     Abuja.

  • Pitfalls of remote work and the case for a hybrid future

    Pitfalls of remote work and the case for a hybrid future

    Sir: Remote work arrived as a symbol of liberation, a modern solution to long commutes, rising costs, and rigid routines. It promised a gentler rhythm of life, the comfort of home, and an escape from the harshness of traditional office structures. Yet beneath this promise lies a collection of subtle harms, shadows that have quietly shaped the human experience in ways society is only beginning to understand. These harms are not loud or sensational; they are slow-moving shifts that affect how people connect, work, and see themselves.

    Workplaces have, for decades, served as social ecosystems where people form associations, friendships, and professional identities. These environments provide the small but essential signals that affirm belonging: a colleague’s greeting, shared breaks, spontaneous conversations, or simple physical presence. Fully remote structures dilute these signals. Workers operate in isolation, surrounded not by teammates but by screens and silence. The digital environment allows communication, but without the warmth, unpredictability, and subtle cues that come from being physically present. Over time, this distance weakens the emotional glue that binds teams and communities.

    This isolation also affects personal identity. Many people draw structure and meaning from the separation between home and work. The act of getting dressed, stepping out, and transitioning into a different space is not merely routine; it is psychological preparation. Remote work dissolves this separation. When bedrooms become offices and dining tables become boardrooms, the boundaries between personal life and professional demands fade. The home, once a retreat, becomes infused with the tensions of deadlines and meetings.

    Another significant shadow is the quiet expansion of work hours. Without the physical ritual of closing an office door or walking away from a workplace, the workday often stretches into the night. Messages continue to appear, tasks linger, and the pressure to be constantly reachable intensifies. What begins as flexibility evolves into a state of permanent availability. Burnout emerges not through intense bursts of stress but through persistent, low-grade strain. People work more hours than before, yet feel less accomplished. Rest becomes harder to protect, and the human mind, which thrives on alternating periods of focus and recovery, rarely gets the relief it needs.

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    Remote work also amplifies pre-existing inequalities. Those with stable power supply, reliable internet, and a quiet living environment benefit from the convenience and autonomy it offers. But many others struggle with noisy surroundings, inadequate workspace, inconsistent connectivity, and competing domestic responsibilities. In such cases, remote work becomes an added burden rather than a privilege. The digital divide widens professional gaps, creating an uneven landscape where success is determined not only by talent or dedication but by access to essential infrastructure.

    The weakening of workplace culture is another concern. Culture is not built on policy documents; it grows through shared experiences, collective routines, and the day-to-day expressions of values. In fully remote settings, culture becomes formal and procedural, communicated through scheduled meetings and written guidelines rather than lived reality. New employees often find it difficult to understand the unwritten norms that define an organization. Team cohesion becomes fragile, trust requires more deliberate effort, and misunderstandings multiply without the support of body language and face-to-face engagement.

    Creativity, too, suffers in remote ecosystems. Many of history’s strongest innovations emerged from spontaneous interactions, ideas exchanged in hallways, quick discussions during breaks, or collaborative moments that no one planned. Remote work, by its nature, favours structured communication. Meetings must be scheduled; discussions follow agendas. This reduces the possibility of the unexpected sparks that drive imagination and creative problem-solving. While remote work enhances efficiency, it often does so at the cost of the informal exchanges that sparks innovation.

    These concerns do not suggest that remote work should be discarded. Rather, they show that humanity needs balance. A hybrid model offers that balance. It respects the need for flexibility while preserving the structures that support human connection. It allows workers to enjoy the quiet focus of remote days while benefiting from the creative energy and relational warmth of physical gatherings.

    Hybrid work acknowledges that people are both independent and communal. It offers a rhythm where presence and privacy coexist, where organizations can build strong cultures without sacrificing the personal well-being of their staff. It restores the boundaries that remote work erodes and preserves the advantages that digital tools provide. In doing so, it offers a humane response to the evolving nature of work, one that aligns with the complexities of modern life without losing touch with the fundamental human need for connection.

    Remote work’s shadows do not define its future. They simply remind society that while technology can change the structure of work, it cannot replace the essence of being human. A balanced hybrid approach offers a path that honours both progress and people.

    •Samuel Jekeli, Abuja.

  • Reno Omokri: A patriot misunderstood

    Reno Omokri: A patriot misunderstood

    Sir: In the spirited arena of Nigerian politics, words often travel faster than intentions, and passions sometimes outpace the quiet truth of patriotism. Few individuals illustrate this paradox better than Reno Omokri, the former presidential aide whose name has, over the years, become synonymous with fearless commentary, principled confrontation, and an unwavering love for Nigeria. Yet, in the rush to brand him an enemy of certain political figures, many have forgotten a crucial distinction: opposition is not hostility, and disagreement is not disloyalty.

    During the fiery months of the 2023 presidential campaigns, when the political temperature reached boiling point and every party engaged in the ancient art of political rivalry, Reno Omokri—then aligned with the opposition—spoke forcefully against the APC candidate, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. But that was politics, the battlefield where contestants and their supporters must defend their own vision while interrogating that of their rivals. In that space, criticism—even sharp criticism—is not treachery; it is democracy at work.

    Reno Omokri was doing what every spokesperson, strategist, and advocate does in election seasons across the world: drawing sharp lines between political choices. Anything beyond the election moment, however, should not be mistaken for personal enmity. And to judge a man solely by the heat of campaign rhetoric is to misunderstand the very nature of political contestation.

    But beyond politics lies the deeper, more enduring portrait of Reno Omokri—a portrait too often ignored by those who choose to freeze him in campaign-season snapshots. The truth is that there are few Nigerians whose patriotism radiates as visibly and consistently as his. From childhood photographs to his most recent public appearances, Reno has worn Nigeria not only as clothing but as identity. His outfit choices, celebrating indigenous fabrics and designs, are not mere fashion statements; they are cultural declarations. He has, over decades, turned his wardrobe into a quiet diplomacy—one that travels with him across continents.

    More importantly, Reno Omokri has built his public voice around an unshakeable belief in the potential of Nigeria. Whether speaking from London, California, or Abuja, his words often echo the same refrain: Nigeria must rise, Nigeria must thrive, Nigeria must stand tall among nations. Patriotism is not measured by silence in the face of disagreement; it is measured by the consistency of one’s commitment to the nation’s progress, irrespective of temporary political alignments.

    And this is where many misunderstand him. Reno once said he would not work with Tinubu—an opinion he was constitutionally and morally entitled to. But he never said he would not work for Nigeria. Once the elections were over and governance began, he assessed policies not through the lens of party preference but through the lens of national interest. It is no secret that several of President Tinubu’s early economic and administrative decisions align with policy directions Reno himself has advocated for years—particularly on subsidy reforms, fiscal restructuring, and economic liberalisation.

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    In a mature democracy, when a leader implements the very ideas you long supported, patriotism requires acknowledgement, not bitterness.

    This capacity to rise above electoral passions and return to the bigger picture is precisely what makes Reno Omokri eminently qualified for ambassadorial assignment. Nations do not send to the world their loudest partisans; they send their most articulate patriots, their clearest thinkers, their strongest cultural ambassadors, and their most globally respected citizens. Reno fits that mould. He understands Nigeria’s story, he carries Nigeria’s image, and he represents Nigeria’s dignity—whether he is engaging foreign media, speaking on human rights, or defending the image of the country from unfair international portrayals.

    Those who judge Reno by campaign-season heat overlook the steadiness of his character. Those who assess him by partisan lenses forget that Nigeria rewards national service, not political perfection. And those who attack him for his past criticisms ignore that political disagreement is not a stain on one’s loyalty—it is part of the vibrant democratic tapestry that keeps our nation alive.

    In a country yearning for voices that can defend her, explain her, and uplift her on the global stage, Reno Omokri stands out as a rare asset. His passion is unmistakable, his patriotism is evident, and his commitment to Nigeria’s advancement is consistent.

    To defend Reno Omokri is not merely to defend a man; it is to defend the idea that patriotism can coexist with disagreement, that loyalty to Nigeria transcends loyalty to political banners, and that those who love this country most intensely sometimes speak the hardest truths during elections—yet return to the fold of national unity once the dust settles.

    Nigeria needs such men now more than ever.

    •Aliyu Abubakar Bello, Dorayi, Kano.

  • Insecurity in Kano: Wake up Governor Abba Yusuf

    Insecurity in Kano: Wake up Governor Abba Yusuf

    Sir: Kano, the historic heart of the North, is bleeding. Villages are emptying; people are terrified; and the state government remains silent. When citizens cannot move freely within their own state, and when parents warn their children to stay away from home for their own safety, we have crossed a dangerous line.

    Kano is already battling the menace of fadan daba (thuggery). Unfortunately, the state government appears helpless. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf—this is the time to wake from your slumber before it is too late.

    Recent attacks in Biresawa and Tsundu in Tsanyawa Local Government, along with the recurring horrors in Shanono, have exposed the failures of the present administration. Bandits now operate with impunity between 10 p.m. and 11 p.m. abducting women, rustling livestock, and traumatizing entire communities. Villagers reportedly alerted authorities ahead of some attacks, yet their cries for help went unanswered.

    The state government is silent; state owned media provides no direction; and Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf—has shown no visible leadership. The police and military are trying their best, but they are fighting a war without a general. Security is not a political game; it is a matter of life and death. Sadly, the current administration is failing its most basic duty.

    We must remember the past. Under former governor, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Kano remained relatively secure while neighbouring states were ravaged by banditry. CCTV cameras monitored the metropolis.

     The Falgore Forest was cleared in collaboration with the federal government. Federal and state security agencies worked closely to repel threats, including attempted Boko Haram incursions.

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    I recently visited Falgore in Doguwa Local Government down to Riruwai, and people openly praised Ganduje for the security measures he put in place. Leadership like that inspired confidence and made Kano safer.

    The blueprint for a secure Kano already exists; it only requires the political will to implement it. Silence and inaction are recipes for disaster, risking the creation of a generation of desperate, unemployed youth vulnerable to criminal recruitment. Governor Yusuf bears ultimate responsibility.

    He must act now: coordinate decisively with federal security agencies, empower and fund local community watch groups, and lead from the front to reassure a terrified populace.

    Kano is more than a state—it is the heartbeat of northern Nigeria. If Kano collapses, the entire region will suffer. Political differences must end where the safety of our people begins.

    The time for urgent, united, and decisive action is now. Kano is bleeding, and the responsibility to stop it rests squarely on Governor Yusuf’s shoulders. His legacy will be defined by how he responds in this moment of crisis.

    •Hadiza Nasir Ahmad, Esq.Kano.

  • Audit reform long overdue

    Audit reform long overdue

    • By Paul Dasimeokuma

    Sir: Corruption remains Nigeria’s most significant obstacle to development, continuously draining public resources and wear away citizen trust. While the government has invested in various anti-corruption and Public Finance Management (PFM) reforms, including the Fiscal Responsibility Act and the Public Procurement Act, a critical system remains dangerously weak: the federal audit function. The Audit Opportunities Assessment Study which was carried out and presented to the general public by Centre for Social Justice in November, with the support of key development partners, noted this weakness as the missing link, ending that without reform, it is impracticable for broader PFM initiatives to succeed.

    Every year, the Auditor-General of the Federation (AuGF) usually produce thorough reports exposing financial breaches, unauthorized expenditures, and procurement irregularities across Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs). These findings are forwarded to the Public Accounts Committees (PACs) of the National Assembly. However, the accountability cycle keeps falling apart here.

    Audit reports and PAC recommendations remain dusty on the shelves with little to no real implementation. This perpetuates the ongoing year after year financial breaches. At the heart of the failure is the lack of credible consequences for non-compliance. The present system does not comply with the Lima Declaration’ international benchmark, which demands that audit expose deviations “early enough to make it possible to take corrective action… to make those accountable to accept responsibility.”

    Since offenders suffer no tangible repercussions, non-responsiveness becomes normalized, and evasion becomes the logical option for public officials.

    The Audit Opportunities Assessment Study clearly states that institutional inertia within the audit system, outdated laws, lack of independence, and inadequate enforcement mechanisms result directly to the loss of resources and leakages.

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    As it is, the Federal Audit Bill needs urgent passage. This law must be strong enough to compel compliance, set clear reporting timelines, and enforce mandatory responses to audit request. The AuGF’s office should be granted fiscal autonomy by making its budget on a first-line charge on the Consolidated Revenue Fund. This ensures automatic release of funds before other executive-controlled expenditures, and protecting it from political interference.

    Anti-corruption agencies (EFCC, ICPC) must stop disregarding audit and PAC recommendations. These findings provide the prima facie evidence that can initiate investigations and asset recoveries, thereby turning audit revelations into concrete legal outcomes.

    The AuGF’s mandate should be fully updated to encompass value-for-money, performance, and forensic audits, moving beyond basic financial checks to ensure public funds achieve their intended objectives.

    It is evident that Nigeria’s audit reform is a fiscal and moral imperative. Implementing these recommendations will re-establish the AuGF as a custodian of fiscal probity, demonstrating that genuine accountability, not just exposure, can be achieved. Without sanctions, transparency degenerates into theatre; without autonomy, audit becomes mere formalities. This strategic reform is long overdue.

    •Paul Dasimeokuma,

    Centre for Social Justice, Abuja.

  • Closing the gaps in security emergency

    Closing the gaps in security emergency

    • By Lekan Olayiwola

    Sir: President Tinubu’s declaration of a nationwide security emergency is more than a tactical mobilisation; it is a rare moment of political clarity. By authorising mass recruitment, redeployment of VIP escorts, and forest guard deployments, the government has signalled seriousness and urgency. Citizens see this as reassurance that their trauma is being recognised.

    The declaration also opens a window for deeper reform. Its centre of gravity is capacity and manoeuvre, but the opportunity lies in pairing that surge with measures that strengthen justice, disrupt harmful economic incentives, and rebuild civic trust. What makes this declaration significant is not only its scale but its symbolism.

    But symbolism alone cannot sustain trust. Unless the surge in manpower is matched by reforms in justice, resource governance, and civic engagement, the declaration risks becoming a temporary spectacle rather than a turning point.

    Nigeria’s insecurity is not born in the forests alone. It is rooted in the collapse of the social contract. The NBS Labour Force Report (Q2 2025) indicates youth unemployment remains a pressing concern, while inflation exceeds 20% in several states, as noted in the April 2025 IMF’s Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa. These conditions can contribute to desperation, recruitment pressures, and civic fatigue.

    The judicial system compounds the challenge. Lengthy pre-trial detention, systemic inefficiencies, and slow case management mean that even when suspects are arrested, convictions can take months or years. Deploying tens of thousands of new officers into this context risks overwhelming the system, which could inadvertently erode trust unless reforms are implemented in tandem.

    Banditry and kidnapping are not random violence; they reflect structured, localised economies. Research in Security Journal (2024) highlights how ransom cycles in northwest Nigeria generate sustained incentives, with communities often bearing the costs even after payments are made.

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    Nigeria’s artisanal and small-scale gold mining sector illustrates another layer of complexity: informal networks and unregulated practices can inadvertently create economic incentives that sustain insecurity. While these dynamics are not fully understood, engaging with them constructively is essential to long-term solutions.

    The security emergency targets perpetrators in the field but also presents an opportunity to address the wider structural incentives that perpetuate violence. Policies that strengthen transparency, governance, and community oversight can make the response more sustainable.

    The emergency declaration is top down. It treats communities as terrain to be secured, not partners in intelligence. Rapidly trained recruits deployed without civic engagement risk widening the trust deficit. Human rights abuses or indiscriminate raids will alienate populations further, cutting off the intelligence flows that are the true firewall against instability.

    The declaration’s blind spots are threefold: (i) Justice: Without specialised courts and expedited prosecution, arrests risk overloading the system and impunity may continue; (ii) Economic incentives: Without transparent governance of resources and disruption of harmful networks, some incentives for violence remain; (iii) Community trust: Without integrated civil–military engagement, new recruits risk alienating citizens, which can undermine intelligence and cooperation.

    Insecurity is civic before it is military. A security emergency is also a legitimacy emergency. Leveraging the surge for structural reform strengthens both protection and public confidence. Justice sector measures could include specialised courts, expedited case processing, and transparent sentencing. Responsibility lies with the Ministry of Justice and the National Judicial Council, supported by legislation where necessary.

    Resource governance reforms could mandate tracking of minerals and other high-risk commodities, transparent licensing, and community benefit arrangements, coordinated across relevant agencies including the Ministry of Mines, EFCC, and Financial Intelligence Unit. Civic engagement and civil–military integration should embed grievance redress, civilian-harm monitoring, and restitution mechanisms. Ministries and security services, with civil society participation, can ensure accountability.

    Operationalising this approach includes community security councils integrated into local command structures, dignity-first training for new recruits, and grievance desks with defined timelines. Across fragile contexts, populations turned against governments when security measures neglected respect and inclusion. True security requires the presence of dignity, safety, and civic participation.

    As Nigerians prepare to accept extraordinary measures, the nationwide security emergency should not be limited to recruitment and redeployment. It must also embed accountability, transparency, and civic trust. Accompanying the security surge with reforms will not only reassure citizens but also strengthen the legitimacy that underpins long-term peace and stability.

    The emergency can thus be leveraged not merely for force projection, but for restoring civic confidence and strengthening institutions. The true emergency is not insurgency alone; it is the fragility of state legitimacy. Fixing Nigeria’s security blind spots requires attention to justice, economic governance, and trust-building. Only then can the declaration move Nigeria from emergency to resilience.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,

    lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Safeguarding the spirit of state policing

    Safeguarding the spirit of state policing

    • By Aliyu Abubakar Bello

    Sir: As Nigeria edges closer to the creation of state police, the nation stands at a historic crossroads. On one side lies the promise of faster response to insecurity, community-rooted policing, and a long-awaited break from the overburdened federal structure. On the other side, however, lurks a familiar fear — that these armed state officers might someday become tools in the hands of overly ambitious governors, unsheathing the sword of coercion against political opponents rather than criminals. The challenge before us is therefore delicate but achievable: How do we birth state police without planting the seeds of state tyranny?

    First, the foundation must be a clear, uncompromising legal framework. The legislation establishing state police should define their jurisdiction with the precision of a surgeon’s scalpel. Their powers must revolve strictly around crime prevention, protection of life and property, community safety, and emergency response. Matters involving political tension — elections, protests, party disputes, campaign clashes, civil rights demonstrations, media intimidation — must remain the exclusive domain of the federal police. In simple terms, state police should chase kidnappers, not critics; they should confront armed robbers, not political rivals.

    To reinforce this boundary, the law should spell out explicit penalties for any governor or state official who attempts to weaponise the state police for political warfare. This is not mistrust — it is wisdom shaped by our national history. Nigeria has seen how power, when unchecked, grows bold wings. A constitutional firewall that protects citizens against political persecution will be a victory not just for democracy, but for the dignity of governance.

    Beyond legislation, the appointment and tenure of state police leadership must be insulated from political whims. The state police commissioner should not be a puppet whose loyalty lies in the pockets of a governor. Instead, appointment should follow a tripod system: nomination by the governor, approval by the state House of Assembly, and certification by an independent national oversight body. Tenure should be fixed and secure; removal should require transparent, publicised procedures, not a late-night directive delivered through backdoor emissaries.

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    Furthermore, the state police must be bound by a national code of conduct supervised by a federal-state policing council, a body comprising representatives from civil society, the judiciary, the Nigerian Bar Association, and respected traditional institutions. This council will review complaints, audit operations, investigate abuses, and publish periodic reports accessible to every Nigerian. When sunlight shines on power, power behaves better.

    Training also matters. State police officers should undergo rigorous professional grooming in human rights, conflict de-escalation, crowd control, community engagement, and ethical handling of firearms. A policeman who understands the law is less likely to break it. A policeman trained to see citizens as human beings, not political pieces, becomes a guardian, not an enforcer.

    Finally, nothing protects democracy more than an informed citizenry. Civil society, the media, and the public must monitor this new institution from inception. Nigerians must remain alert, vocal, and courageous enough to challenge even the faintest sign of political misuse. When citizens watch carefully, leaders tread carefully.

    State police can succeed. They can be a blessing rather than a blade; but only if we design them with foresight, discipline, and strong national values. If we get the architecture right, Nigeria can build a security framework that not only confronts criminals but also honours the principles of justice, freedom, and shared humanity.

    In the end, the goal is simple: a Nigeria where police uniforms inspire confidence, not fear; where governors wield authority, not intimidation; and where security becomes a shared heritage, not a political weapon. State police can usher in that future — but only if we anchor them firmly on the side of law, equity, and democracy.

    •Aliyu Abubakar Bello,

    Dorayi, Kano.

  • Senate’s classification of kidnapping, banditry as terrorism

    Senate’s classification of kidnapping, banditry as terrorism

    Sir: The recent decision by the senate to classify kidnapping and banditry as acts of terrorism along with the approval of the death penalty for offenders is a bold and commendable step toward restoring security across our nation. Nigerians have endured years of pain, fear and uncertainty. Families have been shattered, businesses crippled and communities displaced by the persistent surge of kidnapping and violent crimes.

    While the senate’s resolution is timely and necessary, it is only the beginning. Without complementary reforms to strengthen the judicial process, the impact of this new legislation may fall short of the expectations of citizens who are yearning for true justice.

    In furtherance to this, I urge the senate to establish a special court for kidnapping and violent crimes through federal legislation. This should not be an optional addition to our justice system but an urgent necessity to give real meaning to the senate’s recent declaration. The special court must be empowered to conduct speedy trials because kidnapping cases often drag on for years, creating delays that embolden criminals and frustrate victims. Fast tracked hearings and judgments will cut through the bureaucracy that currently slows justice. The certainty and swiftness of punishment are far more effective deterrents than punishment alone.

    The court must also ensure clear and firm sentencing. It should differentiate between cases where the victim survives and those where the victim is killed. When lives are taken, the death penalty already approved by the senate must apply. When victims survive, life imprisonment should be the minimum sentence. This distinction ensures proportional justice while maintaining a zero tolerance approach to violent crime.

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    Another major challenge is enforcement. One significant reason why death sentences in Nigeria rarely reach execution is the constitutional requirement for governors to sign death warrants. Over the years, many governors have declined to do so for political, religious or personal reasons. As a result, convicted murderers and kidnappers often remain on death row indefinitely or eventually secure reprieves. This loophole weakens the justice system and emboldens criminals who believe the law can be circumvented.

    A special court must therefore be empowered to enforce its judgments without reliance on gubernatorial approval. Justice should not depend on political will or personal philosophy. The laws of the country should be enforced uniformly and consistently. The court should also oversee the full implementation of its judgments, whether death penalty or life imprisonment, to ensure that justice is not merely pronounced but fully carried out. Nigeria cannot continue with a system where convictions are delivered but never enforced.

    To the senate, I say the time to act decisively is now. You have already taken the courageous step of labelling kidnapping as terrorism and approving the death penalty. The next step, which is the establishment of a special court and the removal of the enforcement bottleneck caused by governors’ refusal to sign death warrants, will transform this legislation from theory into meaningful impact.

    If Nigeria must curb the scourge of kidnapping, justice must be sure, swift and complete. Only then will criminals understand that our nation will no longer tolerate this reign of terror. Establishing this special court is the surest path to restoring peace, strengthening the rule of law and protecting the lives of citizens.

    I urge the senate to act with the urgency that this crisis demands.

    •Chionye Hencs Odiaka, Delta State.