Category: Letters

By Hameed Muritala

SIR: On Saturday, August 12, young people in Africa joined their counterparts across the world to mark this year’s International Youth Day, IYD celebration. Marked every year, IYD celebrates qualities and contributions of young people to political and socio-economic development of the world, while focusing on a specific theme that addresses certain challenges the youth face in today’s world.

The 2023 IYD theme ‘Green Skills for Youth: Towards a Sustainable World,’ emphasized the need to equip young people with green skills that are essential to the transition to green economy and building of a sustainable future for the people and our planet. Green economy refers to an economic system that prioritises environmentally sustainable solutions and the efficient use of resources to guarantee the wellbeing of the people. The transition to a green economy is, therefore, critical to combating the climate crisis that has continued to wreak havoc in different parts of the world.

However, transitioning to a green economy will not be possible in the absence of a workforce that possesses requisite green skills. According to the United Nations, green skills are “knowledge, abilities, values and attitudes needed to live in, develop and support a sustainable and resource-efficient society”. These skills, according to the UN, include technical knowledge and skills that enable the effective use of green technologies and processes in occupational settings, as well as transversal skills that draw on a range of knowledge, values and attitudes to facilitate environmentally sustainable decisions in work and in life.

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“Due to their interdisciplinary nature, the essence of green skills is sometimes expressed, partly if not wholly, through other associated terms such as “skills for the future” and “skills for green jobs”. While green skills are relevant for people of all ages, they have heightened importance for younger people, who can contribute to the green transition for a longer period of time,” the global body explained further.

As it has been established, the labour market, especially the youth – who constitute about half of the world’s population – are key assets and have crucial roles to play towards achieving the global shift to a green economy. Their roles are, however, dependent on their capabilities and skills offering as the transition will shape the labour market and necessitate high demand for green skills especially in industries affected by the shift.

Consequently, it is imperative for governments in Africa and even actors in the private sector to prioritise investment in green skills development for youth. This is to ensure that young people play active roles in Africa’s transition to a more climate-friendly and sustainable economy, and are not shut out of the labour force when the transition is eventually upon us.

Governments should also consider the integration of teaching of green skills and vocational training into our school curricula right from the basic education system. Investing in massive and structured green skills development by governments and other critical stakeholders will boost the transition to a green economy and ensure that nobody is left behind. 

To play an active role in the shift to a green economy, African youth must embrace acquisition of green skills and constantly seek skilling opportunities to guarantee their future employability. Young people, especially those who are yet to get to higher institutions, should consider pursuing degrees in academic disciplines like environmental science, green engineering, sustainable business, and clean energy technologies.

By acquiring green skills and building expertise in some of these areas, the youth will be at the forefront of driving innovation and development of green technologies and sustainable business practices that will address environmental challenges and have impacts in peoples’ lives. For instance, they can create innovative start-ups and social enterprises that focus on renewable energy, waste management, sustainable agriculture, and eco-friendly products and services. These initiatives will not only contribute to Africa’s economic growth but also foster environmental sustainability on the continent.

With their understanding and knowledge of green skills and sustainable practices, young people in Africa will be better placed to engage with local, national, and international policymakers to express their concerns and demand sustainable policies and regulations to promote climate justice and a greener economy. They can as well connect with their counterparts from different parts of the world to exchange ideas and collaborate on international environmental initiatives targeted at creating a sustainable future.

• Hameed Muritala, Ilorin, Kwara State.

Sir: Nigeria’s northern neighbour has been in the news for two fortnights now. With the coup d’état that has suspended the poor nation’s constitution for a military dictatorship, I will call it Niger without the Republic. It’s the same way I question the ‘democratic’ in DR Congo.

Niger’s coup exposed what we have already known: age-long and continuous imperialism by mainly Western powers and the continuous and expanded scramble for Arica with Russia and China in recent years wanting their slices.

Nigeriens, like the Burkinabe, Malians and Guineans used the Russia-facilitated coups as cover to break off the yoke of France and its puppet leaders.

However, what I find indefensible is the way Nigeriens openly endorsed Russia. Ironically, they celebrated their 63rd Independence anniversary some days after the coup with equal number of Russian flags as Nigerien flags. It is akin to breaking from the French jail to march into Russia’s, except if independence means ability to freely choose who will exploit your land.

History has shown us that whether it is Royal Dutch Shell exploring Niger Delta’s crude, the Soviet pioneering the never completed Ajaokuta “Steal”, Chinese illegally mining here and there, West or East, democracy or dictatorship, capitalism or communism, their only target is to suck Africa dry. 

We are awash with series of stories of the quantity and quality of the mineral resources making her the bride of the rest of the world. The question is: what are Africans themselves doing about their God-given resources? How does redirecting uranium to Russia simply because France powers their homes with it give you light? Russia will only sell weapons at inflated prices for you to continue killing yourselves.

We claim to have all these resources and yet are on our knees begging raw wheat from Ukraine and Russia. We boast of our land, which is the most arable in the world. We continue to push more people to join the over 60 percent that are on the farms, yet we are hungry. While the Netherlands that lies below water level has less than two percent of its population as farmers can feed the whole world.

What is the quantity and quality of yield we get per hectare?

Africa cannot continue to brag about being rich in timber that we log, then are charged in tons to export in foreign ships only for them to return to us as lighter expensive furniture.

We cannot continue to blame the colonial masters or expecting their affirmations more than half a century after their departure. India that is on its way to the moon was also colonised by Britain. So was Malaysia, Australia and many others.

Africa’s revolution lies in realising her real resource does not lie beneath her feet, but between her ears; it this population that should be harnessed for its greater good.

Africa’s worth is in producing a new set of leaders that will represent Africa making decisions anchored on what is good for her and not what a former imperialist thinks. Of what use is ECOWAS and other sub regional blocs if there is more trade by individual countries with its former colonial master than its neighbours? Is it not a shame that it is easier, cheaper and faster to fly from Lagos to Paris than top fly from Lagos to Yaoundé? It is like that along all African routes.

We await a generation that will combine its titanium, aluminium, tantalite, graphite and co. to produce its own communication tool; people that make its cocoa into chocolate, crude oil into petrol and hides into shoes. An Africa whose products, brands and philosophy will be competitive on the global stage.

• Ayodele Okunfolami, Festac, Lagos.

Sir: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has assigned portfolios to his ministers-designate bringing an end to weeks-long speculation, but also bringing to the fore, new discussions and analyses on the ministers’ portfolios and the new ministries created.

In Tinubu’s ministerial portfolios, there are surprises, and there were no surprises, so to speak.

In most democracies, ministers are selected from politicians who contributed to victory at the polls and from technocrats with strong professional track records. Cabinet ministers are not just a team, but a collection of great thinkers—silicon valley-thinkers—men and women who can move the government with the speed of the imagination of most Nigerians, and their sense of judgment must be centred on the challenges of unlocking the future for ordinary Nigerians and also bring new thinking and synergy to the public sector’s role in providing for the needs of all Nigerians.

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Most Nigerians expect Tinubu’s ministers to be not just members of the cabinet, but to add value to governance; they must be propellers for greater equality of opportunity for all Nigerians. They must be able to build a system that will swing the government away from the traditional methodology of concentrating on only the ‘off-the-shelf way of improving society. 

Some Nigerians are complaining that Tinubu’s cabinet has too many politicians. However, the truth is, a right-thinking president brings on board top-notch grassroots politicians to hold the political front for him when the need arises. President Tinubu and the Abdullahi Ganduje-led APC should, as a matter of ‘need’ maintain and ‘oil’ that area. This is where the synergy between the executive and party supremacy comes into play.

President Tinubu and the APC, as a matter of policy and politics, should make sure that those appointed as ministers know what is expected of them. A ministerial appointment is a call for a national assignment. Nigerians expect ministers not only to saddle themselves with the responsibilities within their respective portfolios but also to be team players that will bring feasible ideas and be at par with local and global realities. Nigeria will be keen to see new ideas for fighting poverty, tackling the skyrocketing prices of food commodities, improving electricity supply, and finding new ways to fight insecurity in the north and southeast, etc.

On the political side, apart from supporting the president, ministers should see themselves as the ‘faces’ of the APC in their respective communities; their political presence and contact with locals are very important.

For example, during the 2019 presidential elections, most of Buhari’s first-term appointees especially from the north, became mere spectators in their states due to their weak link with the grassroots. Tinubu’s ministers may find themselves in such situations if they operate with weak links with the grassroots and poor rapport with the public.

On the other hand, there are some young people in Tinubu’s cabinet so many eyes will be on them. Their performance or underperformance will greatly impact youths’ participation in governance and politics, as well as give the Tinubu government the ‘strength’ to boast that youths are adequately represented in the government. This will also create a strong link between the government and the youth, who form more than half of Nigerian voters. This would also serve as an impetus for a good image and a sound political strategy for the All Progressive Congress (APC) because young people’s political participation and engagement in governance are essential at this moment.

Lastly, President Tinubu should, as a matter of importance, be firm in assessing every member of his cabinet. Non-performing ministers should be replaced quickly so as not to lose time, and also keep others on their toes.

• Zayyad I. Muhammad, Abuja.

Sir: Landed properties have proven to be one of the most visible indicators of personal wealth. As they are easily identified and immovable, it makes generating revenue from them relatively easy for both landlords and governments. In most OECD countries, property taxes account for 1-2 percent of their Gross Domestic Product (GDP), while in other countries collection amounts to only 0.1 – 0.2 percent of their GDP.

Revenue potentials from the property related taxes include Land Use Charge, Capital Gains Tax, Withholding Tax on rental income, personal income on rental income, stamp duties, building plan approvals, ratification and regularisation fees.

Although Nigeria’s real estate market has been valued at an estimated $56 billion and our urban-centric economic growth/continued urbanisation boost real estate values whilst generating enormous wealth for property owners, revenue from property tax remains abysmally low compared to other countries.

Property taxes are widely recognised as an economically efficient and progressive revenue source; the current revenue compared to the size of the Nigerian economy show that the enormous potential has not been fully tapped by the country’s sub national governments.

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In most states, the processes in place for tax collection are inefficient and ineffective, leading to lost revenue. The current systems are characterised by weak or nonexistent legal frameworks, inefficient property enumeration, narrow coverage of issued assessments, non-delivery of assessment notices, and inadequate enforcement mechanisms.

In order to drive an efficient and effective property tax system, we need a strong legal framework partnered with a robust IT platform with Geographic Information Systems, GIS property identification features, and the ability to seamlessly handle identification of properties in the state. There also needs to be a working system for preparation of tax rolls, issuing tax bills, collecting taxes, responding to assessment appeals, dealing with arrears, and payment enforcement. Most importantly, our tax system will benefit from the integration of useful data relating to properties, owners, and occupants which are currently siloed in different government departments.

Finally, in pursuance of our dream for an effective property tax system, addressing the issue of ‘well connected’ individuals, who use their power to frustrate the system must be of utmost importance. It is therefore incumbent on governors to demonstrate political will to collect revenue from this viable source and plug all necessary loopholes.

• =Ayo Alli-Balogun, FCIT, Lagos.

By Tunde Olusunle

Arriving in Johannesburg, South Africa in June 2010 to join in the excitement of the first-ever FIFA World Cup hosted by an African country, I got my first ever baptism of entrapment in an elevator. I was on the trip with two very good friends, Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo and Femi Olatunde, journalists like me, both of whom unfortunately are no more with us. We walked across from our hotel in the highbrow Sandton district in Johannesburg to the official address of the Nigerian delegation to the tournament in the same district. We would suddenly find ourselves with about a dozen others trapped in the cavernous belly of the hotel elevator, as we made to visit the floor in the hospitality facility hosting our compatriots, to share in the carnival mood.

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Former Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu and his colleague in the House of Representatives, Emeka Ihedioha were co-leaders of the Nigerian delegation. SuperSports soccer pundit, Gavin Hunt of South Africa was indeed in the lift with us. The hotel authorities kept reassuring us the maintenance team was on its way. We would later learn they were unfortunately held up by the traffic gridlock in Johannesburg on that day by the mammoth street party engendered by the opening ceremony of the global competition that Saturday June 11, 2010. Thankfully we were rescued after over an hour of a virtual face-to-face with death. I’ve endeavoured ever since to be quartered on hotel floors I can easily hop through, where available.

Elevator snarls are indeed a global phenomenon. Onetime deputy governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, (CBN), Kingsley Moghalu and his wife Maryanne were reported to have been trapped in a hotel elevator in the dailies on Monday August 13. While the place of occurrence was not mentioned, the Moghalus were holed up in the facility, stuck between two floors for 30 minutes before help finally came. A relieved Maryanne Moghalu would thereafter encourage people to always pray before leaving their homes every day, not forgetting to read Psalms 91.

The globality of unforeseen elevator malfunctions is further exemplified by a recent tragedy on Thursday August 4, in India. A 73-year old Indian granny died in an elevator free fall at the Paras Tierea building. The septuagenarian, according to accounts, took the lift at the eighth floor destined for the ground floor. The device developed a fault and its wires snapped. She was accessed after 45 minutes, taken to the hospital but sadly didn’t make it. Dhirendra Singh, member of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly, the catchment where the incident occurred in India immediately called for the implementation of the “Lift Act”. He made the call during his meeting with Yogi Adityanath, chief minister of Uttar Pradesh after the recent elevator catastrophe in the state.

Over the ages, elevator accidents which characteristically come with severe casualties have been reported from some of the most advanced nations in the world. From the United States of America, (USA) through Australia, to Brazil, England, Spain, Austria, Cambodia, Canada, China, Chile, Germany,  Indonesia, Iran, Israel, Hong Kong, Netherlands, Turkey, South Korea, elevator tragedies have occurred. Such mishaps have been adduced to defective doors, irregular speed, falls into shafts and sundry technical hiccups. Injuries can also be very fatal. Global best practices demand that lifts are regularly and thoroughly inspected, maintained and repaired.

The Tuesday August 1, elevator malfunction which claimed the life of the precocious 24-year old Vwaere Diaso at the Lagos State General Hospital, Odan, is a wakeup call. Instructively, the Babajide Sanwo-Olu administration has moved quickly to interrogate the tragedy. It intends to ascertain the exact cause, technical or otherwise, of that incident. For an elevator reportedly procured and installed just two years ago, could it have been a genuine mechanical problem or an orchestration in the dog eat dog business environment prevalent in our parts? Subject to a thorough and dispassionate inquest, sanctions will be appropriated while pre-emptive measures will also be put in place to forestall a recurrence. The inquisition must be as dispassionate as possible and must not degenerate into unnecessary scapegoating of particular individuals or entities.

For an accident which occurred in a hospital environment, who were the first responders? Were Diaso’s colleagues and other workers in that community quick off the blocks?

The jab-in-the-arm by the way is not for the Lagos State Government alone but for Nigerians and the world at large. Before the recent painful development, the Sanwo-Olu administration had hitherto been applauded for its proactive approach and innovation in healthcare management in the state. His government initiated the “One Health Paradigm” to improve public health infrastructure and services in the state. He has been consistent in implementing programmes in key priority areas a major component of which is the systematic improvement and transformation of health institutions across the state. The infrastructural intervention was informed by the need to create a sustainable maintenance regime that will retain the standards of movable and immovable hospital facilities. The aim is to ensure that hospitals provide immediate and qualitative healthcare services to the public. This culminated in the evolution of a maintenance framework by the administration for medical and indeed other facilities in the state.

Developed by the Lagos State Infrastructure and Asset Management Agency, (LASIAMA), the model culminated in the engagement of facility management outfits. They are entrusted with coordinating the scheduled maintenance of all state government-owned hospital assets and equipment as may be required. This is achieved through the employment of a bouquet of skilled artisans and technicians serving as support workers. LASIAMA has since established a standard facility administration template in all the maternal and childcare centres, (MCCs); infectious disease hospital, (IDHs), Yaba; General Hospital, Odan and the Doctors’ Quarters in Lagos Island General Hospital. The Lagos State University Teaching Hospital, (LASUTH); Lagos State University College of Medicine, (LASUCOM); Burns and Trauma Centre in LASUTH Annex, Gbagada, are also covered by the same maintenance framework. Lagos Island Maternity Hospital; Lagos State Accident and Emergency Centre located by the old Lagos-Ibadan tollgate, and the Folarin Coker Staff Clinic in the State Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, are all served by the same structure.

Kunle Adesanya, Head of the Facility Management Unit, LASIAMA, reminds of the priority placed by the Sanwo-Olu government on efficient healthcare delivery in the state. This he observes has informed the heavy investment of the government in the entire gamut of the healthcare sector in the state to ensure the seamless performance of medical practitioners. Godwin Akhaboa, Medical Director of the Isolo General Hospital corroborates Adesanya, extolling the aggregate efficiency of LASIAMA. Akhaboa speaks of “proactive maintenance” which will assist the preservation of physical structures and facilities. His counterpart, Adebola Mustapha of the Maternal and Child Centre, Eti-Osa is on the same page. The LASIAMA prototype, begun in 2019, has opened up job spaces for an average of 40 non-clinical staffers in each medical facility being served by it. By productively and sustainably engaging such numbers as cleaners and multi-specialty artisans, LASIAMA has been helping in the mitigation of youth unemployment.

We must collectively interrogate our facility management regimen across sectors. Dysfunction of facilities and devices are not limited to government-owned institutions. Public buildings, offices, schools, hotels, shopping plazas are susceptible to such unforeseen disasters. The period of the suspension of the service providers engaged by LASIAMA on account of the August 1, incident, should be for deep reflection and retrospection not only by the agency, but everyone. The Lagos State Government must mete out very severe punitive measures where cases of ethical infractions and procedural negligence are established after thorough investigation. LASIAMA and owners of structures and monuments served by such sensitive components should collaborate in developing solutions to mitigate future occurrence. How best can elevators, escalators and so on, be deployed sustainably without putting users at risk?

Unfortunately, somewhat bearing the brunt of the incident for now is another promising lady, Adenike Adekanbi who was appointed to the position of General Manager of LASIAMA in July 2019 from available reports. She must have been delivering on her mandate, from all indications, till the accident. Can a miscarriage of justice be avoided at the end of the day? LASIAMA should impress on its consultants the need to have well-trained elevator maintenance personnel on 24-hour standby in as many of its facilities as possible. This may be the time to speak with vendors and installers of such equipment for the cultivation of engineers and technicians with such specialised skills. LASIAMA can only help its concessionaires to improve upon their services.

Olusunle, PhD, poet, journalist, scholar and author is a member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors, (NGE).

By Ahmad Danyaro 

In a world increasingly divided, the discourse on any societal or national concern is a crowded arena where supporters and opponents converge with equal fervour. However, amid this cacophony of opinions, it is imperative to reflect on the potential chaos looming over West Africa if the unsettling trend of coup d’états, epitomized by recent events in Niger, remains unchecked by resolute opposition from ECOWAS and other concerned stakeholders.

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History’s lessons, though swiftly forgotten, serve as a stark reminder of the atrocities inflicted upon the West African region under military rule. The journey to democracy in most countries was paved with sacrifice, marked by the blood, sweat, and tears of citizens who dared to challenge the tyranny of military regimes. 

From Sierra Leone to Liberia, Guinea to the Gambia, and Nigeria, the tolls exerted by coups have been counted in thousands of lives lost. The brutal suppression of pro-democracy protests by the Guinean junta and Nigeria’s tumultuous decades of successive coup d’états had thwarted the establishment of robust rule of law and policy frameworks essential for economic prosperity. 

Even smaller nations like Liberia and Sierra Leone were not spared the grip of military rule’s adverse effects. These nations sacrificed thousands of lives and squandered precious decades that could have been directed towards realizing lofty economic visions within otherwise stable societies. 

While coups might promise fleeting relief, the reality in almost every coup-infested nation reveals a different story. The reason is evident: prosperity thrives on the foundation of culture, order, and established patterns, attributes fundamentally absent in the DNA of military governance. 

Soldiers are trained to defend nations against insurrection and external threats, yet prolonged leadership often skews their role into an uncharted territory that leads to unintended consequences. 

Despite arguments suggesting that people yearn for good governance, food security, and protection of lives, proponents of military rule overlook a critical aspect. While coup leaders may articulate lofty goals, their lack of practical understanding becomes evident when it comes to implementation. Copious evidence throughout West Africa’s post-colonial history reveals this dissonance. 

In their attempts to conceal incompetence, coup leaders frequently resort to tyranny, gross human rights abuses, and the suppression of opposition voices. Moreover, the paradox of overthrowing democratically elected leaders inadvertently grants legitimacy to future coup attempts, fostering an atmosphere of mutual distrust and suspicion detrimental to growth and stability. The inadequacy of their training and qualifications leaves military leaders ill-equipped to navigate the complexities inherent in governing civilian societies. 

The argument to avoid addressing coups for fear of inciting conflict is not without merit. The complex challenges Nigeria faces, from internal insecurity to economic struggles, must not overshadow the region’s broader responsibilities. The case of Sierra Leone and Liberia serves as a stark reminder that unresolved issues can quickly escalate into burdens that transcend national borders. 

A glimmer of hope emerges when we examine history for precedent. The notion that coup plotters cannot be removed without widespread bloodshed is debunked by Nigeria’s own history. The Nigerian Army’s intervention in Sierra Leone, where Johnny Paul Koroma’s junta ousted the democratically elected Dr. Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, resulted in Kabbah’s eventual reinstatement. Kabbah led Sierra Leone out of a decade-long civil war and secured a landslide re-election victory in 2002. 

While circumstances may differ, Sierra Leone’s case demonstrates that alternatives to military rule are feasible. The path forward demands innovative approaches, but the past provides a blueprint for inspiration. 

Ironically, the debates surrounding resistance to coup d’états often unfold against a backdrop of historical conflicts ignited or exacerbated by the high-handedness and poor governance of military regimes. Samuel Doe’s Liberia in the 1980s and J.S. Momoh’s Sierra Leone in the 1990s serve as poignant examples of this phenomenon.

 The intricate socio-economic dynamics underpinning coup d’états are no secret to Nigerians above the age of 40. Coup plotters exploit societal discontent, capitalizing on frustrations that democratically elected leaders in the West African region have perennially struggled to address.

 The recipe is simple: a small but audacious group of shrewd manipulators within the army leverages widespread dissatisfaction to upend civilian governments. While the formula may be straightforward, the contentious debates surrounding coup d’états’ legality upon each occurrence remain perplexing and frustrating. 

In conclusion, the pursuit of good governance and its dividends must remain unwavering, but the allure of military regimes’ specious narratives must be met with scepticism. The region can ill-afford the destabilizing wave of coups that have historically plagued West Africa. 

While the desire to avoid conflict is universal, the grim reality of coups remains a potent destabilizing force. The speed with which regional and continental bodies swiftly condemn and suspend from membership countries with coups has sent notice that such power grabs are no longer tolerated and that membership goes with certain standards and principles – and coups are not one of them. 

In the Africa of old, military dictators hung on to power for as long as they wished and received no censure from fellow leaders. But now groupings like SADC, ECOWAS and the African Union are loudly opposed to unconstitutional changes of government and those involved now know that they will be banned from the table of nations. 

 At a time when countries are increasing cooperation through inter-governmental bodies, the effects of isolation are quickly felt.  West Africa’s future hinges on its collective determination to break free from the cycle of military rule, preserve democratic values, and foster lasting stability. The lessons of history stand as a clarion call, urging the region to reject the false promises of coups and forge a path towards a prosperous, united, and democratic future.

Danyaro wrote in from Abuja.

By Mike Kebonkwu

It is a historical fact that the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) used to be the toast of the masses in mobilizing to protect the economic well-being of the people from neo-colonial infused economic theories foisted on our governments.  This appears not to be the case anymore as the organized labour has hardly succeeded in engaging the government on any national issue affecting the survival of the mass of the people in economic terms.  What is probably obvious not only to cynical minds is that the NLC has since lost steam in mass mobilization for progressive protest to challenge asphyxiating economic policies of the government like we had in the vibrant struggles of the 1980s and 1990s.

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The relative importance and success of the NLC is limited to pockets of trade disputes it has managed to pull through for some workers in some industries and establishments.  The problem of the NLC may not be unconnected with leadership quality and ideological clarity which appears to be in decline. This came out clearly during the one day half-hearted protest against the removal of petrol subsidy removal three weeks ago.  They managed to get the president’s attention for a parley which came out poorly handled with equally poor negotiation skill as the only thing was about palliative which to them was on salary hike for workers.  Petrol subsidy removal is not about workers or a trade dispute; it is about the survival of the economy of the nation and the masses.  The parley with the government ended up as a demobilization of the citizenry and face saving for the NLC leadership that has no appetite for engagement. 

Now the same NLC is threatening again to embark on total, comprehensive and indefinite nationwide shutdown of the country as credited to its leader, Joe Ajaero should the petrol price go up further from the current N617 per litre.  Protest again, to what end; what is the take away of the last protest?  One is not too sure whether the labour leader has taken a good stock of itself before threatening to test its popularity once again as relying only on the gluttony of the ever uncritical minds may just be wool.    

Some policy wonks and intellectual merchants have always seen removal of petrol subsidy as a quick-fix and cure all for the dazed economy.  It was therefore not difficult for the president to put it casually in his inaugural speech that ‘petrol subsidy is gone’.  It was bold, audacious and received with mixed feelings but the consequences have led to a ceaseless haemorrhage in the economy ever since.  The removal has left the masses palpitating and gasping for breath.

The NLC struggle has become selfish lately for “stomach infrastructure” to satisfy the appetite of its officials since the time of the eloquent charismatic Comrade Adam Oshiomhole now a senator of the federal republic.  The rank of fiery activists and ideologue of the labour movement has been driven away by opportunistic leadership just to consolidate unquestionable hold on the union.  For the current NLC president, Comrade Ajaero, with very doubtful pedigree in radical progressive labour unionism, he has the misfortune of double tragedy of being caught between NLC involvement in partisan politics through the Labour Party and the ethnic politics.  He also probably lacks the knowledge of history of NLC engagement with other affiliates to challenge successive regime for economic improvement of the lot of the masses.  To him, labour struggle starts and ends with bread and butter for select few and enjoyment of perks of office.  This played out in the recent half-hearted one day protest against the petrol subsidy removal which fizzled out immediately he was invited to Aso Rock Villa to meet with Mr President with his team.  He called off the protest without securing tangible evidence on amelioration of the impact of subsidy removal for the masses leaving the people frustrated and disappointed.  

Engagement in socio-economic issues with government is not to be seen as labour driven.  It is for the masses of the people, labour inclusive with clear-headed leadership to marshal the demand of the people.

Over the years, the people had looked up to the NLC to engage the government on anti-masses economic policies which it had successfully executed with purposeful leadership with ideological clarity, but not anymore.   Subsidy removal is not at all a labour issue; it is not a trade dispute.  It goes to the root of the foundation of the economic wellbeing of the masses and crisis of legitimacy of social contract with the people. 

The organized labour should not see the struggle against petrol subsidy removal as an opportunity to negotiate salary increment for workers in government employ that constitutes insignificant minority of the population.  We also have the informal and private sectors that are struggling to stay afloat and sustain their businesses with extreme difficulty.  Petrol subsidy removal is not a trade dispute between government and labour; so to just hide under removal of subsidy to negotiate pay rise for workers and go back to sleep is treacherous and betrayal of the masses who are left with the short end of the stick.  In any case, any salary increment secured will also be lost to the monster of the outrageous gasoline price. 

Strike is a legitimate tool of engagement between employees and employers for the settlement of terms and conditions of work.  Protest on the other hand is a fundamental right of the people to make legitimate demand on government and institutions guaranteed by the constitution.  It goes hand in hand with its twin brother, the right to freedom of association and assembly.  Therefore, the NLC has the constitutional right with other affiliate bodies and masses of the people to engage in protest over any issue that affects the integrity and economic wellbeing of the people.  No court in all good conscience has the right to take away this right, and to do so under the guise of injunction procured by government officials is illegitimate. 

It is good to have organized protests with identifiable leadership for proper engagement and responsibility in the event of violence.  This was the reason the government was not able to manage the EndSARS protest which was spontaneous without known leadership and whose echo is still reverberating even from the grave.  If we believe that we do not want anti-democratic forces to challenge the legitimacy of the state, the basic civil rights of the people must be respected and guaranteed without crackdown.  We have people in government today, who were yesterday in the trenches of democratic struggle and at barricades during protest marches across the country.  It is shocking to say the least that the same people would not tolerate conceding to the people the same basic right when the table turns.

In the 1980s up till the 1990s, there were series of protests organized by organized labour and other interest groups like the ASUU, National Association of Nigeria Students (NANS) against harsh economic policies of government successfully without being partisan and sectarian like today’s dichotomy of religion and ethnicity, or other cleavages.  On subsidy removal and regular incremental pump price, no palliative in salary hike or tokenism to indigent citizens can completely take away the pain and hardship.  Government may have to go back to the drawing board which will not be a weakness and deal with the root cause of the problem rather than treat the symptoms. Building and fixing our refineries is at the foundation of the solution.  The NLC should carry out self-examination and purge itself of leadership mediocrity to regain its vibrancy and relevance to the people.

Kebonkwu Esq is an Abuja-based attorney.

By Victor Okeke

Sir: In the not-so-distant past, diseases like pneumonia, diarrhoea, and sexually transmitted infections were kept in check by readily available treatments. However, a concerning trend is now emerging as resistance to common medications surges, rendering these once manageable conditions increasingly difficult and expensive to treat.

Tuberculosis, malaria, and hospital-acquired infections, often referred to as nosocomial infections, are posing substantial challenges to healthcare systems worldwide due to the mounting resistance. Even effective first-line treatments struggle to counter these ailments as resistance continues to escalate.

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The World Health Organization (WHO), in its recently published 2022 World Malaria Report, has shed light on a troubling scenario. The report reveals that while malaria-related deaths in 2021 were 6,000 fewer compared to the previous year, they were still 9% higher than in 2019, prior to the pandemic’s outbreak. The number of malaria cases continued to rise, albeit at a slightly slower rate than in 2020. An estimated 247 million cases were reported in 2021, marking an increase from 245 million in 2020 and 232 million in 2019.

COVID-19-related disruptions played a significant role in exacerbating these figures. The disruptions during the peak pandemic years of 2020 and 2021 resulted in an additional 63,000 malaria deaths and 13 million cases. Nevertheless, global efforts have managed to avert approximately 185 million cases and almost a million deaths in 2021 alone, contributing to a cumulative total of two billion cases and 11.7 million deaths avoided since 2000.

The epicentre of this crisis is sub-Saharan Africa, bearing the heaviest burden of malaria. With 95% of the estimated 234 million cases and 96% of the 593,000 deaths recorded in 2021, the region is grappling with an alarming prevalence. Nigeria emerges as a stark example, representing 26.6% of global malaria cases and a staggering 31.3% of all malaria-related deaths.

Despite distributing 223 million rapid diagnostic tests and 242 million courses of Artemisinin-based Combination Therapy (ACT) in 2021, treatment-seeking rates in malaria-endemic countries remain disconcertingly low. In sub-Saharan Africa, only 66.5% sought treatment for their recent fevers between 2015 and 2021, a modest increase from 64.8% between 2005 and 2011. However, those who do seek care now benefit from higher usage rates of diagnostic tests and ACTs, which have shown a significant increase from 2005-2011 levels.

This growing crisis of drug resistance threatens the very core of malaria treatment. The emergence of resistance to artemisinin-based combination therapies (ACTs) in countries across Asia’s Greater Mekong Sub-region raises alarm bells, echoing the origins of chloroquine resistance. Notably, recent studies have unveiled disturbingly high treatment failure rates in Cambodia, Vietnam, and Thailand.

The loss of effectiveness of Chloroquine, once a potent tool against Plasmodium falciparum, the primary malaria-causing parasite, is another blow. Its replacement, sulfadoxine-pyrimethamine (SP), also experienced resistance within a few years of widespread use.

The spiralling resistance phenomenon largely stems from the irrational use of antimalarial drugs, including poor adherence, substandard medicines, and ill-conceived treatments. The use of artemisinin and its derivatives as monotherapies contributes to ACT resistance, while the misinformed use of chloroquine during the COVID-19 pandemic has further exacerbated resistance issues.

The implications of this crisis are dire, as the spread of drug-resistant malaria strains to other regions, especially sub-Saharan Africa, could pose severe health security risks. Presently, no alternative antimalarial medicine matches the effectiveness and tolerability of ACTs.

Antimicrobial resistance, a natural phenomenon where microbes develop genes enabling them to resist drugs, underscores the urgency of addressing this crisis. Factors like antimicrobial misuse, poor regulation, and infection control, and limited access to quality medicines contribute to the development and spread of resistance. The solution lies in comprehensive approaches that involve strengthening health systems, enhancing surveillance, regulating antimicrobial use, and promoting rational treatment practices.

The battle against antimicrobial resistance is complex and interconnected. Single interventions hold minimal impact, necessitating a holistic, multifaceted strategy backed by strong leadership and political commitment. As drug resistance continues to threaten global health, collaborative efforts are essential to halt its progress and secure a healthier future for all.

Victor Okeke, Centre for Social Justice, Abuja.

By Akinola Ayobami Steven

Sir: Democracy, the bedrock of governance, confronts anominous ebb in West Africa, where a series of military coups have unseated elected governments across Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Niger in the past three years. In the midst of this disquieting trend, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the regional institution with nearly half a century of history, finds itself at a pivotal juncture. The challenge to arrest this disconcerting pattern offers both prospects and pitfalls, placing the region in a nuanced and delicate equilibrium.

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Sierra Leone’s recent turmoil highlights this narrative, as senior military figures and individuals stand accused of orchestrating a coup against President Julius Bio. An intriguing twist emerges from Bio’s own past as a coup leader, injecting complexity into the unfolding drama. Echoing throughout these coup endeavours is the appeal to dire economic conditions that afflict some of the world’s most impoverished nations. For ECOWAS, this unsettling backdrop underscores a golden opportunity to assert its potency and resolve, unequivocally negating any perception of its impotence.

Central to this struggle stands Nigerian President Bola Tinubu, who helms ECOWAS and has galvanized fellow leaders to forge an unwavering front against these destabilizing uprisings. The regional entity, in showcasing its steadfast dedication to stability, has issued a stern ultimatum for the reinstatement of Niger’s ousted president, Mohamed Bazoum, underpinned by the implicit threat of coercive action if necessary. Yet, this unwavering stance encounters resistance from coup proponents in Mali and Burkina Faso, unveiling a unified alliance in solidarity with Niger’s junta.

The reverberations of Niger’s potential slide into military rule resonate far beyond its confines. As a linchpin in countering extremism across the Sahel, the nation’s stability assumes critical significance. A military takeover here could set off a chain reaction, unravelling the struggle against radicalism in neighbouring territories, including Nigeria. Furthermore, a successful coup execution not only corrodes ECOWAS’s authority but also normalizes the forceful usurpation of power.

The spectre of employing force to reinstate democratic order in Niger propels ECOWAS into a delicate predicament, requiring adept navigation of intricate geo-political intricacies. Niger’s expansive terrain and dispersed populace amplify the logistical complexities inherent in any military intervention. Adding a layer of complexity is the shadow of international entanglement, with Russia’s Wagner mercenary group pledging allegiance to the coup orchestrators. Amid this high-stakes geopolitical manoeuvring, global powers such as the United States, France, and Russia vie for supremacy, potentially metamorphosing Niger into an inadvertent theatre of rivalry.

Recalling Niger’s unwavering support for Nigeria during the tumultuous Nigerian civil war underscores the profound ties binding these nations. However, in the current climate of geopolitical tension, Niger’s democratic equilibrium hangs in the balance. The prospect of reverting the coup trend and re-establishing democratic norms hinges on ECOWAS’s adroit diplomatic manoeuvring and its capacity to synthesize judicious negotiation with resolute determination.

As West Africa treads this treacherous path, the fate of democracy teeters on a precipice. The collective responsibility of regional leaders, the mettle of ECOWAS, and the steadfast commitment of the global community to upholding democratic values will determine whether the region can navigate away from this tumultuous trajectory. In this intricate ballet between political aspirations and stability, the destiny of West Africa hinges on skillfully reconciling these intricate forces to ensure the triumph of democracy.

Akinola Ayobami Steven, akinolaa61@gmail.com