Category: Letters

  • Nigeria and the illusion of the “good old days”

    Nigeria and the illusion of the “good old days”

    Sir: It has become almost a national pastime in Nigeria to look back wistfully at the “good old days.” The Nigeria of the 1960s and 1970s is often painted as a lost paradise of honesty, communal spirit, and progress. In contrast, today’s Nigeria is lamented as hopelessly corrupt, unsafe, and unredeemable — so much so that “japa”, the quest to leave the country at all costs, has become the dream of millions. A suffocating hopelessness has settled like a fog, breeding the dubious belief that nothing good can come out of Nigeria anymore.

    But such sentiments are not uniquely Nigerian, nor are they new. Across cultures and centuries, every generation has glorified its own time while condemning the present.

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    Nigerians who glorify the past forget that the Nigeria of the 1960s and 1970s was also scarred by a brutal civil war, widespread poverty, military coups, and oppression of dissent. Corruption did not begin with “this generation.” In every age, there have been leaders with “teeth as swords,” who devoured the poor and needy, and elites whose lofty eyes looked down on the masses.

    Yet because memory is selective, we often see the past through rose-coloured glasses, while dismissing the present as irredeemable.

    This kind of nostalgia is dangerous. It feeds despair. It convinces young people that the Nigeria they inhabit is already beyond redemption. It justifies the flight of millions in search of hope elsewhere. While “japa” may offer individual escape, it also drains the nation of talent and accelerates the very decay we mourn. When everyone agrees that “Nigeria don spoil finish,” then no one feels responsible to repair it. Hopelessness becomes self-fulfilling.

    The wisdom of Proverbs warns us against this blindness. It calls each generation to examine its own filthiness rather than congratulating itself on imagined purity. For Nigeria today, this means asking hard questions: How do we honour what is good in our heritage while rejecting what is rotten? How do we confront arrogance, corruption, and exploitation in our time without drowning in despair?

    No generation has been free from stain. The “good old Nigeria” was never as pure as memory makes it. And “this generation” is not as hopeless as despair insists. Every era carries both seeds of destruction and seeds of renewal. The challenge is to stop romanticizing the past or demonizing the present, and instead to face our moment with honesty and courage.

    The destiny of Nigeria will not be determined by those who merely shake their heads at “this generation,” or by those who flee with hopelessness in their hearts. It will be determined by those who see clearly — that no age is pure, that every age must be washed, and that each generation has the responsibility to reject self-deception and build what is good.

    If we can see that, then Nigeria is not lost. But if we cling to the myth of the “good old days” and surrender to despair, then we will become exactly the kind of generation Proverbs warned us about: lofty in our eyes, yet unwashed in our filthiness, devouring our own poor, and excusing it all in the name of nostalgia. Then, we will have failed the test of justice, humility, and mercy. We must never surrender to the pull of hopelessness, because hopelessness is a myth built by those who fear effort.

    •Leonard Karshima Shilgba,shilgba@gmail.com

  • The realism of a new Nigerian constitution

    The realism of a new Nigerian constitution

    Sir: The question: Does Nigeria needs a new constitution is contemporaneous to asking the same question in the 70s whether Nigeria needed a new capital by jettisoning Lagos, the then Federal Capital Territory for a new place entirely. In the 70s, two options were opened to the Murtala Mohammed regime about the advisability of a new capital aside from Lagos.

    One is to remain in Lagos with its chaotic traffic and paucity of space for development befitting a capital of a Nigeria of our dream. Second is to move out of Lagos and be committed to financing a new capital that would be befitting and enhanced the country’s image in the comity of contemporary nations.

    The military chose the latter and today every Nigerian appears eternally proud of Abuja. There is no amount of panel beating by way of amendments by the National Assembly that can make the 1999 constitution promulgated by Decree 24 of 1999 the people’s constitution or mandate. Nigeria as a sovereign nation should have no iota of reason not be able to achieve anything capable of fundamentally moving the nation forward by way of progress, development and enhancement of the happiness of its teeming pluralistic society.

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    The time spent in drafting a new constitution out of the legions of amendments already made to the military-inspired 1999 constitution, should not be regarded as a waste. Prior to 1979, the Murtala regime proactively chose 50 constitutional expert lawyers to draw the 1979 constitution which it tagged “50 wise men”. At the end, they did a very good job and the 1979 constitution was only repealed in 1999 at the behest of the military on the eve of their handling over to the civilians.

    Enactment of a new constitution for the country should not create a new burden. There is no need for sponsoring new bills for the promulgation of a new constitution. Rather, the president should appoint 50 or so constitutional lawyers to look at the provisions of the 1999 constitution, the 2014 National Conference recommendations on fiscal federalism and such other judicial promulgations on constitutionalism and harmonise them to form the bedrock of a new constitution. Such experts could be given the next one full year to do and their outcome could be subjected to debates and people’s referendum.

    The people’s approval can then be sent to the National Assembly for passage and thereafter the president’s assent. Finally, like the issue of state police, we need to be careful not to be a nation of debaters without anything concrete done by way of results and physical outcomes. Nigeria is ripe for a new people’s constitution and achieving it should not constitute a bogey of endless debates and political recriminations.

    •Sunday Olagunju, Ibadan, Oyo State

  • Power outages and Nigeria’s digital economy dream

    Power outages and Nigeria’s digital economy dream

    Sir: Nigeria cannot hope to digitise its economy when its entrepreneurs and citizens spend more time and money generating power than generating innovation. Until the power supply is fixed, Nigeria’s ambition for a true digital economy will remain more rhetoric than reality.

     Private individuals and businesses have done more than their fair share. Many have moved from diesel to solar energy, inverters, and even bio-gas systems. Others have embraced energy-saving systems to reduce consumption. These efforts, while admirable, represent only coping mechanisms, not sustainable solutions.

     Generators, in particular, are a symbol of the broken system. Their drawbacks are well documented: unbearable noise, air pollution, escalating costs, and long-term health risks. For small businesses, the costs of fueling and maintaining generators eat deep into profits.

    The reality is stark: Nigeria cannot grow a digital economy on a foundation of noise and smoke. Power is not optional. It is the backbone of everything—data centres, fintech apps, e-commerce platforms, e-health systems, and even education technology.

    The government must take immediate steps to ease the burden while working on long-term fixes.

     First, the government must expand grid reliability in urban hubs. Quick fixes such as upgrading transformers, replacing broken distribution lines, and improving load management in major cities will directly benefit businesses. A reliable grid in commercial hubs like Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, and Kano will have a ripple effect on the economy.

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     Second, providing grants or tax incentives for SMEs to adopt solar and inverter systems will drastically reduce their dependence on generators. Also, widespread installation of prepaid meters and real-time monitoring of distribution will cut down on electricity theft and ensure that consumers only pay for what they use.

    Encouraging public-private partnerships to set up mini-grids powered by solar, hydro, or wind in high-density business clusters will also help. These can be scaled quickly and help to reduce pressure on the national grid.

     For the long haul, we must start with massive investment in renewable energy. A clear national roadmap to expand solar farms, small hydro dams, and wind energy will reduce reliance on fossil fuels. We need to urgently improve the energy mix diversification. Relying on gas alone is risky. Nigeria must diversify its energy mix by integrating coal, nuclear, and renewable power into the system. This makes the grid more resilient.

    The truth is simple: Nigeria’s digital economy cannot thrive without electricity. Fixing power is not just about lighting homes and businesses; it is about creating jobs, driving innovation, and attracting foreign investment.

    Reliable power supply is the number one signal that Nigeria is serious about transformation. Until then, the noise of generators will remain the sad soundtrack of our so-called digital economy.

    •Elvis Eromosele, elviseroms@gmail.com

  • U.S. visa vetting: Dignity beyond the embassy gate

    U.S. visa vetting: Dignity beyond the embassy gate

    Sir: As Nigerians approaching U.S. consulates face a demand to surrender years of digital memory, what was once personal correspondence, family laughter, political doubts, even moments of private grief, has now become searchable data. With that, a visa interview ceases to be a test of intention; it becomes a test of innocence, where dignity is traded for suspicion and identity is flattened into algorithms.

    What is framed in Washington as a matter of security is experienced in Abuja as a narrowing of possibility; a gatekeeping of opportunity wrapped in the language of safety.

    Far from scapegoating Nigeria, the U.S. has gradually rolled out expanded social media vetting requirements across the globe since 2019. Applicants for most U.S. visa categories from tourist to student to immigrant have been asked to disclose their handles and activities on platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and LinkedIn.

    Countries in South Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa have long borne the brunt of these checks, with visa seekers reporting extensive delays, denials without explanation, and an atmosphere of suspicion that stigmatizes entire populations as potential threats.

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    Nigeria has one of the largest populations of social media users in Africa, with Facebook alone hosting over 40 million accounts. Unlike societies where online use is limited, Nigerians live much of their civic and professional life online. From activists organizing to small businesses marketing fashion on Instagram, social media is the bloodstream of modern Nigerian life.

    To subject five years of this digital life to foreign scrutiny is not a neutral exercise. It risks criminalizing dissent, chilling expression, and exposing Nigerians to arbitrary interpretation of jokes, slang, or political critique.

    An activist’s satirical post against corruption, a doctor’s tweet on government failings, a student’s Facebook rant about hardship could become grounds for suspicion in a consular officer’s eyes. In effect, ordinary Nigerians will be judged by their digital shadows.

    Certainly, governments have a duty to keep their borders safe. Yet evidence on the effectiveness of social media vetting remains weak.

    The Brennan Centre for Justice and the Centre for Democracy & Technology have noted that there is little proof that scanning visa applicants’ Facebook accounts prevents violent extremism. Instead, the policy risks drowning consular staff in irrelevant information while reinforcing stereotypes that entire countries are breeding grounds of insecurity.

    For Nigeria, the blanket suspicion undermines Nigeria’s reputation as a partner in global security and business. It paints its youth, entrepreneurs, and professionals as guilty until proven innocent, with Facebook timelines as the courtroom.

    Nigerian academics already face hurdles in securing U.S. visas, with stories of missed conferences, delayed fellowships, and revoked admissions.  For young founders, the prospect of having every Facebook post scrutinized by a visa officer is more than an inconvenience; it is a reputational risk that could cost on U.S. partnerships, venture capital, and accelerator programs. Investors wary of uncertain mobility may simply redirect resources elsewhere, weakening Nigeria’s global competitiveness.

    At its core, the requirement raises questions of dignity. Should a Nigerian professional, who has never committed a crime, have to surrender five years of private conversations, political views, or even personal grief shared online to secure entry into another country?

    The policy risks exporting America’s anxieties to Nigeria while diminishing Nigerians’ right to self-expression.

    For a nation that prides itself on resilience and creativity, this could feel like an assault on national pride. It sends a message that Nigeria’s millions are too suspect to be trusted, their Facebook timelines weaponised against them. It risks reinforcing a narrative of exclusion at precisely the time when Nigeria seeks to expand its global voice.

    Nigeria cannot simply accept these measures in silence. Diplomatically, it must engage the U.S. to argue for fairer, more evidence-based security practices that target genuine threats rather than entire populations.

    The visa debate is about the ethics of mobility in a world where borders are becoming firewalls and where social media footprints have become political liabilities. For Nigerians, it is a reminder that the struggle for dignity is now waged not only in parliaments and courts, but in the algorithms and archives of platforms like Facebook.

    The struggle for fairer visas is a struggle for recognition that privacy is a right, that opportunity should not require self-erasure, and that dignity does not stop at the embassy gate.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Road carnage: Urgent need for driver education stronger law enforcement

    Road carnage: Urgent need for driver education stronger law enforcement

    Sir: In recent times, Nigeria has witnessed a disturbing rise in the number of road accidents, claiming the lives of countless citizens and leaving many others injured or incapacitated. The recent fatal crashes involving trucks belonging to Dangote Cement Company are only a tip of the iceberg. There have been several other cases involving the vehicles of other organisations and individuals.

    Behind the headlines lies a deeper and systemic problem that has for too long been ignored. These include inadequate driver training, the proliferation of unlicensed drivers, compromise at driver licensing centres, and weak enforcement of traffic laws.

    According to the World Health Organization (WHO), Nigeria is among the Countries with the highest road traffic fatalities in Africa, with thousands of deaths recorded annually. These crashes are not mere accidents; they are preventable tragedies, largely caused by human error and systemic negligence.

    The National Road Traffic Regulations (NRTR 2012), particularly Sections 42–45, 46:7 & 8, 57, and 110, clearly mandate that every driver, especially commercial vehicle operators, must undergo pre-licence theory and practical lessons, as well as annual post-licence refresher training in standard approved driving schools and allied institutes.

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    Most of the government and private sector organisations that do sponsor their drivers for refresher training programmes believed they were doing the drivers favour without knowing that their failure is a violation of the Road Traffic law. If drivers not sponsored for regular and standard training programmes are involved in fatal road accidents or crashes, such organisations can be held guilty and liable for violating the duty of care under the Manslaughter Act while such drivers will also be charged for manslaughter or murder as the case may be.

    Furthermore, the law prescribes specific classes of licences, ensuring that drivers are properly trained and certified to handle the categories of vehicles they operate.

    Nigeria cannot continue to lose her citizens to road crashes that can be prevented through proactive policies and enforcement. There is an urgent need for the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) to take the lead by constituting a high-powered Committee on Driver Education and Traffic Law Enforcement.

    This committee should include representatives from the Federal Ministry of Transportation, Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC), Directorate of Road Traffic Services (VIOs), Institute of Driving Instructors of Nigeria (I-DIN), transport unions and stakeholders.

    The mandate of this committee would be to design a workable National Action Plan that ensures strict adherence to pre-licence and post-licence training requirements, enforcement of the appropriate classes of driver licences, particularly for articulated vehicle drivers (Class G) and convoy vehicle drivers (Class V), closure of loopholes and eradication of compromise at driver licence centres and continuous public education and awareness campaigns on traffic laws and road safety.

    The committee should ensure wholesome use of advanced technology in traffic law enforcement in all the 36 States and FCT, harmonisation of the FRSC database with the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) database and the Bank Verification Numbers for ease of enforcement and penalty payments.

    Nigeria cannot afford to treat road safety with levity any longer. Every life lost on our roads is not just a statistic—it is a father, mother, child, technocrat, breadwinner, or leader whose absence leaves a permanent void in families, communities and the Nation. Beyond the human cost, road accidents drain the economy through medical expenses, loss of productivity, and damage to infrastructure.

    It is time for the federal government, through the SGF’s office, to act decisively. Setting up a national committee on driver education and traffic law enforcement is not just an administrative necessity—it is a moral responsibility to protect Nigerian lives.

    We must remember that safe roads are not a privilege—they are a right. With the right policies, strict enforcement, and collective responsibility, Nigeria can drastically reduce road traffic crashes and save thousands of lives. A stich in time saves nine.

    •Jide Owatunmise, Lagos

  • Celebrating Nigeria’s ‘Bin Laden moment’

    Celebrating Nigeria’s ‘Bin Laden moment’

    • By Chiechefulam Ikebuiro

    Sir: Osama Bin Laden was a case for America. He was a pain in the neck. Their number one enemy. For years, he inflicted terror and grief on the American government and her people. So, when US forces finally captured and killed him, and had him buried at sea, it was not just a military victory- it was a national exorcism.

    I remember flipping between CNN and Fox News that day as Americans poured into the streets, chanting “America, America, America,” after President Barack Obama announced Bin Laden’s death. That collective outburst was not just celebration, it was a signal to the world that Americans were united and would not allow their enemies succeed.

    Last week, the National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu announced the arrest of Mahmud Muhammad Usman, leader of the al-Qaeda-linked Ansaru sect, and Mahmud al-Nigeri, leader of the Mahmuda militant group. According to the NSA, these men have long been wanted internationally for coordinating brutal attacks on civilians, security forces, and critical infrastructure.

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    This is no small feat. This is Nigeria’s “Bin Laden moment.” Yet, we let it slip past like an evening breeze. No national address. No deliberate attempt to turn this into a morale booster for our people. For years, we have been flogged by the whip of terrorism with our villages burned, our soldiers ambushed, our children kidnapped. Surely, we deserve the dignity of savouring a win

    A short presidential broadcast would have sufficed, both to reassure Nigerians and to send a chilling message to the remnants of these terrorists. Silence in moments of triumph only emboldens those hiding in the shadows.

    Make no mistake, this is a big win. But our fight is far from over. Security agencies must now be armed not just with weapons, but with the political will, funding, and intelligence network required to sustain this onslaught. Already, reports suggest some of these terrorists are considering surrender. That is good but let us not be naïve. The fish may be dead, but its eyes are still watching. A terrorist who lays down his weapon today may still be plotting tomorrow.

    And so, I say, we cannot afford to let off the gas. We must pursue this campaign with the single-mindedness of a farmer chasing locusts from his field- if you leave a few behind, your harvest will still perish.

    In the end, the real victory will not be when a few leaders are arrested, but when the ordinary Nigerian can travel from Maiduguri to Makurdi, from Zamfara to Zuba, without fear of being snatched or slaughtered.

    Until then, every win must be celebrated, not just for symbolism, but for the psychological warfare it wages against those who dare to terrorize us.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro,

    chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com

  • WASCE: Thriving on a rigged education system?

    WASCE: Thriving on a rigged education system?

    • By John Amabolou Elekun

    Sir: The release of the 2025 West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASCE) results has left the country’s education system at a crossroads. At the heart of the controversy is the English Language paper, the foundation of every student’s academic and professional future.

    When the West African Examinations Council (WAEC) first announced the results, only 38 per cent of candidates had passed English. The figure was alarming, but it reflected what many educators already knew: the collapse of teaching standards, underfunded schools, and the lingering effects of years of instability.

    However, without explanation, WAEC revised the pass rate upward, to 62 per cent.

    When WAEC announced the 38 per cent pass rate, Nigerians may have been shocked, but they were not surprised. For years, teachers, parents, and students have been warning that the quality of learning is deteriorating. Poorly trained teachers, overcrowded classrooms, and lack of resources all point toward declining outcomes.

    But when WAEC suddenly inflated the pass rate to 62 per cent, it crossed from bad performance into outright betrayal. A 24 per cent surge cannot be explained by “review processes” or “standardisation”. It can only be explained by deliberate score manipulation designed to save face.

    Institutions live or die on trust. WAEC is supposed to be a guardian of merit and fairness. Instead, it chose deception. By rewriting failure as success, it undermines its own credibility and robs students of the one thing they desperately need: the assurance that hard work counts.

    Beyond the numbers, the very conditions under which many candidates sat for the English paper were degrading. Reports abound of students forced to write late at night, under poor lighting, sometimes in classrooms without electricity. Others faced overcrowding, noise, or intimidation from invigilators.

    This is not just inconvenience; it is malpractice. How can a child be expected to interpret literature or construct an essay under conditions where they can barely see the question paper? In such circumstances, the exam stops being a measure of knowledge and becomes a test of endurance. And endurance, as every Nigerian knows, is not distributed equally. Rural students, already disadvantaged by weaker schools, were hit hardest.

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    WAEC cannot claim to be measuring merit while presiding over chaos. If fairness means anything, then the only just solution is a properly supervised re-sit of English Language — and any other tainted subjects — for all 2025 candidates.

    This scandal cannot be allowed to fade into silence. The National Assembly has a duty to act. A legislative inquiry must be launched into the conduct of the 2025 WAEC English Language exam. Nigerians deserve answers to the following questions: Who authorised the revision of the pass rate? What processes were followed, and were they transparent? How can we ensure such manipulation never happens again?

    An independent audit of the results — with credible observers at the table — is essential. More broadly, the lawmakers must establish stronger oversight of WAEC. An institution with so much power over the futures of young Nigerians cannot be left to police itself.

    Education is the foundation of every society. It is where we decide whether to build citizens who trust their institutions or citizens who reject them. Nigeria cannot afford to keep failing at this foundation.

    The way forward is clear, and it demands urgency. The following steps must be taken to save the country’s educational system: WAEC must organise fresh English Language papers, and any other affected subjects, under transparent and humane conditions; government should provide immediate counselling services for affected candidates; an external review of the marking and grading process must be conducted, with independent observers; the National Assembly must take responsibility for monitoring WAEC’s operations and holding it accountable; and never again should students be subjected to exams in darkness, noise, or intimidation. Fairness must be non-negotiable.

    The credibility of Nigeria’s education system is hanging by a thread. WAEC cannot be allowed to escape accountability for the 2025 English exam fiasco. The numbers may have been revised, but the damage is real: to the confidence of our children, to the trust of parents, and to the integrity of our institutions.

    If Nigeria is serious about building a future, it must begin by protecting the credibility of its education system. Our children deserve honesty, fairness, and dignity. To deny them that is to rob the nation itself.

    •John Amabolou Elekun,

    Lagos  

  • Counterterrorism: What next after recent successes?

    Counterterrorism: What next after recent successes?

    • By Zayyad I. Muhammad

    Sir: Nigeria’s security agencies have achieved a remarkable breakthrough in the war against terrorism with the capture of two senior leaders of the Ansaru terrorist group, an Al-Qaeda-affiliated network notorious for orchestrating high-profile attacks and kidnappings across the country, particularly in Northern Nigeria.

    The arrested leaders, Mahmud Muhammad Usman of Ansaru and Mahmud al-Nigeri of the Mahmuda faction, are both internationally wanted terrorists whose activities have destabilized communities and threatened regional peace. Their capture represents not just a symbolic victory, but a substantial disruption of terrorist command structures within the region.

    This milestone has drawn widespread commendation from Nigerians and the international community alike. Special recognition has gone to the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, for his leadership in coordinating the high-risk, intelligence-driven operations between May and July that made this success possible. The operation involved sophisticated intelligence-sharing, inter-agency cooperation, and ground-level community collaboration, elements that reflect the growing professionalism of Nigeria’s counterterrorism strategy.

    While this is an achievement worth celebrating, the question remains: what next?

    Should Nigeria rest on this success, or use it as a springboard for broader and deeper security reforms?

    The arrests have underscored a critical truth: effective counterterrorism depends on three key pillars: intelligence gathering, the use of modern technology, and active participation by local communities. These are not one-off tools but continuous strategies that must be embedded into Nigeria’s national security framework.

    Going forward, the NSA and the security agencies must sustain the momentum and remain proactive. Terrorist groups such as Ansaru, ISWAP, Mahmuda, Boko Haram, and organized bandit networks specializing in ransom kidnappings and rural attacks will inevitably attempt to re-strategise. The likelihood of new leaders filling the vacuum left by these arrests is high, and with it comes the danger of retaliatory strikes.

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    Encouragingly, Nigeria’s international partners have acknowledged this achievement as a significant turning point. The United States government has approved a $346 million arms deal to strengthen Nigeria’s capacity to confront insurgency and criminal organizations. Beyond arms, this reflects a renewed confidence in Nigeria’s security leadership and provides an opportunity for deeper cooperation in intelligence, training, and technology transfer.

    Despite this progress, Nigeria still faces a complex, multidimensional security challenge. From terrorist groups operating in the Northeast, to bandits and kidnappers terrorizing the Northwest and North-central, to separatist violence in the Southeast and oil theft in the Niger Delta, insecurity continues to manifest in diverse forms. These challenges are interlinked and often fuel one another, meaning that victories in one area must be consolidated and expanded to prevent resurgence elsewhere.

    The capture of these high-profile terrorist leaders is, therefore, not an end but a beginning. It represents both an opportunity and a test: an opportunity to further weaken terrorist networks, and a test of Nigeria’s ability to sustain, scale, and institutionalize success. Mallam Ribadu and Nigeria’s security agencies must continue to receive commendation, resources, and unwavering political support to consolidate on this achievement and advance toward lasting peace and security for all Nigerians.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad,

    Abuja

  • Moratorium on establishment of tertiary institutions

    Moratorium on establishment of tertiary institutions

    Sir: A few days ago, the federal government announced that it has pressed the pause button on the bewildering speed at which tertiary educational institutions are being established for seven years. Minister of Education, Tunji Alausa, explained that the action was informed by the fact that, unlike before now, the issue of access is not much of a challenge but rather the matter of building the capacities of the existing ones and making them much more efficient.

    He put it lucidly thus: “What we are witnessing today is duplication of new tertiary institutions and a significant reduction in the carrying capacity of each institution and degradation of both physical infrastructure and manpower “. He said further: “If we do not decisively act, it will lead to marked decline in educational quality and undermine the international respect that Nigerian graduates command “.

    Before the federal authority also became neck deep in over proliferation of tertiary educational institutions, the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) had stridently called on the federal and state governments to apply the break for the dangers the trend portends. However, believing that access was desirable then and that it could be pursued with moderation, some well-meaning Nigerians including yours sincerely supported further expansion. This was reinforced by the country’s huge population and our thirst for higher education which has accelerated our cross borders search for higher education at humongous costs.

    Since this policy has been pronounced, some commentators have seen it as another harsh policy coming from the Tinubu’s administration. However, methinks it is not for the following reasons parts of which have been mentioned by the minister.

    One, the break is desirable because the processes of establishing them have been over politicized. As the minister has revealed, more than 200 bills on creation of new tertiary institutions are pending in the National Assembly. Proposing a bill for the establishment of a tertiary educational institution seems perhaps, the easiest legislative duty today in Nigeria for a lawmaker.

    Every constituency if not ward wants a federal tertiary educational institution, As a result of this political pressure, the processes and criteria of establishing them have been abused and breached thereby leading to unnecessary duplication with all its adverse effects on resources allocation and utilization. We need to pause and relate the quest for access to the available resources so that we don’t slide irredeemably in quality

    Two, this moratorium will also give us the time to carry out the desirable reforms of the rots, structural deficiencies, funding and mismanagement that have bedevilled our tertiary institutions today.

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    For example, the minister cited the case of an institution in the North where the staff strength is 1,200 as against students’ population of about 800.  Indeed, it is not only in the North we have this trajectory; it abounds all over the country. In fact, many of the tertiary institutions especially polytechnics and colleges of education with low students enrolment but higher staff strength, still, against their need, have more non-academic staff on their nominal rolls than the much needed academic staff.

    In another example, an institution in the South with student population of about 300 and staff strength of about 800 allegedly has 26 chief accountants among other categories of accountant on the accountant cadre! It is of course sad to note that in both federal and state owned institutions, people are ironically employed into joblessness. In recruitment, conditions of service, scheme of service, merit and federal character principles have all been replaced with the whims and caprices of the political class, the traditional title holders and the bureaucratic job merchants.

    Third, we need this moratorium to enable us to convene stakeholders’ conferences to review and reset the criteria for the establishment of new tertiary institutions in the country in national interest. No doubt, we also need this conference to discuss international best practices on the matters of university autonomy, funding and personnel management and to prepare grounds to key into them.

    It is true that we are in a democracy. As such, the public can make demands on the National Assembly and the executive duly elected by it. However, for the sake of national development, equity, and fairness, it is imperative that policy makers and policy carriers always endeavour to balance national interest with political discretion in matters of public policy.

    •Dr. Ademola Adebisi, Elizade University, Ilara-Mokin Ondo State

  • INEC and leadership test Nigeria must not fail in 2027

    INEC and leadership test Nigeria must not fail in 2027

    Sir: In every democracy, the ballot is sacred, but never neutral. Its credibility depends entirely on the integrity of those who manage it. Around the world, electoral commissions have proven to be either the guardians of democratic will or the architects of its betrayal.

    Even in mature democracies, the referee matters. The United States, once considered a gold standard, now grapples with declining trust in its electoral infrastructure. The UK has faced criticism over voter ID laws and disenfranchisement. These examples reveal that elections are won or lost not just by candidates, but by the credibility of those who oversee them.

    Nigeria’s electoral calendar has become increasingly fragmented. Off-cycle elections, once anomalies, now dominate the political landscape. While legally valid, they have created a perpetual campaign season that exhausts voters, strains institutions, and destabilizes

    The question of who leads INEC and how they are chosen is central. The rhythm of democracy is set not just by the calendar, but by the character of those who oversee it. And unless Nigeria rethinks how it selects and evaluates the leadership of its electoral commission, the 2027 elections risk being compromised before they begin—not by fraud alone, but by fatigue, distrust, and the slow erosion of civic faith.

    Succession within INEC must be guided by more than political calculation. It must be anchored in ethical screening that evaluates not just competence, but character. The individuals who oversee our elections must be shaped by civic purpose, not partisan loyalty. They must understand that their role is not to manage outcomes, but to protect the process.

    Leadership transitions within INEC occasioned by retirements, reappointments, or reshuffles are not mere administrative footnotes. They are constitutional inflection points. Yet too often, these successions unfold in silence, negotiated behind closed doors, shielded from public scrutiny. This opacity undermines trust.

    Nigeria must move beyond substitution toward institutional transformation, anchoring succession as a civic covenant in integrity, transparency, and accountability. While INEC operates within a hierarchical civil service culture, the process can be incrementally democratized.

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    Nominees may first be vetted internally for technical competence and ethical track record, then reviewed by a multi-stakeholder panel that includes civil society, legal experts, and electoral scholars.

    Public-facing elements such as panel’s findings, written public submissions, or candidate profiles introduce transparency without forcing bureaucrats to abandon internal protocols. Over time, these hybrid mechanisms build both institutional habit and public confidence.

    Candidates must be assessed not only for technical skill but ethical formation. Their record should demonstrate defence of institutions, reckoning with electoral history, and leadership that listens to and treats voters not as data points, but as citizens whose dignity is sacrosanct.

    INEC itself should institutionalize a leadership ethics charter, binding commissioners to transparency, empathy, and historical accountability, with promotions tied to public scorecards tracking performance annually.

    The credibility of our elections begins long before the ballot is printed. It begins in the moral spine of those who oversee them. As 2027 approaches, Nigeria cannot continue to treat electoral leadership as a technical function, managed through quiet substitutions and opaque procedures.

    INEC’s leadership must become our first election—an election judged not by party loyalty but by integrity, empathy, and civic dignity.

    For a nation, the referee is not a bystander; the referee is the result. If we fail here, every ballot cast in 2027 will already be stained. But if we succeed, we will give voters not only the right to vote, but the reason to believe again.

    •Lekan Olayiwola. lekanolayiwola@gmail.com