The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Employment for outstanding corps members commendable but…

    Employment for outstanding corps members commendable but…

    Sir: The recent announcement by the federal government approving automatic employment for 210 outstanding ex-corps members is a commendable gesture. It highlights the government’s willingness to recognize excellence, commitment, and patriotism among Nigerian youths who served under the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC). In a country where youth unemployment continues to rise, such news brings a glimmer of hope and reinforces the value of diligence and service to the nation.

    However, while we applaud this decision, it is important to reflect on the broader implication of employment as a national issue. Employment should not be viewed or treated merely as a reward for exceptional service; rather, it is a fundamental right of every citizen.

    Section 17(3) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended) provides that the state shall direct its policy towards ensuring that suitable and adequate employment opportunities are provided for all citizens.

    The reality is that millions of Nigerian youths, many of whom are also diligent, patriotic, and committed, remain unemployed not for lack of qualification or willingness to work, but due to systemic issues, poor economic planning, and the absence of merit-based recruitment in many public and private sectors.

    While excellence should be rewarded, it should not overshadow the fact that gainful employment is a socio-economic right that the government owes to every Nigerian.

    Furthermore, employment processes, especially those administered by government institutions, must be anchored in transparency, inclusivity, and merit-based accessibility. Every citizen, regardless of social standing, political affiliation, or geographic location, must be afforded a level playing field where competence, character, and qualification are the only criteria for selection.

    When recruitment becomes shrouded in opacity or distorted by patronage and political considerations, it erodes public confidence in the system and entrenches a culture of inequality.

    Positioning employment, particularly within the public service, as a privilege or a token of appreciation extended to a select few rather than as a right and a responsibility, distorts the essence of democratic governance. It subtly reinforces the narrative that access to livelihood is contingent upon favour, loyalty, or sacrifice, not constitutional entitlement or capability. This paradigm not only disempowers the vast majority of competent yet unconnected individuals, but also normalizes exclusion, weakens institutional capacity, and sabotages national development by side-lining talent in favour of sentiment.

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    In such an environment, the very idea of citizenship becomes stratified—where some are seen as more deserving of opportunities than others, not by virtue of ability, but by their proximity to power or visibility in national service. This breeds cynicism, fuels social discontent, and undermines the credibility of state institutions. It also sends a chilling message to the millions of hardworking young Nigerians who strive, study, and serve with the hope that merit will someday matter: that effort alone is not enough.

    To build a truly just and progressive society, employment must be seen not as a reward for a few, but as a fundamental right for all—administered with fairness, guarded by law, and driven by the collective aspiration for national excellence. Anything less risks turning opportunity into entitlement and public service into a closed club, rather than a national calling.

    In this light, we encourage the federal government to build on this gesture by creating a comprehensive employment strategy that prioritizes job creation, addresses skill gaps, promotes entrepreneurship, and strengthens labour-intensive sectors. Institutions like the NYSC can serve as platforms for long-term talent absorption, but this must be institutionalized and expanded beyond isolated recognitions.

    While we commend the federal government for acknowledging the efforts of outstanding ex-corps members through automatic employment, we must also continue to remind our leaders that employment is not a reward, it is a right. It is the duty of any responsible government to ensure that all citizens, regardless of background or connections, are given equal access to sustainable employment opportunities that allow them to contribute meaningfully to national development.

    Let this act not be the exception but the beginning of a broader commitment to tackling youth unemployment in Nigeria.

    •Samuel Jekeli, Centre for Social Justice, Abuja

  • State creation and the ides of October

    State creation and the ides of October

    Sir: With 36 states already created and more than 50 requests for more states, the idea of state creation seems to be assuming a much more alarming posture, than when the idea was first mooted more than six decades ago.

    Even in a Banana republic where anything goes, and Nigeria anyway is not a banana republic, reason demands that policy makers and Nigerian stakeholders, must reach a consensus about the acceptable states to be created in addition to the current ones, and thus put a permanent stop to state creation for the nation to move on.

    The phenomenon of state creation must not be inelastic such that until every hamlet in Nigeria becomes a state, so the music goes on. The objectives of state creation must not just bring governance closest to grassroots, but more importantly, it must be a template for progress and development of the states and the country as a whole.

    In a true federalism, where states are entitled to control their resources and also provide reasonably for the welfare and well beings of its population devoid of federal assistance, how many of the current 36 states can truly be viable states? The onus for state creation must go beyond political patronage, cultural affirmatives or whimsical satisfaction of egregious political or cultural leaderships, but of economic viability and sustainability of motives and principles of progress and development.

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    While Nigeria may not rely on examples from other lands to make its informed and reasoned decisions, yet reason demands that as member of comity of nations, it cannot also overlook the good examples of other countries, especially, policies and decisions that have been tested and found good, durable and sustainable.

    Today the USA has 50 states in a country of close to 300 million people and it has put a permanent stop to the issue of state creation for years. Nigeria must also do likewise that in a country of 200 million people. State creation cannot be an indefinite policy or decision whereby each government that comes to power must try to satisfy its voters by promising them the creation of states to satisfy their whims and idiosyncrasies.

    Nigeria, in other words, must decide whether it wants to have a total of 42 states by creating six more states to the current 36 or 50 states like the USA by creating 14 more states and then put a permanent end and seal to state creation.

    It now behoves the National Assembly to promulgate a law on the number of states and all state agitators will rest from their oars and be content to live wherever state they found themselves. Yet all said and done, the solution to Nigeria’s political development is restructuring for the establishment of a true federalism whereby states can control their resources and go according to their own pace regarding development.

    Both the exclusive and concurrent lists must be restructured so as to avoid undue lopsidedness on both sides of the divide.

    •Sunday Olagunju, Ibadan, Oyo State

  • On alleged resource mismanagement by governors

    On alleged resource mismanagement by governors

    Sir: The U.S embassy in Nigeria recently adverted the public to the alleged growing resource mismanagement by state governors citing various elephant projects from construction of sprawling state secretariat buildings to commercially questionable overhead bridges and less than viable airports across the states.

    The fiscal dysfunction has remained unchecked because an average Nigerian evaluates governance from a unitary paradigm; the first person to blame for his poverty and hunger is the president and not his local government chairman or his governor.  The civil society organizations and those who could turn the narrative against the alleged sleaze being perpetrated at the subnational levels are caught in the sensational bubble of headlines and not people oriented advocacy accentuated in the chemistry of empathy.

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    Rather than looking at the U.S embassy’s intervention as a diplomatic overreach, it behoves the federal government and the president’s handlers to look inwards and see how the reforms so wonderfully enunciated at the centre are being watered down at the states.

    This is dangerously so because the governors seem not to realize that the ballooning state allocations at their disposals are a mere transfer of resources hitherto being enjoyed by Nigerians in the petrol and forex subsidies to the governments closest to them. Whilst the states are constitutionally mandated to be over-sighted and held accountable by state Houses of Assembly, the later have failed woefully to carry out those oversights to the extent of being complicit in facilitating graft across the states.

    Nigerians have lost count of the number of litigation being canvassed by SERAP most of which are aimed at enforcing good governance at the federal level; what about the states?

    Perhaps for lack of visibility and the  media headlines grab, most civil rights outfits do not consider calling out state governments a worthwhile effort which further pivoted the governors’ latitude to impoverish the masses within their jurisdiction.

    The gratifying local governments’ autonomy ruling by the Supreme Court which offered denouements in resource penetration to the grassroots is unfortunately and dangerously being muzzled across the states. Why the finance minister and the attorney general of the federation have allowed this to fester is bewildering to say the least.

    It is rather befuddling that the ubiquitous Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF) has kept a muted silence since the U.S embassy’s uproarious revelation.

    The NGF has simply given impetus to Samantha Power’s popular maxim which says ‘Silence in the face of atrocity is not neutrality but silence in the face of atrocity is acquiescence’.

    •ESV Bukola Ajisola bukymany@yahoo.com

  • Rethinking state creation

    Rethinking state creation

    • By Samuel Orovwuje

    Sir: The agitation for the creation of new states in Nigeria has resurfaced with renewed vigour as the 10th National Assembly considers fresh proposals to expand the current 36-state structure. This longstanding discourse is deeply rooted in Nigeria’s quest for equitable representation, resource allocation, and socio-political inclusion. However, while state creation is often touted as a panacea for marginalization, the critical issue of economic viability and administrative sustainability continues to be side-lined in the national conversation.

    Curiously, the 10th National Assembly has received over 30 requests for new states. These proposals reflect diverse aspirations from ethnic identity, administrative convenience, and local development. However, the primary argument from proponents revolves around addressing perceived marginalization and ensuring better governance closer to the people.

    While political representation and the territorial dimension of the state is a legitimate demand, state creation must transcend emotional and ethnic sentiments. Economic viability remains a cardinal factor. Many existing states struggle with basic obligations like salary payments and infrastructure development due to limited internally generated revenue (IGR). Creating additional states without concrete plans for economic self-reliance would further stretch federal resources.

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    It is, therefore, imperative that any proposal for state creation undergoes rigorous feasibility studies through evaluating resource endowments, human capital, infrastructural readiness, and economic sustainability plans. Without this, new states risk becoming administrative burdens rather than catalysts for grassroots development.

    In the midst of the state creation debate, a growing segment of Nigerians advocate for regional autonomy as a more pragmatic solution. This model proposes restructuring Nigeria into six geopolitical zones with devolved powers over resource control, internal security, and economic planning.

    Regional autonomy aligns with the principles of true federalism, enabling regions to harness their unique comparative advantages while reducing the over-centralization of power at the federal level. It also promotes healthy competition among regions, fostering innovation, accountability, and efficient governance.

    Proponents argue that instead of fragmenting into smaller economically unviable units, Nigeria should strengthen regional governance structures, encouraging cooperative development projects, regional infrastructure, and security arrangements tailored to local realities.

    While state creation remains a powerful tool for addressing local grievances, Nigeria must pivot towards a more holistic approach that emphasizes economic viability, regional autonomy, and constitutional reform. Creating states without a blueprint for economic sustainability will only exacerbate the existing challenges of governance inefficiency and fiscal dependency.

    •Samuel Orovwuje,

    Lagos

  • A plea to save our local farmers

    A plea to save our local farmers

    • By Ibrahim Mustapha

    Sir: The federal government had in 2023 granted import waivers for staple and other essential food items. The food items which were exempted include maize, husked brown rice, grain beans, wheat, and millet. The aim of import waiver was to mitigate the high cost of food items in the Nigerian markets by making essential food commodities more affordable to citizens. The policy was to run from July 15, 2024 till December 31, 2024.

    Between the period under review, the prices of goods and services have, notably crashed thus making them more affordable to Nigerians. Indeed, the waivers have undoubtedly done magic towards bringing down the prices of food. In many grains markets in the northern states and the country at large, the price of bag of maize currently goes for N35,000, and a 50kg bag of rice for N85,0000 while bag of beans cost N80,000.

    Nigerians will recall that the price of food also skyrocketed during the last administration. President Muhammadu Buhari had ordered the closure of borders to promote and protect indigenous companies. The policy was also meant to encourage local food production. Thereafter, local farmers were fully supported with capital, seedlings subsidised fertilisers and farm implements. The Buhari agricultural policy made many farmers rich overnight, although the prices of goods and services also shot through the roof.

    Conversely, the Tinubu administration’s import waiver crashed the prices of goods and services but has since forced our local farmers to compete unfavourably with imported goods. Today, there are hues and cries among the local farmers that unless succour comes to their way, they may incur losses due to the high cost of production this farming season. The price of urea fertiliser has reached between N47000 and N50,000, while NPK 15.15 is sold for N65000 and above.

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    If import waiver on rice, maize and other staple grains is not reviewed, the import is that local farmers will not be able to recover their production cost let alone post profits. This will have a negative repercussion as many farmers will stay off the farms next year.

    To address this situation, the government should dialogue with farmers to understand their perspectives and challenges. There is the need to support local production. This involves policies that incentivize local grain production, such as subsidies, access to credit, and investment in agricultural technology. Implementing steep tariffs on imported grains should protect local farmers and encourage consumers to buy local produce.

    Government should move to ensure quality control. There is the need for imported grains to meet certain quality standards. This can help to maintain consumers’ confidence in local products and encourage purchase from local farmers. Moreover, facilitating better access for farmers to markets can help them to get fair price of their products and reduce the impact of imports on their livelihoods. Our local farmers need adequate education and training. Providing farmers with resources and training can improve productivity and help them to compete more effectively and favourably with foreign goods.

    By putting right policies, local farming, which provides millions of jobs, helps to eradicate poverty and promote food security, can be encouraged and saved.

    •Ibrahim Mustapha,

    Pambegua, Kaduna State

  • “Nigeria Must Go” and politics of grievance in Ghana

    “Nigeria Must Go” and politics of grievance in Ghana

    • By Lekan Olayiwola

    Sir: In July, Accra witnessed another rupture. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets, chanting “Nigeria Must Go” — not as a call for xenophobic expulsion, but as a cry against unacknowledged harm. Placards bore messages like “Nigerians are kidnapping and using people for rituals,” and “They’ve hijacked our markets.” These were expressions of civic grief.

    One of the loudest complaints from protesters was the alleged takeover of Ghanaian markets by Nigerian traders.

    I witnessed the emotional tension first-hand from a motor park scuffle where a Ghanaian driver questioned a Nigerian’s right to command parking space, to a hotel manager’s hesitation in helping me register a SIM card, fearing misuse.

    But this isn’t just about trade. It’s about economic identity. When foreign traders become more visible than local ones, it triggers a sense of civic displacement; an economic hijack of one’s own country.

    The most chilling protest was over allegation of ritual killings. Protesters cited missing children, mysterious deaths, and fears of spiritual violence.

    While many of these claims remain unverified, they reflect a deep emotional wound, evoke ancestral trauma, spiritual fear, and the sense that life itself is being desecrated.

    This is part of a wider regional pattern in which generational identity and civic participation are tightly linked. From Ghana’s #FixTheCountry protests to Nigeria’s #EndSARS, West African youth are redefining what it means to be citizens; not just subjects of traditional, state, or foreign power.

    There’s a growing form of protest politics across Africa. It’s not just about economic inequality or material deprivation—it’s about symbolic extraction. The kind where diaspora elites or global influencers arrive with prestige, perform cultural rituals, and depart without engaging local realities.

    In South Africa, xenophobic violence against Nigerians, Zimbabweans, and Mozambicans has often been a misdirected outlet for youth frustrations over inequality and poor governance.

    In Kenya, public backlash has emerged against political elites who use tribal symbolism and diaspora endorsements to mask corruption and exclude youth from decision-making. A 2023 University of Nairobi survey showed that over 60% of youth felt “culturally manipulated” by elite power plays.

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    In the Philippines, tensions have flared when foreign dignitaries or diaspora elites are accorded honours that appear to overshadow local sovereignty. The backlash against Chinese influence in ancestral lands has often fused cultural resistance with civic protest.

    These examples show that civic erasure—not cultural diversity—is the real issue. When legitimacy is outsourced, youth often respond with protest.

    The rallying cry of the protest—Nigeria Must Go—is not without historical weight. It echoes a painful chapter from 1983, when Nigeria expelled over a million West African migrants, many Ghanaian, in a brutal exercise of nationalist fervour.

    But in this protest, the cry was repurposed. It wasn’t a call for deportation; it was a metaphorical rejection of cultural imposition and economic domination without civic consent. For many youth, it channelled a deeper frustration: the feeling of being overstepped, overlooked, and overshadowed in their own national space.

    This protest is part of a broader pattern across West Africa, where grievance politics is no longer just about poverty or unemployment, but about symbolic sovereignty. Citizens are asking: Who controls our markets? Who narrates our culture? Who protects our children?

    When these questions fail to find satisfactory answers, protests erupt. That appears to be what Ghanaian youth are saying without mincing words.

    The Nigerian diaspora has extraordinary influence in shaping African narratives—from fashion to music to monarchy. But with that influence must come responsibility. Diaspora leaders must listen to local communities, respect civic space, and understand the emotional terrains they enter.

    This moment demands more than diplomatic calm. It requires civic reckoning.

    For Nigeria, diaspora leaders must engage with host communities, not just celebrate culture. Nigerian traders must respect local laws and licensing frameworks. The Nigerian government must acknowledge the emotional impact of its diaspora footprint, especially in sensitive sectors.

    For Ghana, youth must be included in cultural and economic policymaking. Allegations of ritual killings must be investigated transparently, not dismissed. Civic education must address xenophobia without silencing legitimate grievance.

    For ECOWAS, cross-border civic protocols must be developed to guide diaspora conduct. Cultural diplomacy must be consent-based, not celebratory by default.

    And if future diaspora events forget that?

    Well, expect the hashtags to fly. Expect satire. Expect protest. Because grievance politics has gone digital, and it’s more effective than ever.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,

    lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Still on the Anioma State question and equity

    Still on the Anioma State question and equity

    Sir: Recent articles advocating the creation of Anioma State as solution to perceived historical marginalization within Nigeria deserve rigorous response, especially from those who are Ukwuani. While they appeal to emotion, historical grievances, and intellectual authority, many, unfortunately, are riddled with historical oversimplifications, cultural distortions, and dangerous attempts to submerge distinct identities under a pre-packaged Igbo label, without consent or consideration. Let it be stated emphatically: Anioma is not synonymous with Igbo, and Ukwuani is not Igbo.

    The most troubling aspect of the advocacy for Anioma State as presented by Senator Ned Nwoko and Pat Utomi is the subtle and at times overt, intellectual coercion employed to promote the Igbonization of Anioma, and particularly the Ukwuani people. Utomi, in particular, appears to assume the role of arbiter of Anioma identity, attempting to flatten the richly diverse ethnic composition of Delta North into a monolithic Igbo narrative. This is intellectually dishonest and culturally insensitive. His perspective is not informed by lived Ukwuani realities but rather by external sentimentality, post-war trauma, and a nostalgic political project rooted in collective Igbo memory, not Ukwuani experience.

    Yes, Ukwuani language may share lexical items with Igbo, just as Yoruba shares similarities with Itsekiri and Nupe with Gbagyi. That does not equate to shared identity. Ethnic identity is formed by history, worldview, cultural practice, self-definition, and political alignment, not just language. Ukwuani people have a distinct origin, socio-political structure, and historical trajectory. We have never, as a people of Ukwuani, subscribed to the impression that we are part of Ndigbo. While certain cultural elements overlap due to proximity, intermarriage, and trade, we have consistently maintained our Ukwuani uniqueness, independent of both the Southeast Igbo and the South-south minority blocs.

    The Asaba Massacre, while undeniably tragic and worthy of remembrance, did not occur in Ukwuani territory. It is not part of the collective Ukwuani trauma. It is disingenuous to emotionally blackmail a people into joining a political project that is not rooted in their own historical pain. The references to “identity crises” and “I’m not Igbo” narratives are themselves proof that there exists ambiguity and resistance to forced inclusion in the Igbo project. That resistance must be respected, not pathologized.

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    The term Anioma, meaning good land, is a not an ethnic identity. It encompasses diverse groups: Ukwuani, Ika, Aniocha, and Oshimili, each with distinct histories and internal dynamics. To reduce Anioma to “Igbo” is a lazy generalization. It disregards the linguistic diversity – Ukwuani is not Ika; Ika is not Oshimili, the historical boundaries- Ukwuani communities existed independently and even had historic alliances with Bini and Urhobo, not just the Igbo, the cultural distinctiveness- Ukwuani festivals, belief systems, age-grade traditions, and even names differ markedly from those of core Igbo communities. The push for Anioma State, if it must succeed, should acknowledge this pluralism, not bulldoze it under “Ndigbo” umbrella. The idea that Anioma must be the “sixth Southeast state” is already an admission of annexationist intent, not development logic.

    While the piece makes a passionate case for Anioma’s economic viability,  citing personalities like Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Jim Ovia, Tony Elumelu, and others, it fails to address the issue of communal consent. These individuals represent personal achievement, not ethnic consensus. Their success cannot be used as justification to redraw the cultural map of Nigeria. Greatness does not equate to group alignment. Any move toward state creation must be democratic, inclusive, and respectful of local sentiment. A referendum is the bare minimum. But even before that, there must be truthful engagement, not cultural silencing. Ukwuani people must have the right to say: We are not Igbo. We are Anioma by geography, Ukwuani by heritage.

    The Biafran war scars, as real and deep as they are, do not belong to Ukwuani history in the same way they belong to Onitsha, Nsukka, or Aba. To import that trauma wholesale into Ukwuani narratives is both invasive and inaccurate. As Ukwuani people, we are not against development or justice. We are not opposed to the creation of Anioma State, provided it reflects the plural identity of its people. What we reject is the ongoing attempt to hijack that movement and smuggle us into the Igbo ethnic identity without consultation, consent, or cultural grounding.

    •Chukwunalu Eke, Ogume, Delta State

  • Enhancing agricultural productivity through research

    Enhancing agricultural productivity through research

    Sir: No doubt, Nigeria’s agriculture is struggling to unleash its full capacity despite many efforts. It is worrying, that the overall productivity of the sector hasn’t dramatically improved in the face of growing population, nutritional deficiency, effect of climate change, volatile food prices and pervasive poverty.

    Agricultural production continues to be hobbled by familiar challenges associated with low crop yield, incidence of pest and diseases, post- harvesting losses, plummeting soil fertility etc.

    The poor state of agriculture underscores the necessity for extraordinary approaches and strategies in circumventing the host of challenges to unlock the boundless capacity of agriculture to ensure it serve its purposes.

    In 2013 in Maputo, the African Union (AU) under the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Program (CAADP) laid out an elaborate plan for the development of Africa’s agriculture with an agreement by member states for the allocation of 10% of public expenditure to agriculture and an 6% annual growth of the sector. In 2014, under the Malabo declaration, member states reaffirmed their commitment to the vision.

    Interestingly, meeting the goal as enshrined in the CAADP remains a tall order! A case in point is the 2025 national budget. Agriculture was allotted N826.5 billion which constitute about 1.73% of the total budget of N47.97 trillion – a far cry from the agreement. In the budget, 40 research institutes were allocated N126.03 billion while federal universities of agriculture got N54.38 billion.

    The allocation to the institutions is paltry judging from the huge financial requirement inherent in undertaking any meaningful research activity and in running the institutions.  The Pillar IV of the CAADP placed emphasis on agricultural Research and Development (R&D).

    A vibrant research- led approach stands as a conspicuous missing link in the chain of agricultural production. We are witnesses to the infinite human ingenuity which has always been brought to bear in making agriculture responsive to emerging challenges leading to massive revolution in the sector through a multidisciplinary approach.

    Research has always provided answers to challenging questions that has change the trajectory of agriculture.  Agricultural research ensures that new technologies, techniques and practices are developed to improve productivity.

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    Instructively, improving agricultural productivity is a fool-proof strategy for promoting inclusive economic development and reducing poverty. Through the strategy, the income of farm households is ramped up and food cost curtailed which serves as a cushion to non-farm households who are known to expend a massive amount of their income on food.

    Agricultural research has a long history in Nigeria leading to the establishment of many research institutes and universities of agriculture, as well as a body known as Agricultural Research Council of Nigeria saddled with the responsibility of supervising and coordinating agricultural research and extension activities.

    In effect, the country has one the most elaborate National Agricultural Research Systems (NARS) in Africa.

    Through public funding, the institutions have recorded massive achievement. However, they are currently a shadow of their former selves. Their current state tells a sad story of neglect and underfunding. The entire institutions have a similitude of challenges which continue to limit the actualization of their mandate.

    The institutions need to be well funded to promote productivity, sustainable growth and general transformation of the sector. It is against this background, that the recent National Agricultural Development Fund (NADF) report on the baseline survey and need assessment carried out on 16 agricultural institutions and 17 colleges of agriculture requires massive attention in order to place the research institutions on the path of glory.

    Research and Development can never be successful without sufficient funding. The effectiveness and efficiency of the research can be narrowed to the generous monetary allocation that will cover the operating costs of the institutions, salaries, training and capacity building, investment in modern laboratories, equipment, relevant research facilities and data management system.  

    The entire approach to research needs to be attractive enough to draw and retain talents. The place of accountability and transparency cannot easily be discounted in the entire management system of the research institutions.  Also, is the need for strengthening the extension system. Access to new technology and practices by the end users through the agency of a vibrant extension system is imperative and must have its wheels adequately oiled.

    In the final analysis, productivity will further be enhanced through the synthesis of improved agricultural research funding and the continuation of policies reforms.

    •Abachi Ungbo, abachi007@yahoo.com

  • Much ado over Dangote’s 4,000 trucks

    Much ado over Dangote’s 4,000 trucks

    Sir: Concerns have been raised that the introduction of 4,000 trucks by the Dangote Refinery could displace existing players in Nigeria’s petroleum logistics sector. However, this fear is largely misplaced.

    According to the Major Oil Marketers Association of Nigeria (MOMAN), there are over 10,000 petroleum tanker trucks currently engaged in transporting fuel across the country. This figure could, in fact, be much higher, as MOMAN’s data may primarily reflect trucks owned by companies affiliated with or partnering with the association. Beyond this, there are thousands of Independent Petroleum Marketers across Nigeria that also operate significant fleets.

    The belief that Dangote’s entry into the fuel distribution space will lead to job losses overlooks a key point: the new trucks will be operated by Nigerian drivers and logistics personnel. In essence, while a marketer’s truck might be phased out or side-lined, another job opportunity is created as Dangote’s trucks enter the distribution chain. One job may be displaced, but another is created.

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    From a retail perspective, this development could even ease the burden on smaller marketers. With Dangote trucks handling supply logistics, marketers may benefit from reduced overhead costs, minimized risks, and improved delivery timelines. However, this convenience must be balanced against the risk of market over-concentration. Dangote now controls significant parts of the fuel value chain: production, refining, and distribution. This level of vertical integration could give him substantial power to influence pricing, determine supply timelines, or prioritize certain buyers, potentially edging out competitors or disrupting market fairness. This is where the regulatory agencies should firm and watchful

    Nevertheless, it’s important to note that Nigeria’s downstream sector has been fully deregulated. This means other major marketers also have the freedom to import fuel, buy directly from domestic producers, or even invest in their own refining infrastructure- some marketers have already started building their own refineries. The competition is open; what remains is for others to rise to the challenge.

    With Nigeria’s daily fuel consumption estimated at between 50 to 60 million litres, the country requires around 1,200 to 1,800 well-maintained and properly equipped petrol tanker trucks to ensure consistent nationwide fuel distribution. So, the 4,000 Dangote refinery trucks are like a drop in an ocean

    Finally, not all trucks are created equal. The Dangote Refinery’s fleet of 4,000 trucks is said to meet international safety and efficiency standards. These trucks are equipped with advanced features such as anti-rollover protection, automatic braking systems, surveillance cameras, GPS tracking, flow meters, leak detection devices, and are powered by Compressed Natural Gas (CNG). This represents not just a boost in logistics capacity but a push towards safer and more environmentally friendly fuel transportation.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad, Abuja

  • BVN, NIN sale as threat to national security

    BVN, NIN sale as threat to national security

    • By Shuaib S. Agaka

    Sir: Just weeks ago, national alarm bells rang over the dangers of SIM recycling—where inactive mobile numbers are reassigned without proper verification, sometimes leading to unauthorized access to bank accounts and sensitive platforms. Now, with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) revealing that thousands of Nigerian youths are trading Bank Verification Numbers (BVNs) and National Identification Numbers (NINs), a far more disturbing pattern is taking shape: Nigeria’s digital identity infrastructure is dangerously compromised.

    The implications are staggering. The country’s cybersecurity framework, already riddled with loopholes, is now showing deeper fractures. Trust—the bedrock of any digital system—is evaporating fast. Ironically, while palliatives are now scarce and heavily guarded, Nigerians’ personal data floats freely across black markets and rogue platforms. The very act of surrendering biometric and personal details to the state—under promises of security and service delivery—has become the gateway to exploitation.

    Nigeria’s digital identity architecture is built on three core pillars: the NIN managed by the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC), the BVN under the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), and the SIM-NIN linkage enforced by the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC). Together, these systems were intended to unify identity verification, enhance financial inclusion, curb fraud, and support digital governance.

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    In theory, it’s a sound framework. In practice, however, it’s falling apart.

    Corruption and insider leaks have created cracks in what should be secure systems. The EFCC’s finding that over 12,000 youths were caught selling their identities is only the visible tip of a deeper and more institutionalized rot. The black market for digital identities is supplied not just by desperate youth—but also by compromised insiders working within supposedly secure government and financial agencies.

    Nigeria must establish a unified digital identity oversight mechanism to harmonize data security standards across NIMC, CBN, NCC, and NDPC. Real-time interoperability and data-sharing protocols must be enforced. Second, all telecoms, fin-techs, and banks should undergo mandatory cybersecurity compliance audits. Institutions found to mishandle user data should face stiff penalties, including license suspensions or financial sanctions. Third, a national public education campaign must be launched to raise awareness about digital identity theft and promote cyber hygiene at the grassroots.

    Ultimately, Nigeria’s digital future will not be secured by technology alone. It will be secured by building trust—trust that personal data will be respected, identities protected, and breaches punished. Until then, Nigeria’s digital economy remains a house built on shaky foundations, where the trade of identities is more seamless than access to palliatives, and fraudsters are more empowered than the citizens they exploit.

    •Shuaib S. Agaka,

    Kano