Category: Letters

  • Nigeria’s poverty of enlightened followership

    Nigeria’s poverty of enlightened followership

    • By Leonard Karshima Shilgba

    Sir: When discussing Nigeria’s enduring national crises, fingers instinctively point to the failure of leadership. Yet, beneath this well-worn narrative lies a greater, more dangerous tragedy: the poverty of enlightened, rational, and intelligent followership. Leadership, after all, does not materialize in a vacuum. It is a mirror of the intellectual, moral, and cultural climate of the society from which it emerges. A shallow, uninformed populace will invariably produce shallow, uninformed leaders.

    Nigeria’s leadership crisis is not merely about corrupt individuals or broken institutions. It is a systemic crisis rooted in the deficiencies of the followership. Emotional reactions to complex national issues, widespread embrace of rumours, and a pervasive reluctance to read or study critically characterize a large portion of the Nigerian citizenry. Thus, the pool from which leaders are recruited is dominated by individuals who themselves lack enlightenment, rationality, and depth.

    This reality makes it almost impossible for consistently visionary, strategic, and competent leadership to thrive.

    One might expect that Nigeria’s educated class would anchor the nation’s critical reasoning and demand for accountability. Sadly, academic education often does not translate into intellectual rigour. Many degree holders react emotionally rather than analytically, rely on hearsay rather than verified facts, amplify rumours without cross-checking sources, even on national television or radio, demonstrate tribal and religious bias even in professional discussions.

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    Instead of using education as a springboard for independent thought, too many treat it as a badge of social status devoid of corresponding civic responsibility.

    The Nigerian public discourse is awash with emotionalism and rumour-mongering. Politicians, recognizing this weakness, manipulate public sentiments—ethnic loyalty, religious identity, and historical grievances—at the expense of rational dialogue and policy debate.

    A citizenry addicted to emotional triggers, sensationalism, and conspiracy theories cannot consistently demand accountable leadership. Instead, it rewards emotional populists and punishes thoughtful reformers.

    Critical reading, which cultivates informed decision-making, patience, and nuanced understanding, is increasingly rare. A society allergic to reading is a society allergic to thinking.

    Without a culture of sustained study, citizens fall for simplistic explanations of complex issues, public debate remains shallow, electoral choices are based on charisma, ethnic affiliation, or fleeting anger rather than reasoned policy analysis.

    This intellectual famine ensures that public conversations remain superficial—and so too does leadership selection.

    The consequence is a self-perpetuating vicious cycle: poor followership produces poor leadership, poor leadership destroys educational systems (we see this even within our universities and other higher education institutions, where leadership selection has been reduced to political patronage), a deteriorated educational system breeds more intellectually weak citizens, and these citizens reproduce poor leadership again and again.

    Without a deliberate effort to break this cycle, Nigeria risks remaining trapped in a downward spiral of underdevelopment, no matter how many elections are held or how many constitutions are rewritten.

    True national transformation must begin at the foundation of followership. To break the vicious cycle, critical thinking must be introduced early in education and reinforced throughout life (academic institutions must insist on, and introduce a pragmatic general education portfolio where courses relating to critical thinking are offered and must be taken by all students irrespective of their chosen majors. Additionally, students must be allowed the latitude of independent studies), national reading campaigns must be launched to revive a culture of study, civic education must go beyond patriotism and focus on evidence-based reasoning, media literacy must be taught to equip citizens to verify facts and resist emotional manipulation, especially by television and radio hosts and guests that specialize in spinning truth on the head, and manipulating the citizenry, and intellectual achievement must be celebrated, and thoughtful dissent protected and honoured.

    Sadly, every so often, Nigerians descend upon holders of views with which  they disagree with excoriating vulgarities and imputation of unholy motives. What public intolerance! Some highly cerebral Nigerian minds, who can’t stand this public ridicule, have decided to “siddon look”, and the nation loses thereby.

    Only an enlightened, rational, and intelligent populace can elect, support, and sustain enlightened leadership. Nigerians are often too quick to give up on the leaders they elect, because, being undiscerning and amenable to easy manipulation, they can’t discern the deep-rooted administration of solutions to the complex national problems, but being impatient that the symptoms linger in spite, they become easy prey to predatory manipulators who point to the lingering symptoms as evidence that their leaders have not applied the right remedies.

    Until Nigerians demand depth, competence, and vision from themselves first, they will continue to receive from their leaders what they themselves embody: emotionalism, mediocrity, and short-sightedness.

    •Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba,

    Admiralty University of Nigeria, Ibusa, Delta State.

  • A lament for modesty in the age of nudity

    A lament for modesty in the age of nudity

    Sir: The concept of a well-raised, respectable person, Omoluabi, isn’t unique to Yoruba culture. The Igbo speak of Omenani, and in Hausa, there’s Kyakkyawan Hali or Mutum Nagari, terms that all honour virtue, dignity, and character. In every corner of our heritage, modesty was not just expected; it was taught, modelled, and enforced.

    It breaks my heart to witness how nudity has crept into our society; not quietly, but boldly, parading as a trend. What is even more painful is how many have either joined the wave or turned a blind eye. I find myself asking again and again: What happened to our culture?

    Our mothers and fathers were once role models, guardians of moral values, teachers of good behaviour to their children and even others in the community. When a child erred, they corrected with love but firmness. Today, many of them have not just abandoned that duty; they’ve joined in the rot. Some now applaud, enable, and even imitate the very indecency they once condemned. It would be less tragic if it stopped at indifference. But now, we see parents standing shoulder to shoulder with their children in immodesty.

    Girls now flaunt their bodies without shame. Dressed, but naked. Cleavages displayed like accessories, thighs exposed in see-through garments, and privacy turned into public spectacle. What has become of us, the so-called mentors, the elders, the moral compass of our youth? It seems we are all drowning in silence or complicity.

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    Nudity has become the new norm. Private parts are no longer private, and speaking out against this is now a punishable offence in the court of public opinion. Say something, and you are labelled a prude, an enemy of progress or even old-fashioned.

    I recall a disturbing tale from a wedding ceremony. A young woman on the bridal train leapt to catch the bouquet, and in the process, her entire breast spilled from her blouse and she wasn’t even flustered. That’s how deep the rot has set.

    But all hope is not lost. Some mothers still choose to mother. On a radio show, a woman shared how she refused to get off at her own bus stop just to follow a girl who was dressed indecently. The young lady’s skirt was nothing more than a mesh that left her completely exposed. That mother stepped in, spoke up, chastised her, gave her a piece of her mind on her choice of outfit. She stood for dignity. That, right there, is what true womanhood looks like.

    Should we keep hiding under the banner of “freedom of expression/dressing” while decency dies a slow death?

    •Adebola Karamah Shogbuyi, PhD,<karamahshogbuyi1@gmail.com>

  • Middle Belt and a legacy that must be reclaimed

    Middle Belt and a legacy that must be reclaimed

    Sir: Long before the idea of Nigeria was imagined, even before the empires of Oyo and Sokoto laid claim to greatness, the lands around the Niger-Benue Confluence Valley were home to a proud and resilient people. Fed by the fertile silts of two great rivers, the valley was a sanctuary of early civilization—a confluence not just of waters, but of peoples, cultures, and power.

    In this rich, forest-savannah belt that we now call the Middle Belt, the laws of survival were simple and brutal: to endure, one had to be strong. And from this crucible, the Idoma, Tiv, Jukun, Tangale,  Igala, Ebira, Nupe, Igede, Chamba  and other ethnic groups emerged—not as passive inhabitants, but as builders of complex societies, fierce warriors, and guardians of ancestral traditions.

    The world rarely remembers that before the Sokoto Caliphate or the colonial crown, the Niger-Benue Valley hosted some of West Africa’s most advanced cultures.

    By the 10th century, the region had birthed influential indigenous states. The Igala Kingdom rose along the banks of the Niger at Idah. To the east, the Jukun Confederacy established the formidable Kwararafa Empire—a multi-ethnic alliance so powerful it once launched expeditions into Kano, Katsina, and Zaria. Further west, the Nupe built city-states around Bida, skillfully blending culture and commerce.

    Despite the rise of the Oyo Empire to the southwest and the Hausa city-states to the north, these peoples maintained relative independence. They traded, negotiated, and fought when they had to—but they refused to be absorbed. Their societies were diverse and often decentralized, but united in one regard: they were fiercely protective of their land, their autonomy, and their culture.

    Then came Usman dan Fodio’s jihad in 1804. As the Sokoto Caliphate expanded southward, many northern emirates fell. But the peoples of the Confluence Valley resisted. The Tiv fought bitterly. The Jukun leveraged diplomacy. The Igala navigated alliance and autonomy. Even where Islam spread, it never erased indigenous identity. These were not passive bystanders in history—they were actors, strategists, and survivors.

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    Colonial conquest in the early 20th century introduced another layer of erasure. British indirect rule co-opted external leaders as “native authorities,” undermining the region’s traditional structures. Yet the Middle Belt remained restless. In the 1950s, Joseph Tarka and the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) stood up against northern domination and southern neglect, advocating for regional self-determination within Nigeria’s federal structure.

    Since 1960, the region has known more blood than progress. From the Civil War to military regimes, from ethno-religious riots to herder-farmer conflicts, the Middle Belt has become synonymous with violence and displacement. Despite their strategic centrality, the peoples of this region have found themselves caught in the crossfire—both literally and politically.

    Today, the once proud and cohesive identities of the Niger-Benue peoples are fraying. The name “Middle Belt,” once a badge of autonomy, has become a euphemism for marginalization. Once feared and respected, the region now bleeds silently. Massacres in Benue, terror in Plateau, kidnappings in Kogi, and land grabs in Nasarawa have become common headlines. Yet the national response remains muted.

    Why has the region that gave birth to so much history becomes so invisible? The answer lies in a mix of political betrayal, religious manipulation, and cultural erasure. Fragmented along ethnic and religious lines, their voices are often used during elections but silenced during governance. Development is sparse. Infrastructure is decaying. Hope is waning. But history teaches us that this region is not destined to disappear.

    To reclaim their place, the peoples of the Niger-Benue Valley must rediscover the strength that once made them formidable. Their history—rich, multi-ethnic, and resilient—must be taught in schools, sung in songs, and etched into the minds of the next generation. Their leaders must rise above partisanship to forge a regional consensus—one that pushes for constitutional reforms, local resource control, and inclusive governance.

    There must be investment not only in culture revival but in self-protection. Traditional institutions and historical monuments must be restored and celebrated. A region that once produced empires cannot be reduced to a killing field.

    Lastly, justice must be demanded. No region deserves silence in the face of slaughter. If Nigeria is to be whole and just, then the Middle Belt must no longer be treated as a buffer zone—but as the beating heart of the nation.

    •Tamedo Lapoeji,<tamedo.lapoeji@gmail.com

  • Governors as CSOs: Responsibility without authority

    Governors as CSOs: Responsibility without authority

    Sir: The Nigerian Constitution (1999, as amended) does not expressly designate state governors as “Chief Security Officers” (CSO)s in legal terms, but the title has become conventional and operational. The relevant provisions include:

    Section 215(4): Subject to the provisions of this section, the governor of a state or such commissioner of the government of the state as he may authorize in that behalf may give to the Commissioner of Police of that state such lawful directions with respect to the maintenance and securing of public safety and public order within the state…”

    However, the same section limits this authority: “…Provided that before carrying out any such directions… the Commissioner of Police may request that the matter be referred to the president or such minister of the government of the federation as the president may authorize…”

     Sections 214 & 215(1): Establish the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) as a federal institution, controlled by the president through the Inspector-General of Police.

    Section 305: Only the president can declare a state of emergency. In items 45 & 68, Part I of the Second Schedule, internal security and the police are exclusive legislative matters, meaning only the National Assembly can legislate on them.

    Deficiencies in the constitutional provisions include:

    (a). Lack of operational control: Governors cannot deploy or command police forces directly. The operational command lies with the Commissioner of Police, who reports to the IGP and ultimately the president.

    (b). Bureaucratic delay in crisis response: Security decisions often require federal clearance, delaying urgent local action—as evident in Benue State’s herdsmen-farmer crises.

    (c). Accountability without authority: Governors are held responsible for security in their states but lack the tools to enforce or coordinate responses independently.

    (d). Absence of state policing structures: No constitutional provision exists for the establishment of state police.

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    Benue State has been one of the worst-hit states in Nigeria’s herder-farmer violence, often stemming from unresolved land use, migration pressures, and impunity. The Anti-Open Grazing Law (2017) enacted by the Benue State Government sought to prevent violence, but enforcement has been hampered by the lack of a state-controlled security outfit. Even when local vigilantes assist, they lack the legal and logistical cover that federal police have.

    Federal security agencies have sometimes undermined or ignored state laws (e.g., Operation Whirl Stroke’s challenges with coordinating with local leaders). The governor’s power to issue orders to the Commissioner of Police has proven ineffective due to federal override.

    Legislative recommendations to address loopholes:  The National Assembly through constitutional amendment should create a dual policing system (federal & state police), amend Sections 214–216 and the second schedule to allow states to establish their own police forces. It should retain the federal police for inter-state crimes and national threats and ensure mechanisms for coordination between federal and state police.

    It should also clarify governor’s security role.

    Also amend Section 215(4) to remove the override by the president or minister, or to define specific scenarios where federal override is justified. Define “Chief Security Officer” in operational terms—giving governors full command over security within state boundaries unless overridden under a formal emergency.

    Establish State Security Trust Funds: Allow states to establish secure funds to support their police forces, subject to National Assembly guidelines for accountability.

    State legislatures (pending national reform) can formalize local vigilante groups; establish and regulate community or regional security corps under clear laws, as was done in Amotekun (Southwest) and Ebubeagu (Southeast), while lobbying for federal recognition.

    The Benue State government in particular, can seek legislative framework for ad hoc security contrivances such as “Anyam Nyor”. They can collaborate with other states for zonal security, forge inter-state security compacts under Sections 5 and 8 of the Constitution, with federal concurrence and institutionalize civil-military liaison offices, including state-level liaison frameworks for engaging the military and police more effectively.

    The disjuncture between responsibility and authority in Nigeria’s security architecture is a constitutional defect. Benue State’s tragic security history shows how dangerous this defect can be.

    A restructured constitutional framework is essential, and while awaiting national reforms, state-based innovations like legalizing and regulating local enforcement bodies and lobbying through the Nigerian Governors’ Forum can offer temporary relief.

    •Prof Leonard Karshima Shilgba, Admiralty University of Nigeria, Ibusa, Delta State.

  • A misplaced missive

    A misplaced missive

    • By Ike Willie-Nwobu

    Sir: The Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Abubakar III, recently described social media as a terrorist organization. The sweeping remarks from one of Nigeria’s most important religious leaders serves up scrutiny on a space that has become as invasive as it is inventive. However, in a country where terrorist organizations are springing up almost daily with terrorists driving communities and families to the edge, to cloth anyone or anything with the cloak of terrorism is not to be taken lightly at all.

    Since social media swept into Nigeria on the back of the digital revolution kick-started by digital communication technologies, countless lives have been changed beyond recognition. The advent and advancement of digital platforms like Facebook, X (formerly known as Twitter) have opened unprecedented channels of communication, boosting relationships and business beyond measure. In bridging communication gaps, diluting distance and disadvantage and making access possible, social media has been an improbable gift.

    But, beyond the game-changing effect of social media on business and the global economy, it is on democracy, especially on citizens’ participation in government that social media has had its greatest impact until date. Citizens who had very little access to expressing themselves through mainstream media have embraced the endless possibilities of social media to find their voice and express themselves.

    This has seen social media become a powerful meeting point for citizens who were hitherto shut out of traditional media. This has meant more participation from citizens in public life, more awareness.

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    Expectedly, given the sharp rise of access to social media, the rapid and rabid demand for accountability from citizens on their government has only increased with social media powerfully empowering people all over the world to create awareness and demand accountability and transparency from those who serve them in government.

    In a world where most governments leave much to be decided in the way they mix the poverty of their ideas with overwhelming apathy, social media has become a powerful tool.

    Why does the Sultan feel so much animosity towards social media? Would he rather Nigerians are unable to express themselves because the more traditional means of self-expression have been hijacked?  Social media is not a terrorist organization. It has done a lot of good in the world today even if it has not all been a force for good. Just as it has provided ample opportunities for people to express themselves, it has also given rise to unscrupulous elements who do not mind the disintegration of society as it is. This makes it imperative that some form of leash be kept on social media.

    But maximum care must be exercised not to make the leash too tight so as to erode the opportunities offered by the space.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,

    Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • On fresh calls for state police

    On fresh calls for state police

    • By Okechukwu Ukegbu

    Sir: Recent upsurge in killings in Plateau and Benue states have again brought the age-long clamour for a state policing arrangement to the front burner. This is Nigeria; we always forget about the crucial pains associated with the wound as soon as the wound heals. This mind-set has been our anathema, and has exposed us to our usual fire-brigade approaches in tackling critical issues, especially security.

    According to Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, the senate is working on putting a framework to the idea. Also, the agenda is expected to assume a prominent space in the National Economic Council (NEC).

    It should be recalled that during the last December meeting of the NEC, it was announced that all 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) had indicated readiness to embrace state police. Unfortunately and against the expectations of Nigerians, NEC’s February meeting – the only one so far this year – did not discuss state police – at least not on the communiqué released to the media. That is to show the level of our inconsistency and policy somersault.

    But does a state police arrangement possess the magic wand to address the security challenges? No! The factors militating against the present police structure are handy to militate against the state police arrangement, or even make it still-birth.

    Several efforts have been deployed to ensure that effective policing is instituted in Nigeria. Part of the problems of policing in the country is that the rural centres are not adequately policed and this has led to such initiative as community policing, or what in another parlance is the neighbourhood watch.

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    Policing in Nigeria has been militated against by several factors such inadequate manpower, funding, logistics problems and provision of ammunitions to help fight crime.

    Notably, the police-civilian ratio is nothing to write home about and grossly falls short of the United Nations standard. Ironically, the police, by deploying part of its limited manpower to secure Very Important Personalities (VIPs) in the society, at the end of which many become errand elements in the hand of these personalities, mostly politicians, actually end up undermining the institution.

    Indeed, inefficient policing has led to the design of several approaches to mitigate it or proffer solutions that have been elusive. We have seen several police reform efforts to address issues of training and retraining, inadequate manpower, faulty recruitment process, poor and inhuman welfare – all of which have constituted the albatross of the Nigeria Police Force. Yet, the reforms have ended up as mere paper presentations without adequate or implementable frameworks. Even the latest Police Trust Fund Act that was enacted to improve the welfare of the police and the Police Establishment Act 2020 which is seemingly an improved version of the previous legislations may end up not being implementable.

    Who says that the state police arrangement may not suffer the fate of the present police structure? Where is the guarantee of adequate funding? Who can ensure a transparent and standard recruitment process? Who can be certain that the state police structure will not be a willing tool in the hands of state governors to intimidate and harass real and perceived political opponents as witnessed in the present?

    Until these fears are allayed and the militating factors adequately addressed, the state police option will always remain a mirage and will only be realised in our imagination.

    •Okechukwu Ukegbu,

    <keshiafrica@gmail.com>

  • Electric Vehicles in Nigeria: Hype or Hope?

    Electric Vehicles in Nigeria: Hype or Hope?

    • By Babatunde Yusuf

    Sir: Over the past few years, electric vehicles (EVs) have taken the global auto industry by storm. In 2023 alone, over 14 million EVs were sold worldwide which accounts for nearly 18% of total car sales, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA). From America to China to many advanced countries and even some African countries, governments have been rolling out policies to phase out internal combustion engines and to promote cleaner alternatives. But in Nigeria, the conversation around EVs remains muted and this calls for serious concerns.

    Unlike other countries, our journey towards EVs adoption has barely begun. Although companies like Jet Motors and Stallion Group have introduced electric buses and sedans, but they’re not getting enough support which makes their market presence unyielding. Since EVs are programmed around charging, the charging infrastructure is also nearly non-existent.

    A 2022 report by the Nigerian Energy Support Programme showed that there are fewer than 10 public charging stations in the entire country, mostly concentrated in Lagos and Abuja. Imagine that for a country of over 220million population. Obviously that’s not enough to inspire consumer confidence.

    The economic argument for EVs is also challenging in Nigeria’s context. The average EV costs significantly more than the typical tokunbo (used) petrol car. Even with lower running costs, the upfront price is a barrier for most Nigerians. When over 60% of Nigerians live below the poverty line, and the average new car sells for over N15 million, the notion of buying an electric vehicle becomes implausible for the majority.

    Then there’s the issue of electricity itself. Nigeria suffers from chronic power shortages, with national grid electricity barely reaching 5,000MW for a population of over 220 million. National grid collapse, frequent blackouts and unreliable supply make the idea of charging a vehicle at home seem far-fetched. Unless grid stability improves significantly, large-scale EV usage is not feasible.

    However, there are glimmers of hope. Nigeria has some of the largest lithium deposits in Africa – the key raw material for EV batteries. If properly harnessed, this could offer a strategic entry point into the EV supply chain. Countries like Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic of Congo are already leveraging their mineral wealth to attract battery manufacturers. If the federal and state governments do not act swiftly, Nigeria risks missing out.

    Moreover, the federal government did announce in 2021 the National Automotive Industry Development Plan (NAIDP) 2021–2031, which includes incentives for EV manufacturing. But implementation has been slow. There is no clear roadmap, no dedicated EV policy framework, and no tax incentives for EV buyers or assemblers. Without these, private players have little motivation to invest.

    As for the environmental argument for EVs, well, that is compelling. Nigeria’s major cities like Lagos, Port Harcourt, and Kano suffer from rising air pollution, much of it from vehicle emissions. According to the World Health Organization, Lagos alone records particulate matter – PM2.5 levels, nearly seven times higher than recommended. Reducing fossil fuel vehicles could help improve urban air quality and public health, especially among low-income communities who live close to roads and traffic hubs.

    But if Nigeria is to make the shift, the conversation must move from symbolism to substance. Pilot programs are not enough. The federal and state governments must fund charging infrastructure, offer import duty waivers on EV components, and build technical capacity for EV maintenance and assembly. This requires coordinated action across energy, transport, and industrial sectors.

    •Babatunde Yusuf,

    Canada.

  • Baseless campaign against democracy in Africa

    Baseless campaign against democracy in Africa

     Sir: Of recent, we have seen relentless assaults against democracy by some political elites in Africa. The arrowhead of the insidious propagation is the former president of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo. Before the resurgence of this futile campaign, Obasanjo was one time a critic of multi-party democracy. He had actually proposed a one-party dictatorship in one of his books.

    No doubt, there is truth in the saying that “a leopard never changes its spot”. Nigerians might recall that when Obasanjo was elected as president in the Fourth Republic, he ruled as an autocrat. Under him, Nigerians witnessed massive human rights abuses and high profile political assassinations like the cold blooded murder of the country’s attorney general, Chief Bola Ige. Nigerians will certainly not forget how he deployed troops to destroy Zaki Biam in Benue and Odi in Bayelsa states.

    Corruption under him was pervasive. His administration squandered billions of dollars in the name of power sector reform without commensurate results.  It is on record that his Minister of Works, Tony Anenih wasted over N300 billion without fixing the roads.

    Obasanjo removed party leaders, principal officers of the National Assembly, state governors and even local government chairmen at will! The last straw was his attempt to change the constitution to perpetuate himself in power like other African dictators.

    So, given this antecedent, it should be no surprise that he is now the drum major in the anti-democracy campaign.

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    However, contrary to the sordid lies being peddled by tyrants, democracy has roots in Africa. Take for example, the Igbo pre-colonial society. They operated a democratic system to the extent that all adult males in a village had a say in decision-making. Although they didn’t have a king as in other pre-colonial societies, their system was also characterized by separation of powers. And it is not only the Igbo society; there were many societies in Africa that practiced democracy before the coming of the colonisers.

    Of particular interest is that Obasanjo has, up till this moment, failed to proffer his alternative system.

    Surely, Obasanjo could not have been sincere because he was two times Nigeria’s president and so had the opportunity to experiment his ‘better’ system.  We know of what happened with Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere and his experimentation with the Ujaama governing philosophy. Years after, Tanzanians are still asking for electoral reform, multi-party democracy and liberalized economy. No signs of the remnants of Ujaama.

    The debate about suitability of democracy to Africa merely seeks to divert attention from our collective responsibility to hold leaders and citizens accountable. After all, it is so easy to forget that it is the people that operate a system.

    •Comrade Bishir Dauda Sabuwar,Unguwa Katsina.

  • Scaling up Nigeria’s solar solutions

    Scaling up Nigeria’s solar solutions

    Sir: According to a report by Stears, solar imports into Nigeria have grown steadily since 2017, with a Compound Annual Growth Rate (CAGR) of 57.73 per cent. This value is significantly higher than that of other sectors, indicating tremendous growth in the solar industry. Records also show that 2023 solar imports reached a high of 868MW, a 94 per cent increase from 2022.

    Nigeria’s abundant sunlight, all year round, makes solar energy a consistently reliable source of energy for households and businesses across the nation, and this is an obvious factor in the significant growth witnessed in the sector.

    On top of this, in recent times, macro-economic events have been in favour of the solar industry with the increase in premium motor spirit (PMS) price as well as the increase in electricity tariff, not ruling out the categorisation of consumers into electricity tariff bands by the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC).

    In terms of equipment, the cost per solar panel and lithium batteries has also gradually reduced albeit this has not significantly shown in the cost in the local markets because of the rising forex rates occurring at the same time.

    Looking at all factors, there is, however, still a need for affordable solar solutions to serve the needs of people at scale. People want to live more comfortable lives. People want to stay connected with loved ones, business contacts and others. The urbanisation of more areas requires more energy. Existing and new technological and IT solutions rely on a steady power supply. All these, and more, make the sincere case for a sustainable and scalable energy supply.

    Fortunately, with the Electricity Act 2023 comes the decentralisation of electricity supply in Nigeria, allowing for renewable energy off-grid and mini-grid solutions. It is now very possible and easy to power whole estates via solar solutions, taking them off the grid completely.

    With remote energy monitoring systems (EMS), solar users can monitor their energy consumption, regulate their load and determine how much backup time they have left. Modern EMS can predict weather conditions, perform energy forecasts and advise on the use of the energy storage system. This is aside from other basic control functions like switching the systems on and off remotely or determining how utility, solar power, and stored battery energy are controlled and consumed. You also have artificial intelligence (AI) incorporated to optimise solar performance.

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    Progress has been made in making high-efficiency solar panels with a reduction in footprint for increased capacity. Thus, we can generate more PV energy with smaller footprints. This implies roof spaces can be better optimised to support solar panels and ultimately generate more solar energy.

    In addition, the advent of bifacial solar panels, which capture sunlight from both sides, implies that users can have increased energy yields. We also have special photovoltaic panels that can be integrated into the façade of buildings, offering both sustainable energy solutions and modern and aesthetically pleasing designs.

    Having seen the increase in solar demand along with the advancements in related technologies, as well as the availability of enabling laws and regulations, one would have expected a much higher penetration of solar systems in our urban and rural areas. This is not exactly the case because of the high entry barrier vis-à-vis the cost of ownership.

    The cost of acquisition remains a major challenge to the widespread adoption of solar power. In a nation where only 2.4 per cent of Nigerians earn more than N200,000 per month, getting a good solar solution is practically out of reach for the majority of the Nigerian population.

    This is where companies like Arnergy Solar Limited come in. Arnergy’s zero down payment plan means that more Nigerians can, in the shortest possible time, afford to own a solar system that meets their needs without denying themselves other necessities. With initiatives like this, providing innovative solar solutions at scale becomes easier and achievable.

    • Godreigns Amedari, Lagos.

  • Economy: Tinubu’s strides deserves acknowledgement

    Economy: Tinubu’s strides deserves acknowledgement

    Sir: When former President Muhammadu Buhari transferred power to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, he made it clear that he did not envy his successor. This sentiment didn’t stem from a diminished prestige of the office, but rather from the numerous challenges it entailed. The nation was burdened by excessive subsidy payments, which even the recipients deemed unsustainable, while many acknowledged the grim fiscal situation, signalling an economy on the brink of collapse.

    The currency exchange rate was extremely unstable, with the Naira losing value to the point that it was nearly worthless. Nigeria struggled to secure trade agreements, often settling for unfavourable terms, akin to a drowning individual grasping at anything for survival. Economic analysts widely agreed that there was no simple solution to this dire situation, which was perceived as irretrievable.

    The government had exceeded its borrowing limit and resorted to excessive Naira printing, which further devalued the currency. Transparency was lacking in governance, with revenue announcements failing to yield visible economic benefits and loans taken with little to show for them. Essentially, the economy was in a critical state, existing only on life support.

    Our trade balance was virtually non-existent, saved only by our reliance on oil, which had seen production levels plummet to less than half of Nigeria’s OPEC quota. Illegal oil bunkering exacerbated this issue, contributing to significant economic losses.

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    When President Tinubu took office, he initially stumbled but soon demonstrated clear vision and decisiveness. He swiftly eliminated oil subsidies, a move that was more effective than the gradual phase-out suggested by some economists, comparably akin to ripping off a bandage to cleanse a festering wound.

    Tinubu has further propelled economic diversification with tangible actions, moving beyond mere rhetoric. Under his leadership, Nigeria’s oil output rose from under one million barrels per day to approximately 1.5 million, with a future goal of 2.5 million barrels. This increase is crucial for maintaining foreign exchange liquidity, even amidst declining market prices.

    Moreover, the country’s monthly petroleum product imports have decreased from $18.31 billion to $14.06 billion, while the monthly subsidy expense of $3.6 billion is now zero due to robust economic policies. Gas exports rose from $5.84 billion to $8.68 billion, and foreign investments jumped from around $6 billion to $17 billion due to improved investment conditions.

    Before Tinubu’s tenure, Nigeria had fewer than 10 Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) stations, but this number has surged to 248, alongside the number of CNG vehicles increasing to over 100,000. The revival of public refineries has also been significant, with Port Harcourt and Warri now operational.

    Trade figures with international partners reflect these improvements. Exports to the United States soared from N170.36 billion in 2020 to a striking N5.79 trillion in 2024. Similarly, exports to China fluctuated but ultimately rose to N2.37 trillion in 2024.

    Even critics who dismiss Tinubu’s effectiveness cannot overlook these positive statistics, indicating that conditions are improving. While we’re not yet where we need to be, the first two years of his presidency show promising progress. Supporting him to continue these efforts is essential; we must acknowledge the advancements we’ve made as we emerge from challenging times into a more hopeful economic landscape.

    •Bamidele Atoyebi,Abuja.