Category: Letters

  • Tinubu’s youth conference and echoes of the past

    Tinubu’s youth conference and echoes of the past

    Sir: President Olusegun Obasanjo, in February 2005, convened the “National Political Reform Conference.” The gathering was an avenue to re-assess, refocus, redefine, and redesign Nigeria’s political landscape in a way that would strengthen the bonds of unity.

    Four hundred and two delegates attended the conference, held between February and July 2005. Copies of the report from that conference were submitted, but nothing substantial happened afterward.

    President Goodluck Jonathan convened another conference in 2014. The panel, headed by retired Chief Justice Idris Kutigi, was tasked with advising the government on the framework for a national dialogue. The conference, attended by approximately 500 delegates, proposed substantial reforms. These included scrapping the current system of 774 local authorities to reduce corruption and save costs, creating 18 new states, revising revenue allocation, decreasing the federal government’s share of national income while increasing those of the states, and modifying the presidential system to include parliamentary elements.

    Other key recommendations encompassed power sharing and rotation, specifically advocating that the presidency be rotated and governorship circulated among three senatorial districts in each state. These proposals aimed to promote greater representation, equity, and national unity. But after passing over 600 resolutions and producing a 10,335-page report submitted to the presidency, the recommendations were never implemented.

    On October 1, 2024, President Bola Tinubu, following the tradition of past leaders, addressed the nation. Among numerous pronouncements, the president declared a National Youth Conference to assemble youths from across Nigeria for meaningful conversations that drive nation-building.

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    In economic terms, recent statistics indicate that more than 40% of Nigerian youths are unemployed. This figure could potentially be higher, considering the ongoing challenges the nation faces in data collection and storage. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), a staggering 63% of the population—approximately 133 million individuals, nearly six in ten Nigerians—live in multidimensional poverty, with the majority being youths. Will poverty be a subject on the conference’s agenda?

    # The student loan scheme through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) does not cover the 20.2 million uneducated young Nigerians, according to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). Will this also be a subject of debate?

    The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) reported in 2023 that approximately 14.3 million Nigerians are involved in drug abuse, predominantly young people. Regrettably, one in four women is also said to  participate in this harmful practice.

    Despite youth affirmative action policies aimed at ensuring 30% representation in the public sector—including federal and state executive councils, boards of parastatals and agencies, and local government councils—and 35% representation in political party leadership positions, electoral bodies, and legislative assemblies for individuals between 18 and 35 years, there remains a significant issue of gross misrepresentation and inadequate youth participation in governance and decision-making.

    A host of other issues also affect Nigerian youth, including migration for greener pastures, cultural limitations, child marriage and early pregnancy, cybercrimes, youth radicalization, the place of young Nigerians in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), as well as the erosion of cultural identity and values. These are all worthy of deliberation.

    As of the time the president promised to work toward modalities for this conference and the selection of delegates in “close consultation with our young people through their representatives,” scepticism looms large.

    At the State House in Abuja earlier this month, the president inaugurated the planning committee of the National Youth Conference, tasking the youths—whom he described as the “heartbeat of the nation”—to seize the opportunity to redefine their future.

    Nigerians keenly await the modalities that will be set by the committee. What is the model for selecting delegates? What would be discussed during the 30-day duration proposed for the conference? While every youth awaits a response, it is pertinent to mention that numerous issues affect the youth, who make up over 60% of the federation’s population.

    Our hopes lie in the words of Eric Teniola, a seasoned columnist, who said after the 2014 National Conference: “A conference will not solve all our problems, but it will give us a platform to exchange ideas and maybe iron out our differences. A conference may halt our present drift to anarchy.”

    It is our hope that this National Youth Conference will be ‘The Conference that Breaks the Myth’ of unyielding conferences in Nigeria.

    •Lawal Dahiru Mamman, Abuja.

  • Unlocking the export potential of Nigeria’s local rice

    Unlocking the export potential of Nigeria’s local rice

    Sir: Nigeria’s indigenous rice varieties, including Ofada, Igbemo, Abakaliki, and Ekpoma rice, possess unique characteristics that make them valuable beyond local markets. While these varieties are appreciated for their rich aroma, distinct taste, and nutritional profile, their potential remains largely untapped in the global grain trade. With the increasing demand for indigenous and nutrient-dense grains worldwide, Nigeria has a significant opportunity to position its local rice as a premium product in international markets. Achieving this however, requires overcoming multiple barriers and implementing strategic interventions.

    Although Nigeria is historically a major rice producer, cultivation remains suboptimal due to several challenges. One major issue is the diversion of land for alternative purposes. In areas traditionally known for rice cultivation, such as Ofada, farmland has been increasingly converted to housing estates and other urban development projects, significantly reducing the available land for rice farming. Without strategic land-use policies, the long-term sustainability of rice farming in Nigeria remains at risk.

    Smallholder farmers, who produce most of Nigeria’s local rice, struggle with challenges such as limited access to high-quality agricultural input, as well as irrigation and modern farming techniques. Unpredictable weather patterns, pest infestation, and inadequate mechanization also contribute to inconsistent yields. Additionally, poor infrastructure, limited access to credit, and fluctuating government policies create an uncertain environment for rice farmers. To strengthen Nigeria’s rice sector before aiming for export expansion, it is critical to address these foundational issues. 

    Local rice varieties are often associated with inconsistent quality, varying grain sizes, and impurities such as stones. This reduces their competitiveness in international markets where stringent food safety and quality regulations apply. Compromised quality, but also significant post-harvest losses are exacerbated by poor storage facilities, outdated milling technologies, and inefficient supply chains, all of which further restrict export potential. To compete globally, local rice varieties should satisfy international safety thresholds such as pesticide residue limits, heavy metal contamination thresholds, and packaging regulations. Many Nigerian rice producers however struggle to meet these requirements due to weak regulatory enforcement and a lack of support for certification. To enhance the quality, marketability, and export potential of local rice varieties, it is essential to address these issues.

    Read Also: Nigeria’s life expectancy crisis and urgent call for action

    To successfully access and thrive in the global market, Nigeria must adopt a multi-pronged strategy that includes quality improvements, branding, strategic partnerships, and policy support.

    Relevant stakeholders should invest in modern de-stoning and polishing technologies to meet international quality benchmarks, establish standardized grading systems for different Nigerian rice varieties, facilitate certification programs (e.g., ISO, HACCP, and organic certifications) to enhance credibility and acceptability in premium markets such as the EU and North America, and develop traceability systems that allow consumers to verify the source and production methods of the rice they purchase.

    The Nigerian government should establish dedicated export incentives for local rice producers, such as subsidies for quality enhancement and export logistics, strengthen trade agreements with key rice-importing countries to ease entry into their markets, provide financial support and training programs for smallholder farmers and processors to improve competitiveness.

    Just as India strategically marketed its Basmati rice as a premium product by obtaining a Geographical Indication (GI) tag and investing heavily in quality control. Nigerian rice could benefit from a similar GI designation to protect and promote its identity.

    Thailand became a major rice exporter by implementing strict quality control measures, government-backed export initiatives, and aggressive global marketing campaigns. Nigeria can adopt such strategies to boost the credibility of its rice in international markets.

    Nigeria’s indigenous rice varieties have great potential to compete in the global market, but a structured approach is required to drive success. A strategic focus on quality improvements, branding, creating relevant market linkages, and policy support, can transform Nigeria’s local rice sector into a major export industry. With the right investments and strategic execution, Nigerian rice can gain a strategic standing alongside the world’s most recognized specialty grains, in a way that drives economic growth and contributes to preserving the country’s rich agricultural heritage.

    •Oluwadara Alegbeleye, PhD,<seunalegbeleye@gmail.com>

  • A dummy dead on arrival?

    A dummy dead on arrival?

    A dummy dead on arrival?

    Sir: For Hadiza Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, the senator representing Kogi Central in the National Assembly, the battles are closing in on all sides.  On March 24, led by one Charity Ijese,  some constituents from Kogi Central Senatorial Zone stormed the headquarters of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in Abuja with a petition to recall Akpoti-Uduaghan. According to her, they had gathered about 250,000 signatures out of 488,000 constituents.

    Now, Section 69 and 110 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (As amended) provides that a senator can be recalled if the conditions under the section are fulfilled.

    It is not unforeseeable that senator Akpoti-Uduaghan could be recalled. If her constituents satisfy the requirements for a recall, why not? But it will be a rare case of a senator recalled, if not the first, since 1999.

    The early signs indicate that the forces bent on recalling her face an uphill task. The senator is battle-hardened and her travails in the senate are only but her latest scars. She fought tooth and nail to make it to the senate in the first place. In the 2023 elections, though she was clearly the people’s choice, it took a decisive decision of the Court of Appeal to rescue her victory after it was stolen by forces loyal to Yahaya Bello, then incumbent governor of the state.

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    Immediately after her victory at the court of Appeal, a tumultuous crowd welcomed her back home when she returned to the zone to thank the people for their support. She was only sworn in November 2023, but she is said to have worked wonders for her people.

    It is why the recall attempt apears doomed to fail. It is clearly covered in the fingerprints of those with whom she mopped the floor in the 2023 elections in Kogi State and those who she has thus far thoroughly embarrassed in the senate.

    Nigerians have a painfully short attention span, but this time around, they must strive to pay a little longer attention to this case. It is way beyond Senator Akpoti-Uduaghan as a person; it is more about institutional oppression and women participation in politics.

    •Kene Obiezu,keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Return of Dangote to Ogun State

    Return of Dangote to Ogun State

    Sir: These are probably the best of times for the government and people of Ogun State. For a state widely referred to as the gateway state and the industrial hub of the nation, it is about to witness the establishment of two gigantic projects, that is the building of another cement plant with a capacity of 6.0 million metric tons per annum, at Itori, Ewekoro Local Government Area, and the construction of the biggest port at Olokola, Ogun Waterside Local Government Area.

    What gladdens the mind is that this same cement plant was pushed out of the state few years ago due to some misunderstanding between the Dangote Group and the immediate past administration. For those who might want to know the sudden change of Dangote’s mind, it is imperative to look at the current administration of Prince Dapo Abiodun and his disposition to investors vis-a- vis investments.

    Abiodun, apart from being the number one promoter of investments in the region is also working assiduously to attract more investors to the state. He anchored his vision on leading a focused government that brings prosperity to the state and its people through public private partnership believing that no government or country could succeed in its development drive without active participation and contributions of the private sector.

    To encourage the private sector, the state government embarked on policy reforms and put in place needed infrastructure, like good road network and of course carried out a comprehensive overhaul of the security architecture to make the state safe for business and leisure.

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    For those who have come across the president of Dangote group, Aliko Dangote, he is a man who does not do things out of sentiment or emotions. He will not invest his hard earned money where the atmosphere is not conducive for business. To him, Ogun has really changed and the ambience is conducive enough for his two gigantic projects to make their way back to the state.

    To show that he meant what he said, he suggested that the state in addition of being known as the Gateway state, should add another title to its name as ‘the Bed Rock State” for being one of the most attractive investment destinations in Nigeria.

    It should be recalled that Dangote pulled out of the state some years ago when the administration of Governor Ibikunle Amosun destroyed his cement plant that was being constructed at Itori. Therefore, his return to Ogun, the state he once abandoned due to infrastructural and policy challenges, speaks volumes about the evolving economic landscape and opportunities under the current administration.

    Dangote’s return is not just symbolic—it comes with massive financial commitments. His company is reconstructing the Itori cement plant with two new production lines, each with a capacity of 6.0 million metric tons per annum. Combined with the Ibeshe plant’s output, Ogun State is poised to become the largest cement producer in Nigeria and sub-Saharan Africa, with a total production capacity of 18 million metric tons per year.

    But Dangote’s ambitions don’t stop at cement as he has also announced plans to revive the Olokola Free Trade Zone (OKFTZ) and construct Nigeria’s largest port at Olokola. This development, if realized, could significantly boost Nigeria’s logistics sector, reducing dependence on the congested Lagos ports while enhancing international trade.

    Sure, the return of Dangote cement plant at Itori and the deep sea port at Olokola will drive further the industrialization process and the economic development of Nigeria and make Ogun State to continue to be the nation’s industrial hub.

    •Elijah Udofia,Laderin Abeokuta, Ogun State.

  • Nigeria’s life expectancy crisis and urgent call for action

    Nigeria’s life expectancy crisis and urgent call for action

    Sir: At just 54.6 years, Nigeria’s life expectancy is among the lowest in the world, a grim reflection of a broken healthcare system, widespread poverty, and an economy that continues to push millions to the edge of survival.

    This crisis is not the result of war or natural disaster but of leadership failures that have neglected the very essence of governance—protecting and improving the lives of citizens. Preventable diseases like malaria, HIV/AIDS, and tuberculosis remain major killers, while malnutrition silently claims the lives of countless children.

    The situation is even worse in rural areas, where hospitals are either non-existent or in shambles. Many primary healthcare centres have no doctors, no drugs, and no equipment. When meningitis recently broke out in Kebbi State, authorities had to transport samples all the way to Abuja just to confirm the cause of death. This is the tragic reality in a country that boasts of being Africa’s largest economy.

    Despite not being at war, Nigeria ranks lower in life expectancy than countries with histories of prolonged conflict, such as South Sudan and Somalia. The World Poverty Clock reported in 2024 that 70.8 million Nigerians live in extreme poverty.

    As inflation soars, more families can no longer afford nutritious food or basic healthcare. The National Health Insurance Scheme exists, yet millions remain excluded due to accessibility issues.

    Meanwhile, the cost of medicine is left to the whims of market forces, allowing exploitation to thrive while ordinary citizens suffer. A nation’s future is shaped by the well-being of its people.

    Yet in Nigeria, the alarming maternal and infant mortality rates continue to erode the country’s development prospects. Pregnant women face life-threatening risks due to a lack of skilled birth attendants, inadequate antenatal care, and poor emergency response services.

    Many die from preventable complications, leaving behind children who are thrust into a cycle of poverty and deprivation. The inability to ensure safe childbirth in the 21st century is an indictment of the government’s failure to prioritize healthcare.

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    Beyond healthcare, environmental factors further threaten life expectancy. Poor sanitation, contaminated water sources, and exposure to pollution contribute to the spread of deadly diseases.

    Urban slums and overcrowded settlements breed infections, yet government policies remain largely ineffective in addressing these hazards. Without proper investment in clean water, sanitation, and waste management, millions will continue to fall victim to avoidable illnesses, further dragging down life expectancy rates.

    This is not a crisis of fate but one of misplaced priorities. The government often flaunts economic growth statistics, but these numbers mean little when hospitals remain death traps and food insecurity continues to weaken an already vulnerable population.

    A country that cannot guarantee the health and well-being of its people is a country setting itself up for collapse. There is still a chance to turn the tide. The government must immediately invest in primary healthcare, expand health insurance coverage, regulate food and medicine prices, and ensure that no Nigerian is denied medical care due to poverty.

    The time for empty promises is over. Lives are on the line, and the consequences of inaction will be measured not in statistics but in the suffering and premature deaths of millions.

    •Firdausi Abubakar, Abuja.

  • Rivers and President Jonathan’s blather

    Rivers and President Jonathan’s blather

    • By Bishir Dauda Sabuwar

    Sir: The reaction to the imposition of emergency rule on Rivers State by the former president, Goodluck Jonathan was characteristically unbecoming of an elder who was one time a president. The remark is pedestrian, lacking wisdom and circumspection.

    At this point in time, any wise statesman, if he had to speak about any issue, should say something that will add value. Incessant talks from elders can be counterproductive. Jonathan’s comment cannot inspire new thinking. It will not address any issue because it is not predicated in context, and he didn’t speak as a mediator. His blubbering is not different from the torrential partisan comments made by hundreds of ordinary people.

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    When Fubara, the ill-tempered suspended governor of Rivers State, bombed the building of the Rivers State House of Assembly, I waited to hear from Jonathan what he would say as an “elder statesman” only to be greeted with silence!

    Jonathan perhaps was perhaps AWOL when Fubara presented his budget to four people. It is a caricature of the whole system for a governor to present a budget to only four legislators. It is a disgrace to the country, but to Goodluck Jonathan, this illegality will not dent the image of Nigeria.

    Jonathan did not initiate reconciliation as a “man of peace.” He hid himself elsewhere. And even when Fubara spit fire that he would surprise those who underrate him, Jonathan did not comment.

    A pipeline was blown a day after an impeachment notice was served on Fubara; Jonathan was nowhere to be found.

    It was only after President Tinubu did the needful that Jonathan reacted. These are the kind of elders we have today in this country. This man even made spurious remarks against the judiciary just to earn undeserved applause from those who pushed him to make comments.

    The former president has the right to comment on any issue to his fancy, but for God’s sake, anytime he wants to dabble in any matter, he should not forget that he is an elder statesman.

    •Comrade Bishir Dauda Sabuwar,

     Unguwa Katsina.

  • The Sani Abacha in each of us

    The Sani Abacha in each of us

    • By Seye Aluko

    Sir: By annulling the June 12 1993 presidential election, Ibrahim Babangida, and Sani Abacha made Nigeria regress many steps backwards, and the governance of Nigeria became like rotten flesh, unable to fulfill its anticipated yearnings for development.

    It is alright for Babangida to now write a book of remembrance, chronicling his deeds and misdeeds, his actions and his inactions, his reactions and interactions, 32 years after the fateful annulment of the free and fair 1993 presidential election.

    It is alright today for Babangida to now shed “crocodile tears” and voice his “regrets,” and to finally and formally tender his “apologies,” to this nation for this annulment. But has Babangida’s apology not come“ too little, too late,” as it does not in any measure compensate for the damage done?

    Abacha is  a person whom numerous persons would wish to forget. Yes many lessons must be learnt from the example of Abacha, whose death sparked nationwide exaltation and rejoicing. One must learn from the lessons of history, that we must caution all people not to steamroll themselves into unmerited leadership.

    How many are the persons who celebrate the yearly anniversary of Abacha’s  death, or who publish in national newspapers messages of goodwill for him and his passage? Hardly any one does this except for his loyal wife, Maryam. Abacha has judged himself. His deeds are recorded like as with a mirror, or a camera. His deeds are nothing “to write home about.”He is someone the world would wish to forget. Does this not make everybody think?

    Numerous are the activists that Abacha clamped into jail. Such include the journalist Chris Anyanwu, and the activist lawyer Gani Fawehinmi, and Shehu Yar’Adua. Numerous were those who had to flee the country because of the oppression of Abacha’s iron fist. Such persons traumatised by Abacha and had to flee from this country include Professor Wole Soyinka, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu etc. Abacha’s victims include Mrs. Kudirat Abiola (who was brutally assassinated by his “hit squad”). Ken Saro Wiwa and six other Ogoni citizens who were hanged under suspicious circumstances, perhaps for their protests at the desecrations of their waterways by oil—spills. Labour leader Frank Kokori, was jailed for successfully organising a nationwide labour strike to protest the annulment of the ground breaking election. Additionally, ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo was not spared, and had to endure three tortuous years in jail for a charge he knew nothing about. 

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    For any person who can read between the lines (and tides) of history, will realise how Abacha was able to  steamroll  and bulldoze himself into power by studiously riding on Babangida’s back, in a vexatious and criminal baton exchange. Babangida and Abacha are merely the opposite sides of the same coin!

    Abacha was a presidential misfit because he entered into the exalted office of governance by subterfuge, guile and deceit. It was for these reasons that so many persons in Nigeria openly and brazenly rejoiced at his death, because he had nothing to offer the nation, apart from misery, sorrow, toil and tears. According to reports Abacha stole so much money from the coffers of this country and its treasury, that up till the present day Nigerian leaders are feverishly and frenetically striving to recover these stolen funds. And this stolen money was to the tune of millions of dollars!

    Finally about Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida; what can be said about him? A write up on Babangida would require an entire book! Let that be left to historians! So let us give him space. After all he has apologized! This writer will merely say “let him be,” until a later date, and a different time.

    •Seye Aluko,

    adeseye2@yahoo.com

  • Youths’ 30 Days Rant Challenge that leads nowhere

    Youths’ 30 Days Rant Challenge that leads nowhere

    • By Ogungbile Emmanuel Oludotun

    Sir: For days now, and for the next several, until it reaches 30, young Nigerians have flooded ‘Twitter’, TikTok, and Instagram with passionate rants about the failing economy, rising food prices, and the naira’s continuous decline. But after all the venting, what exactly will change? Sometimes, I wonder if this challenge has become mere content for some, a way to trend and chase clout rather than a genuine call for solutions. Are we satisfied with complaining, or do we truly want to fix the country?

    It’s pathetic that many of the same people ranting online are doing so simply because it’s naturally trending. Some of them know nothing about governance. The only thing they know about Nigeria is its name, yet they cannot name their local government chairman, councillor, senator, or House of Representatives member, the very individuals shaping policies that affect their lives. They don’t know how laws are passed, how government budgets are created, or what their constitutional rights are.

    Now let’s talk numbers. According to Dataphyte, in the 2023 elections, Nigeria had over 37 million registered voters under 35, making up nearly 40% of the total voter base. Yet, youth voter turnout was abysmally low despite their loud voices on the internet. According to INEC, apathy among young people reached disturbing levels, with many opting out of the electoral process entirely.

    When political party memberships opened, how many young Nigerians showed interest? Instead of joining the PDPs, APCs, and SDPs of this world and dominating them with numbers, we leave our future in the hands of the same politicians we complain about. When roundtable meetings are called, how many young people show interest in engaging in these spaces? Yet, it is the same old people deciding the country’s future. How many of these internet warriors have a copy of the constitution or even know what their basic rights look like? But they know all the algorithms and tricks for going viral on TikTok and Instagram.

    It’s ironic. The older generation, whom we blame for ruining Nigeria, at least understood power before they got into office. Yakubu Gowon became Head of State at 31. Murtala Muhammed led a coup at 37. Shehu hagari was a federal lawmaker in his 20s. Whether they led Nigeria to success or ruin, they grasped how governance worked. But today’s youth? They have outrage, not political strategy.

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    Hence my new reality is that Nigerian youth are simply too uninformed, too distracted, and too unserious about governance. They can analyse every detail of Big Brother Naija but cannot explain how a bill becomes law. They can name all the latest TikTok influencers but not their constituency representatives. So how do they expect to change a country they don’t even understand?

    The #30DaysRantChallenge reveals an uncomfortable truth: Young Nigerians want transformation but refuse to do the work. They want change but won’t join political parties. They want better leadership but won’t contest for office. They want accountability but won’t attend local government meetings or demand policy reforms.

    And let’s not even talk about youth organizations. Student associations, once fierce movements against military oppression, are now tools for political patronage. Today’s so-called “youth activists” are more interested in clout than in actual leadership.

    Before anyone says, “The system is rigged against us,” ask yourself: Did the politicians who dominate Nigeria today have it easy? No. They studied the system, exploited its weaknesses, and fought their way into power. But young Nigerians? They sit behind their phones, cry about bad governance, and expect someone else to fix Nigeria. It doesn’t work that way.

    We are at a crossroads. The older generation will not be here forever. Power will shift. The question is: Who will take it? The children of the same politicians who ruined Nigeria? If young Nigerians do not get serious, if they do not educate themselves, organize beyond social media, and actively participate in governance, they will wake up one day and realize their opportunity has passed.

    Maybe, after the #30DaysRantChallenge, we should start a 30 Days of Accountability and Action Challenge. One where young people visit their local government offices, engage with their state representatives, and demand accountability. If that happens, then we are getting somewhere. Because let’s be honest: Complaining is not a strategy. Social media protests might feel like activism, but hashtags are not policies, and viral rants are not governance.

    The sooner Nigerian youths understand this, the better.

    •Ogungbile Emmanuel Oludotun,

    <thedreamchaser65@gmail.com>

  • Killer-herdsmen: A rampage from the past

    Killer-herdsmen: A rampage from the past

    Sir: In the last few years, Benue State has had a torrid time at the hands of killers of all shades and stripes. Whether it is for their land or to settle ancient animosities, blood has flowed freely in Benue in the last few years at the hands of killers.

     A few days ago, protests rocked Akure, the Ondo state capital. The protesters had a common complaint: herdsmen were overrunning their farms, with deadly consequences. Similar occurrences in Bayelsa and Enugu prompt the question whether or not Nigeria is witnessing a rampage from the past.  It appears that the honeymoon is over, and the knives have finally flown out. Close to two years since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office, the bodies are gradually piling up after a period of rest during which it appeared that the attacks had fizzled out.

    Insecurity remains a major problem in Nigeria, a country which remains criminally insecure despite enormous resources to protect itself. Insecurity swiftly takes a devilish turn in rural areas where entire communities and families who depend on farming to earn a living must daily confront the many criminals who contest their land with them, often with deadly consequences.

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    While the killings mount in rural areas, what is the government doing? For successive governments, securing Nigeria has become almost an impossible task. There is always the elaborate talk about strategy and personnel, but that rural communities around the country remain criminally vulnerable to attacks is a pointer to the fact that tackling insecurity in the country hardly goes beyond long discourses.

    Since everything done to tackle insecurity in the country has failed, it is time Nigeria altered her approach. It is time the country reviewed its security strategy. It is not enough that Abuja, the country’s capital, remains largely intact. If terrorists, many of them sponsored no doubt by influential Nigerians, continue to rip the country apart, then it cannot be that anywhere is safe.

    Insecurity in Nigeria should be tackled headlong. It is not a problem that limits itself, or one that is endemic to any part of the country. As long as any part of the country is insecure, the entire country is unsafe.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • That Rivers may heal

    That Rivers may heal

    Sir: The ongoing political quagmire in Rivers State has elicited a wide range of reactions from various quarters. Loyalists, aggrieved individuals with personal grievances, opportunists masking self-interest as intervention, as well as both friends and foes, have all weighed in. Some arguments are rational, some biased, and others outright absurd. Yet, everyone is entitled to their opinion.

    A significant point of contention has been President Bola Tinubu’s declaration of a state of emergency and suspension of the governor, his deputy and the House of Assembly members. Some argue that he overstepped, while others contend that the legal basis for such a move remains ambiguous.

    The reality is that Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution, which governs the declaration of a state of emergency, remains unclear and requires further judicial interpretation. This debate is further complicated by historical precedents, such as the 2004 suspension of Plateau State Governor Joshua Dariye by then president, Olusegun Obasanjo.

    When Governor Dariye challenged his suspension in the Supreme Court, the case was struck out on technical grounds rather than on the constitutionality of his removal. Justice Idris Kutigi and other justices ruled that the plaintiffs lacked the standing to sue, effectively leaving the legal question unresolved. This highlights the need for further judicial interpretation of the president’s power to suspend a governor under a state of emergency.

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    Amidst the cacophony of opinions, Professor Okey Ikechukwu’s analysis stands out for its balance and depth. He rightly pointed out the potential for opportunistic criminality in such crises, particularly following the pipeline explosions. He also highlighted the extreme positions taken by the parties involved, with neither side willing to compromise. Professor Ikechukwu referenced the concept of inherent presidential powers, as outlined in a publication by the U.S. Congress, to justify certain executive actions in times of crisis. His perspective aligns with the view that the President Tinubu was not going to remain passive and not do what was necessary to prevent further escalation of the crisis, which was clearly spiralling out of control.

    That said, no one emerges from this crisis looking good. From a governor who, after failing to install his preferred speaker, resorted to demolishing the legislative complex and relocating proceedings to Government House, to his unilateral decision to conduct local government elections in defiance of court orders. He further presented an N800 billion budget to just four legislators (technically three, as one was appointed Chief of Staff), without a properly constituted House, yet proceeded to implement it. On the other hand, his predecessor and political mentor, along with loyalists, have continually fuelled the standoff. Then came the reckless statement: “At the appropriate time, I will give the signal.” Not long after, pipelines started getting blown up.

    It’s a complete mess. Governor Siminalayi Fubara, the House of Assembly members, and Wike – all should be ashamed. At no point did any of them consider the welfare of the people of Rivers State.

    Now that the legislature has aligned with the executive on the declaration of a state of emergency and the appointment of a sole administrator, it is time to allow Rivers State to heal. The situation calls for less emotion and selective outrage.

    I hope all parties involved have learned their lessons and are engaged in serious introspection. This crisis has been brewing since 2023 – two years wasted when reconciliation could have been achieved. But egos prevailed, and here we are.

    My appeal to stakeholders and even non-stakeholders: Let Rivers State heal.

    •Chiechefulam Ikebuiro, Chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com