The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • The foreign aid booby trap

    The foreign aid booby trap

    Sir: Two events propelled foreign aid as an inevitable option available to most developing countries of the world. First was the great depression of 1929/30 which left many nations bankrupt and the economies devastated. Second was world war, 1939-1945 which its considerable upheavals that left only fewer nations as survivors. Four nations, USA, China, Britain, France, and USSR famously called Allied nations, were the survivors and were also the greatest beneficiaries of the war.

    They were the founding fathers of the United Nations organisation and they retained the veto power till date for the control of the body. The recent stoppage by US of foreign aid is an eye opener that many developing nations should buckle up their belt for a vigorous internal development through partnership and direct foreign investments.

    One of the nuisance values of the Nigerian Civil War (1967 – 1970) was that it opened the eyes of the military leaders under General Yakubu Gowon to see the negativity of foreign aid and the plausibility of direct partnership. The opening of relationship with USSR and China ipso facto helped the country to win the war.

    Many developing countries have been short changed as a result of foreign aid which were given at the expense of their sovereignty. The French West African countries today have no love lost between them and their erstwhile French coloniser because they belatedly realized that their independence as nations were mere futility and happenstance as the French overlord continue to lord over their nations’ sovereignty.

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    They neither developed nor earned the freedom of choice to govern themselves based on their resourcefulness and God-given gifts. Any aid that impugn on the freedom and sovereignty of nation constitute a ruse, and after more than six decades of independence, African nations should choose the path of equal partnerships with most of the developed world rather than aid benevolence or inequality of relationship based on the master/servant ethos.

    Let government further strengthen the internal administration of sectors likely to be adversely affected by the recent stoppage of US aid with the hope of generating more monies for sustainability. Until developing countries learn to look inward for purpose of generating resources for their survival and using their resources judiciously and prudently, they will continue to be susceptible to funny aid tricks by the developed world that often left them bare and broken hearted.

    •Sunday Olagunju,Ibadan, Oyo State.

  • Osun LG crisis: The real victims are the people

    Osun LG crisis: The real victims are the people

    Sir: The battle for local government seats in Osun State continued last Saturday with elections into various offices, despite warnings from the Attorney General and the Inspector General of Police. One may not blame Governor Jackson Adeleke for proceeding, as he had secured a High Court judgment in Ilesa, affirming the legality of the election. Following the polls, the Osun State Independent Electoral Commission (OSIEC) announced that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had won all contested seats—an outcome that surprised few observers.

    What should be of greater concern is the number of avoidable lives lost in this debacle. In the aftermath of the recent election, I have sadly watched as “thieves” congratulate “thieves” and former “usurpers” antagonize the present “usurpers.” We now live in a world steeped in hypocrisy, where the corrupt celebrate their kind while the naive and gullible masses are duped into taking sides. The corrupt elite masterfully manipulate public opinion, fuel divisive rhetoric, and turn citizens against one another.

    However, beyond the electoral outcome, concerns have mounted over the violence that accompanied the process, leading to loss of lives. Among the casualties was Remi Abass, a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the reinstated chairman of Irewole Local Government. According to reports, Abass was killed while on his way to assume office. This is notwithstanding cases of many political actors that escaped assassinations in broad daylight.

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    At the Fidau prayer held on the third day to supplicate for Remi Abass, an Islamic cleric delivered a thought-provoking message. He reminded the gathering that beyond political affiliations, communities suffer when violence escalates. He urged the people to look beyond the artificial divide of PDP versus APC, reminding them of a harsher reality: “Omo Ikire pa Omo Ikire” meaning an Ikire indigene had killed a fellow Ikire indigene. His words were not meant to incite inter-town conflict but to expose the needless divisions that politics has sown among the people.

    The voices of reason and morality are drowned out by the cacophony of partisan politics and special interests. With each election cycle, parties interpret the law to suit their interests, while citizens are caught in the crossfire. I pity the people of Osun, especially those complicit in their own oppression, blindly supporting those who undermine their collective well-being.

    My call is to those still willing to listen to the voice of reason. The call to action is clear: do not die in their war. Refuse to be pawns in the games of the powerful, who manipulate divisions to tighten their grip on wealth and influence. They will stoke tensions, exploit your emotions, and incite conflicts that benefit only themselves. Yet, when the dust settles, it is not they who will bear the scars—it is you, the ordinary citizens, who will suffer the losses.

    As tensions persist, there is an urgent need for reflection and restraint. Political actors must prioritize governance over personal or party interests, while citizens should resist being drawn into conflicts that do not serve their long-term interests. Elections should be a means to strengthen democracy, not an excuse for violence and division. All in Osun must recognize that the future of Osun — and indeed, the nation, depends on breaking free from this vicious cycle of manipulation and deceit. In an equitable society, power is wielded with integrity, and leadership is truly accountable to the people.

    •Matthew Alugbin, PhD, Edo University, Iyamho.

  • Babangida and his 1966 non-Igbo coup epiphany

    Babangida and his 1966 non-Igbo coup epiphany

    Sir: If a 20-year-old student researcher had found, after methodical research, that the 1966 so-called Igbo coup was not an Igbo coup after all, that 20-year-old researcher would have been celebrated as an instant national hero. But when Ibrahim Babangida, an 83-year-old insider and eye witness to that 1966 event, makes similar declaration, he should not be viewed as a hero and truth teller; instead, the question should be asked: when did Babangida become aware of that piece of truth?

    Why has it taken Babangida almost 60 years to tell a piece of truth that he has known from day one? Even if he thought he would not have been believed if he had spoken his truth the day or months or a few years after the coup, because he didn’t think he had the clout, what about the eight years during which he occupied the highest seat and had the loudest megaphone in the country?

    Why did Ibrahim Babangida sit on a vital and critical piece of truth for 60 years? The Igbo had suffered and continue to suffer existentially as a result of the conspiratorial lies about that 1966 coup. Babangida knew that. He knew the truth in 1966, just as he knew the truth in 1976, 1986, 1996, 2006, 2016. He knew the truth in 2024. He knew the truth in the eight years he ruled the country as a military dictator. Why now? Why in 2025?

    Ibrahim Babangida has been around and has watched millions of Igbo killed, suffer incalculable property and economic losses, suffer the injustices and inequities of political isolation and marginalization, all because of the conspired and concocted lies of the 1966 coup being masterminded by young Igbo officers. Babangida knew the truth right from the jump but he chose to watch the lies fester and suppurate into a national cancer. Heck, he even took part in the civil war against the Igbo.

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    So, what is an 83-year-old Babangida trying to accomplish by coming clean with all these confessional truths – the 1966 coup, the June 12 elections and MKO Abiola? Is Babangida’s inevitable mortality staring him in the face? Like the coward that he has admitted to being on this side, is Babangida also petrified of life of torture and torment on the other side? Is that what this whole epiphanous nonsense is about?

    The verdict is already in on Ibrahim Babangida’s caricature of a memoir. It is a vain desperate but disgusting attempt at revisionist history not worth any drop of ink wasted in publishing it. Nigerians are unanimous on that verdict. Well, almost unanimous, because you still have folks like Arthur Eze who made a complete fool of himself with that rambling and incoherent display at the book launch. Such an ignorant and disgraceful display of sycophantic and fawning desperation.

    So, even with his belated admissions and confessions, Babangida is not a hero, he has never been a hero, and will never be a hero. His comeuppance awaits, if not already upon him.

    But what about General Olusegun Obasanjo? What about General Jack Yakubu Gowon? What about General Muhammad Buhari? They are Babangida’s still-living historical contemporaries. Like Babangida, they saw 1966 coup up close and, perhaps, personal. Like Babangida, they have, at different times, ruled Nigeria after the 1966 coup. They have wielded the loudest megaphones in the country. And they have watched the Igbo bear the burden and suffer the consequences of a vile and malicious lie.

    Why didn’t they tell the truth about the 1966 coup? Why didn’t they debunk the deadly lie? Why haven’t they done that still? Gowon is 90-years-old; Obasanjo is 87, and Buhari is 82. What are they still waiting for? Will they take the truth, their truth, to their graves? We wait, as only time will tell.

    •Dr. Vitus Ozoke,United States.

  • The case for increased investment to expand condom access in Nigeria

    The case for increased investment to expand condom access in Nigeria

    By Echey Ijezie

    The International Condom Day is observed annually on 13 February and there is nothing more critical at this point than the collective call for enhanced HIV prevention everywhere in the world. This is even more significant for us at AIDS Healthcare Foundation (AHF) because we recently celebrated a significant milestone of over two million lives now receiving HIV care globally. As the largest provider of HIV/AIDS medical care worldwide, AHF remains steadfast in its commitment to pioneering treatment and advocacy, ensuring access to care regardless of an individual’s ability to pay. This milestone also highlights our modest but important contribution to the fight against HIV/AIDS in Nigeria.

    The recent dwindling funding threatens HIV prevention initiatives, this is why condom access must be prioritised. While some nations may justify cutting back on aid and funding, Nigeria and indeed many African nations faces the risk of increasing HIV infection rates unless new strategies are adopted to expand condom availability and education. The World Health Organization (WHO) reports that about 1 million STI infections occur globally every day. Although the presence of PrEP has revolutionised HIV prevention, it does not protect against other STIs. This makes it essential to balance messaging on the importance of both condoms and PrEP. The Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) in their 2024 Global AIDS Update report gave some grim statistics [Ref: UNAIDS].

    In 2023 alone, approximately 3,500 people became newly infected with HIV daily, totalling 1.3 million new infections for the year. In a recent press release, UNAIDS asserted that condoms remain one of the most effective and low-cost tools for preventing HIV, with a 98% effectiveness rate when used correctly and consistently. Globally, condom use has averted an estimated 117 million new HIV infections between 1990 and 2019 [Ref: UNAIDS]. However, recent data indicates a decline of 6-15% in condom use across multiple countries, according to Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), the Condom Landscape Analysis, and the World Health Organization (WHO).

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    For the past few years, the global public sector and subsidised condom procurement has declined by an average of 30% since its peak in 2011 [Ref: UNAIDS]. This decline has occurred despite Africa’s population increasing by approximately 400 million since 2010, resulting in fewer free or subsidised condoms available per capita today than a decade ago [Ref: UNAIDS].  In Nigeria, the condom gap is estimated to be around 600 million annually. Addressing this shortfall requires a multi-sectoral approach, involving the public sector, media, social marketing, and commercial partners to ensure sustainable condom promotion, particularly among high-risk populations in areas with high HIV burden.

    A nationwide survey conducted by AHF Nigeria, in collaboration with NOIPolls and the National Agency for the Control of AIDS (NACA), revealed that 92% of adult Nigerians are aware of condoms and their purpose. While awareness is high, attitudes and perceptions vary. The survey found that 63% of Nigerians associate condoms with sexual pleasure, while 45% view them as a sign of promiscuity. Despite this, 82% of respondents indicated that condoms are readily available in their communities, with the South-East region having the highest accessibility at 94%. In contrast, the North-Central and North-West regions reported the lowest access levels at 77% each.

    The survey also highlighted that while 83% of Nigerians believe people should use condoms, only 34% reported personal usage. Among those who use condoms, 32% cited family planning and pregnancy prevention as the main reasons. Gender analysis showed that more men (39%) than women (28%) use condoms, and usage was highest among individuals aged 18-35. However, 66% of Nigerians do not use condoms, with 33% of non-users citing religious beliefs as the primary reason. Geographically, the North-West region recorded the highest proportion (78%) of people who do not use condoms. The survey indicated that 58% of respondents want advocacy groups and other stakeholders to address misinformation about condoms and highlight the consequences of non-use. In addition, 61% of Nigerians believe condoms should be provided for free, and increased access to free condoms could significantly improve consistent usage nationwide.

    Condom awareness exists, but usage remains low, particularly in areas with limited access. Advocacy, reduced taxes, and increased investment in supply and education are essential to prevent rising HIV infections and other health risks. Beyond availability, efforts must focus on dispelling myths and promoting condoms as effective protection. Collaboration between the government, private sector, and health organisations is crucial. Increased funding for free or low-cost condoms and awareness campaigns will drive lasting public health improvements. Strengthening supply chains and education can also make a significant impact.

    On our part, AHF Nigeria remains committed to working with all partners to push for greater investment in condom access. We believe strongly that protecting the future of millions depends on the decisions we make today. So, we are calling on greater investment in procuring and use of condoms. To be clear, this is not just about preventing HIV. It is also about empowering people to make informed choices, safeguarding young people, and ensuring a healthier Nigeria for future generations. Now is the time to act and ensure condoms are available to everyone who needs them.

    Dr. Echey Ijezie is AHF Nigeria Country Program Director.

  • A bad case in a bookcase

    A bad case in a bookcase

    Sir: Nigeria stands on extremely fragile foundations and many factors are responsible for the situation. There are to be found among the country’s living, a host of those responsible for her many problems. If Nigeria searches among the dead, even some of those who rendered her empty would be found.

    Last week, a key player in one of Nigeria’s most critical periods, during which the 1993 general election was annulled and the president-elect die in questionable circumstances had it all to bare in a book. Gathering Nigeria’s most powerful power brokers serving and retired, including two former presidents and the current one, Ibrahim Babangida presented his memoir titled” A journey in service”. His image makers have desperately sought to present the memoir as a source of great excitement among Nigerians. But, if there was any excitement at all around the release of the book, it was to the extent that people wanted to read, to know if the true circumstances of the horror they lived would be revealed.

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    But those that think they matter in Nigeria more than others gathered and without fail, they had some rather warm words for a man many remember only for his chilling cruelty. Maybe it is the passage of time which binds all wounds or the fact that many people are fighting different battles, but the memoir from one of Nigeria’s most ruthless dictators has fetched no more than muted reactions.

    In the memoir, Babangida belatedly summoned the grace to admit that annulling the 1993 general election which led to the death of the presumed winner, M.K. O Abiola was a grave error. What was not clear from the admission was whether there was remorse or not.  Assuming there was any hint of remorse, did it come from his heart, or was it the stirrings of a heart realising its fathomless folly so late in life?

    Given how dangerous and destructive military involvement have been to Nigeria as a country and democracy, it is absolutely shocking that many of those involved in various crimes against Nigeria have not been prosecuted and may never be.

    The book may be one man’s chronicle of his personal life, but given how he took power in Nigeria and went on to force himself on the country for eight years, it is a book that has wider ramifications for Nigerians. There has never been a stronger case of a nutcase and a bad case on a bookcase, but posterity will pronounce the final judgment.

    However, until Nigeria gets better, Nigerians must be wary of the phoney remorse that is propelled only by a certain reckoning with the dust that awaits even deities.

    Kene Obiezu,keneobiezu@gmail.com

  • Babangida’s memoir of deflections

    Babangida’s memoir of deflections

    Sir: For those of us who did not live through General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida’s rule as full-grown adults, history is what we inherit from those who tell it. And now, with his book, A Journey in Service, Babangida hands us his version, one where he is the hero, and the villains are conveniently absent.

    In his autobiography, the man known as Maradona deftly dribbles through the narrative, presenting himself as the protagonist, even as the memoir is riddled with contradictions, historical revisions, and self-exoneration. While the book gives us an insight into his leadership style, it fails to reconcile these revisions with the realities of history.

    One of the most glaring contradictions in the book is Babangida’s account of the June 12, 1993, election annulment. He claims that the decision was not his alone but was forced upon him by elements within the military, particularly the late General Sani Abacha. However, this version conflicts with previous interviews where he took full responsibility for the annulment, citing concerns about national security and political instability. His claim of being outmanoeuvred by political forces rings hollow when we consider the lives lost, the democracy derailed, and the chaos that followed.

    If Babangida was truly eager to hand over power, why did his every action, from manipulating party structures to installing an interim government, suggest otherwise?

    Similarly, his defence of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) is another example of selective memory. Babangida argues that SAP was a necessary reform that encouraged local industry and stabilised Nigeria’s economy. However, in previous statements, he admitted that SAP led to inflation, widespread job losses, and economic hardship. His insistence that SAP was self-initiated rather than imposed by the IMF contradicts available records showing that Nigeria was pressured into adopting IMF-backed policies. The devastating impacts of SAP in the rising unemployment, currency devaluation, and worsening poverty, remains one of the most contentious aspects of his legacy.

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    Another significant area where Babangida’s account lacks authenticity is in his discussion of the 1966 coup. In an attempt to dismiss the widely accepted belief that the coup was Igbo-led, he claims it was purely an act of a few young officers without ethnic motivation. However, he concedes that his perspective might be speculative. And speculation, by definition, is not history. If there is no concrete evidence to challenge the well-documented accounts of the coup’s ethnic dimension, why does he attempt to rewrite it? Is this a genuine re-examination of history, or a strategic revision to suit a new narrative?

    Also, throughout the book, Babangida carefully creates the image of a leader burdened by difficult decisions, rather than one actively shaping Nigeria’s political and economic trajectory. He downplays the authoritarian aspects of his rule, including press suppression, political assassinations, and corruption scandals, while presenting himself as a misunderstood reformist. General IBB’s attempt to reframe history, particularly regarding June 12, SAP, and the 1966 coup, reads less like a candid memoir and more like a strategic attempt at historical revisionism.

    Of course, the lingering question remains: Why did Babangida wait over three decades to tell his story? He finally speaks, but many of those who could have countered his claims, MKO Abiola, Abacha, Arthur Nzeribe, Clement Akpamgbo, Justice Bassey Ikpeme, Justice Dahiru Saleh, Abimbola Davis (ABN Director of Operations), Prof. Omo Omoruyi, Prof. Humphrey Nwosu, and Vice Admiral Augustus Aikhomu (whose press secretary announced the annulment, purportedly without Babangida’s approval), are no longer alive to challenge his narrative. Is it any wonder, then, that history in this book appears one-sided?

    The ancient Greek historian Polybius once said: “The purpose of history is not the same as that of tragedy, but rather its opposite. Tragedy must startle and entertain its listeners in the present moment by using the most persuasive words, even if they are false. History, on the other hand, must teach and persuade for all time, using only the truth. In tragedy, the ruling principle is deception; in history, it is truth.”

    Babangida’s memoir may pretend to be history, but in many ways, it reads more like tragedy, where the protagonist tells his own version of events, and those who could challenge him are long buried. History is not just the past; it is a map of the past, meant to guide the present. The real question now is: Shall we let the hunters write the final story, or will we demand the truth before it is too late?

    •Folorunso Fatai Adisa, United Kingdom.

  • Vanishing polytechnics not recipe for death of technical education

    Vanishing polytechnics not recipe for death of technical education

    Sir: Lot of misgivings have trailed the federal government’s recent conversion of some polytechnics into the universities.

    Critics see the move as a major setback to the future of technical education. Yet other antagonists view it as a crystal deathly recipe for the future of technical education in the country.

    Both concerns indubitably are borne out of misconceptions and lack of understanding of government’s motivation on the issue. What have changed is the nomenclature and not necessarily the paradigm of polytechnics as the linchpin of both technical and technological education for the country.

    Rather than be a challenge to global best practices, the new move is a recipe for expanding and strengthening polytechnic education, to fulfil its pivotal role in the nation’s quest for rapid technological development.

    As polytechnics become degree awarding institutions, their graduates will necessarily receive the recognition they deserve without compromising the practical and industry-focused trainings that make them the unique catalyst for Nigeria’s technological break forth.

    In developed economies like Germany, China, Canada, United Kingdom and even France, polytechnics and conventional universities run concurrently but the goal of each type of education differs markedly. With the upgrading of polytechnics, they now produce high level manpower they previously were used to. Yet if the country is to accomplish the type of technology the current leadership envisages, then they need high level engineering personnel to break the shackles of degradation that has long held the technological development of the country comatose.

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    In the new dispensation, polytechnics will now produce their own professors and set up the criteria for achieving such academic standards, as opposed to the present academic dilemma and frustration by polytechnic lecturers. The conversion of polytechnics to universities also means upgrading the syllabus of Higher National Diploma (HND) to align with the Bachelor of Sciences degree. One of the contentious issues between the HND and BSC is the non-admissibility that the curriculums leading to the award of both degrees are the same.

    The civil service commission seems to have taken side with the universities such that the age-long bone of contention regarding salary and promotion cadres remains abysmally unresolved. The latest development will put paid to such needless controversy henceforth. Both the OND holders and qualified students with the correct WAEC or NECO qualifications can seek admissions to degree-awarding polytechnics, although the point of entry will be different. Similarly, holders of HND can also undertake a one year course for a Bachelor of Science degree in the new universities.

    Afterall, NCE holders still gain admission for degree courses at the Universities of Education which were formerly Colleges of Education. The motive seems clear: to provide high level manpower as opposed the middle level manpower with its series of cogs and obstacles to advancements later in life.

    Those staff with doctorate degrees do not need to seek career accomplishment again outside the polytechnics. Rather, like their counterparts in the universities, they should write academic/technical papers in their fields for expert assessments and evaluations to becoming associate or full professors.

    This automatically will remove the dichotomy between polytechnics and university education as their teachers can progress and attain their academic heights without swapping institutions. This is the practice globally.

    The idea of conversion will also put such polytechnics at par with the JAMB requirements for admission and which ipso-facto have removed all basis for discrimination of any kind. Rather than being a disadvantage, the conversion of some polytechnics to degree awarding institutions have much benefits to offer the country by way of its technical and technological development.

    Such conversion has neither detracted from its normal pivotal role as the body providing technical or vocational education, nor now as centres of technical and technological excellence for the overall technological development of the country.

    And finally, the move will eradicate the poor enrolment of students, many of who shun the polytechnics in preference to the universities.

    •Sunday Olagunju,Ibadan, Oyo State.

  • Re: Reform overdue in INEC

    Re: Reform overdue in INEC

    SIR: Your editorial titled Reform Overdue published on February 17 underscores the urgent need to enhance the Independent National Electoral Commission’s (INEC) capacity to prosecute electoral offenders. The editorial rightfully supports INEC’s call for the creation of a dedicated tribunal to expedite the prosecution of electoral offences, a move that is critical for strengthening Nigeria’s democracy.

    INEC has long struggled with the legal bottlenecks that delay the prosecution of electoral offenders, which in turn fosters a culture of impunity. During the commission’s first quarterly consultative meeting in Abuja with the media in 2025, INEC chairman, Professor Mahmood Yakubu, reiterated the necessity of establishing a special tribunal dedicated to handling electoral offences. He emphasized that the existing legal framework, which assigns electoral offence cases to magistrates and state high courts, often leads to indefinite delays, as these courts prioritize a wide range of other cases over electoral matters. Consequently, electoral offences are carried over from one election cycle to another, significantly weakening the deterrent effect of prosecution.

    The current state of electoral justice in Nigeria is deeply flawed. Cases involving electoral misconduct are treated as ordinary offences, failing to recognize the existential threat they pose to democratic integrity. When offenders escape justice due to prolonged legal processes, it emboldens future violators and erodes public confidence in elections. If left unchecked, this state of affairs could further deepen political apathy, as citizens may perceive the inability to prosecute offenders as an institutional failure or, worse, unwillingness to address electoral malpractice.

    Professor Yakubu’s proposal for an electoral offences tribunal is a pragmatic and necessary reform. A dedicated tribunal will ensure swift prosecution, alleviate the burden on civil courts, and serve as a crucial mechanism for upholding electoral integrity. Without an efficient legal structure to handle electoral offences, Nigeria risks normalising electoral malfeasance, which would have dire consequences for democratic stability.

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    Some critics argue that creating a specialised tribunal would add to bureaucratic redundancy and strain the national budget. While fiscal prudence is a legitimate concern, it should not override the fundamental need to safeguard democracy. If the government can justify the establishment of geo-political commissions to drive regional development, then surely creating a tribunal to protect electoral integrity is an equally worthy investment. The sanctity of elections must be treated as a national priority rather than a secondary concern dictated by economic considerations.

    INEC’s frustration with the slow pace of electoral justice is well-founded. Numerous electoral offence cases remain unresolved nearly two years after the 2023 general elections. This inefficiency highlights the pressing need for systemic reform. Without a swift and effective judicial mechanism, the credibility of future elections will remain in jeopardy.

    •Umar Farouk Bala, (NYSC)Abuja.

  • Exit of two elder statesmen

    Exit of two elder statesmen

    Sir: No matter how long man holds out, death eventually wins, returning to the earth that which it gave and sustained. But there are men who never die but only disappear physically to return again. Two of such men disappeared from Nigeria within days of each other.

    First was Pa Ayo Adebanjo, the leader of Afenifere and deputy national leader of the Southern and Middle Belt Leaders Forum (SMBLF) who died on February 14. His death was followed by that of Chief Edwin Clark who was the leader of the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF) and national leader of the Southern and Middle Belt Leaders Forum (SMBLF) who died on February 17, 2025.

    Within days of each other, both men joined their ancestors, exiting into the pantheon of great Nigerians who have exited the world before others, who in their lifetime wanted nothing but a better Nigeria.

    In a country where it is easy to conflate love for one’s tribe with trenchant tribalism, Pa Adebanjo had the rare presence of mind to be unashamed of his Yoruba heritage while leaving Nigeria’s position as first uncontested.

    He especially showed he could hold up his convictions in the build-up to the 2023 general elections when he threw his weight behind a candidate from another part of the country even though the leading candidate who is now Nigeria’s president is from his tribe.

    That was Pa Adebanjo at his best—forthright, focused and fearless. How his counsel and courage will be dearly missed.

    Chief Edwin Clark was only 33 when Nigeria gained independence from Britain in 1960. But before then, he had been only 29 when the country struck gold in Oloibiri, Bayelsa State in 1956, four years to Nigeria’s independence. He was to go on to bear front-row witness to the first squirts of Nigeria’s prosperity. This was before the storm clouds took over, and oil exploration turned his beloved Niger Delta region into a veritable modern-day wasteland.

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    For Clark, Nigeria was refusing to commit to the responsibility that oil exploration came with, and the environmental justice the unimaginable suffering of people in the region merited. If Clark’s fears were exaggerated by tribal affiliations, the jarring struggle of the Ogoni clean-up project has projected him as a prophet.

    His insistence that the Niger Delta, the golden goose that laid the golden eggs, deserved better from Nigeria economically, but especially politically, found some culmination between 2007 and 2015 when Goodluck Ebele Jonathan improbably became Nigeria’s vice president and then president. The unlikely ascent of a little-known academic from a minority tribe as deputy governor of Bayelsa State to president was an unprecedented reward for the Niger Delta and Pa Clark was there by his side throughout, providing guidance.

    Just like Pa Adebanjo, both men were caught in the crossfire of a country where tribal and regional sentiments often cloud national values and virtues, with patriotism giving way to provincialism and parochialism. That both men were able to stay consistent across decades, clinging to their values even if by their fingernails pays glittering tribute to who they were at heart — towering national treasures.

    More than national treasures, they were national monuments who refused to stay silent but were always at hand to provide timeless counsel. They will be greatly missed.

    Unfortunately, Nigeria has stubbornly refused to get better. There is in place in and around the country’s corridors of power, the kind of young men who ruined the Biblical King Jeroboam with their jeroboam of poisonous counsel. The result of their tireless work is there for all to see in the broken and battered system Nigeria operates.

    Pa Adebanjo and Pa Clark leave at a time their wise heads are most needed to salvage what is left of Nigeria. But their timeless examples of what it means to be a Nigerian will continue to provide firm guidance until the day when Nigeria finally stirs from its slumber.

    Surely, they rest in perfect peace. As a country long beleaguered on all sides, may Nigeria find rest someday.

    •Ike Willie-Nwobu,Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • Is electricity tariff increase inevitable?

    Is electricity tariff increase inevitable?

    Sir: The government has hinted at another electricity tariff increase. According to Olu Verheijen, President Bola Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Energy, last year’s price adjustment covered only 65% of electricity supply costs, leaving the government to directly subsidize the remaining 35%.

    Nigerians widely opposed last year’s tariff hike, as high inflation and a challenging macroeconomic environment have been eroding household incomes and business profits.

    However, is the expected tariff increase justified? Is it inevitable?

    Electricity costs consist of fixed and variable costs. Fixed costs include expenses related to power generation infrastructure, financing, and project-related costs. A major component is the cost of capital, which depends on how lenders perceive project risks. Factors such as the creditworthiness of the project sponsor, project viability, repayment guarantees, and political risks influence financing terms. These, in turn, affect the pricing of electricity, as companies must charge enough to recover their investments and generate returns.

    Variable costs cover operational and maintenance expenses, salaries, fuel procurement and transportation, and other ongoing costs. These costs are highly susceptible to inflationary pressures. Currently, Nigeria’s inflation rate stands at 34.8%, impacting not only consumers but also power companies, which must deal with rising operational expenses.

     Many Nigerians argue that the quality of service from electricity companies does not justify further price hikes. However, poor service could be a consequence of insufficient revenue rather than inefficiency alone. Electricity providers struggle to cover rising fuel costs, salary payments, maintenance, and debt servicing. If these costs exceed their revenues, it can lead to underinvestment in infrastructure, worsening service quality.

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    This justifies the need for tariff increases—but only if higher costs are not due to inefficiencies such as operational waste, inadequate metering, or illegal electricity connections. The lack of universal metering means that only a fraction of connected customers bear the full cost burden, further straining electricity companies.

     While the government currently subsidizes 35% of electricity supply costs, other interventions could help ease the financial burden on consumers:

    Reducing Variable Costs: The government could provide concessional credit lines to electricity companies to lower their operating costs. Refinancing loans at more affordable rates could also reduce financial strain.

    Data-Driven Tariff Adjustments: Any price increase should be based on thorough data analysis to determine whether rising costs stem from inefficiencies within electricity companies or broader macroeconomic conditions beyond their control.

    Encouraging Competition and Private Sector Participation: Creating an investment-friendly environment would attract more private players into the power sector, increasing efficiency and reducing electricity costs over time.

    Negotiating Cost-Effective Power Purchase Agreements (PPAs): The government must adopt best-in-class negotiation tactics to prevent long-term PPAs from locking Nigeria into higher-than-necessary tariffs.

    Macroeconomic Stability: A stable macroeconomic environment is essential for long-term electricity sector improvements, as it influences inflation, exchange rates, and overall investment conditions.

    While an electricity tariff increase may be necessary to ensure the financial sustainability of power providers, it should be based on a thorough assessment of cost drivers. The government must explore ways to lower operational costs and improve efficiency before passing the burden onto consumers. Structural reforms that enhance efficiency, reduce financing costs, and promote competition will ultimately ensure a more reliable and cost-effective power supply in the long run.

    • Monica Maduekwe,<monimaduekwe@gmail.com>