The Nation Newspaper

Category: Letters

  • Kemi Badenoch and the elevation of hypocrisy

    Kemi Badenoch and the elevation of hypocrisy

    • By Jude Ndukwe

    Sir: Leader of British Conservative Party and Opposition in the United Kingdom Parliament, Kemi Badenoch, has continued to stir the hornet’s nest with her controversial statements about Nigeria since assuming office . She has made what many consider denigrating statements against Nigeria, her country of origin, while exalting the UK, her adopted country.

    While her remarks about the country cannot entirely be dismissed,  her flawed and effusive glorification of the United Kingdom, prove that she is either grossly ignorant of Nigeria’s foundational deficiencies or she deliberately chooses to ignore the facts and spew heavily skewed narratives against Nigeria to the advantage of the UK mainly to feather her own political nest.

    Everything Nigeria suffers today is arguably a direct result of the brutish legacies of the British in colonial Africa. From Nembe Kingdom to the Oyo Empire; from the Owa Kingdom to the Benin Kingdom; from today’s Chibok to Calabar; from Zaria to Opobo; from Onitsha to Ife; the nation reeks of British infamous heritage of blood, sorrow, fraud, corruption, outright stealing among other unspeakable vices.

    While we agree that our police, and by extension, our political leaders, need to do far better, Badenoch should have focused on her new role as leader of the opposition in the UK to help clean up the heinous history of that country. History shows that our police and political leaders inherited several vices from the British. Such vices include but not limited to Kemi Badenoch’s Britain holding tightly on to their monumental loot from Africa.

    In 1897, the British forcefully seized 500 ivory tusks worth over two million British pounds from the Benin Empire after the forced ousting of the then Oba, Ovonramwen Nogbaisi. As of today, the British Museum alone holds around 73,0000 valuable cultural objects looted from Africa by the British colonial usurpers. And all efforts to get them to return these looted artefacts back to their original owners in Africa have met with a brick wall.

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    Does she not feel embarrassed that the world’s largest diamond known as the Star of Africa which weighs a whopping 530 carats and set in the British royal scepter with which King Charles III was coronated in May 2023, and still holds to date, was stolen from Africa in 1905 by the colonial British usurpers?

    Does she not cringe or get flummoxed knowing full well that a similar piece of diamond also stolen from Africa by British colonial masters, even though smaller, is also set in the Imperial State Crown worn by British monarchs on ceremonial occasions?

    How does she feel knowing that the highly revered British monarchs are coronated with a sceptre and a crown emblazoned with stolen jewels from Africa? How does she feel seeing her monarch flaunting stolen pieces of diamond with relish before the entire world in the name of royalty?

    It was the same crown and sceptre emblazoned with looted diamonds from Africa that the British crowned the late Queen Elizabeth with 70 years ago. How come Britain still hold on to stolen property from Africa for so long with such impunity and still crown their monarchs with the items right in the full glare of the whole world while Kemi Badenoch continues to play the ostrich?

    One can only imagine what would have happened if the tables turned and an African Head of State is crowned with jewels stolen from the West!

    Rather than hypocritically pontificate about Nigeria and the UK, Kemi should use her privileged position as leader of the country’s Conservative Party to clean up Britain’s criminal record of mindless looting of our artefacts and precious jewels and ensure their return to their original owners in Africa. She can go beyond mere rhetoric by following in the footsteps of a former Foreign Secretary, Charles James Fox who initiated the anti-slavery Bill that eventually saw to the abolition of slavery in Britain.

    They steal our resources through subterfuge; they become so rich and powerful through them, and then turn around to lecture us on morality.

    That nonsense must stop forthwith!

    •Jude Ndukwe,

      Abuja.

  • Artificial Intelligence and its impacts on education

    Artificial Intelligence and its impacts on education

    • By Daniel Ighakpe

    Sir: Technology is changing our world at an astonishing pace! Its sweeping changes can be found everywhere and they can be described as both thrilling, and at the same time terrifying. Although people in many parts of the world are still trying to come to terms with earlier technological revolutions along with their sweeping social and educational implications – which are still unfolding, they have awoken to the reality of yet another digital revolution – the AI revolution.

     Artificial Intelligence (AI) technology refers to the ability of a digital computer or computer-controlled robot to perform tasks that would otherwise have been carried out by humans. AI systems are designed to have the intellectual processes that characterize humans, such as the ability to reason, discover meaning, generalize or learn from past experience. With AI technology, vast amounts of information and text can be processed far beyond any human capacity. AI can also be used to produce a vast variety of new content.

    In the field of education, AI technology comes with the potential to enable new forms of teaching, learning and educational management. It can also enhance learning experiences and support teacher tasks. However, despite its positive potential, AI also poses significant risks to students, the teaching community, education systems and society at large.

    What are some of these risks? AI can reduce teaching and learning processes to calculations and automated tasks in ways that devalue the role and influence of teachers and weaken their relationships with learners. It can narrow education to only that which AI can process, model and deliver. AI can also worsen the worldwide shortage of qualified teachers through disproportionate spending on technology at the expense of investment in human capacity development.

    The use of AI in education also creates some fundamental questions about the capacity of teachers to act purposefully and constructively in determining how and when to make judicious use of this technology in an effort to direct their professional growth, find solutions to challenges they face and improve their practice.

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    Teachers are the primary users of AI in education, and they are expected to be the designers and facilitators of students’ learning with AI, the guardians of safe and ethical practice across AI-rich educational environments, and to act as role models for lifelong learning about AI.

    To assume these responsibilities, teachers need to be supported to develop their capabilities to leverage the potential benefits of AI while mitigating its risks in education settings and wider society.

     AI tools should never be designed to replace the legitimate accountability of teachers in education. Teachers should remain accountable for pedagogical decisions in the use of AI in teaching and in facilitating its uses by students. For teachers to be accountable at the practical level, a pre-condition is that policy-makers, teacher education institutions and schools assume responsibility for preparing and supporting teachers in the proper use of AI. When introducing AI in education, legal protections must also be established to protect teachers’ rights, and long-term financial commitments need to be made to ensure inclusive access by teachers to technological environments and basic AI tools as vital resources for adapting to the AI era.

    A human-centred approach to AI in education is critical – an approach that promotes key ethical and practical principles to help regulate and guide practices of all stakeholders throughout the entire life cycle of AI systems. Education, given its function to protect as well as facilitate development and learning, has a special obligation to be fully aware of and responsive to the risks of AI – both the known risks and those only just coming into view. But too often the risks are ignored. The use of AI in education therefore requires careful consideration, including an examination of the evolving roles teachers need to play and the competencies required of teachers to make ethical and effective use of Artificial Intelligence (AI) Technology.

    •Daniel Ighakpe,

    FESTAC Town, Lagos.

  • Now that Port Harcourt, Warri refineries are back

    Now that Port Harcourt, Warri refineries are back

    Sir: Congratulations to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the bold steps taken to revive the nation’s oil refineries. To his administration’s credit, two out of the four refineries – Port Harcourt and Warri – are back in operation after decades of abandonment by successive governments. Just like every Nigerian who wanted the best for the country, I was very excited on hearing the news and so compelled to publicly commend the administration for this giant feat. Much more, I’m convinced Nigeria will work and will be better for us if we are consistently blessed with leaders who would put the interest of all Nigerians over the interest of the few.

    Now that we have two of our refineries working, there are other pressing issues begging to be addressed. As a nation, it is high time we imbibed or enforced the culture of sustainability through timely and regular attention to such critical national facilities. Things would only be better for us a nation and prosperity shared among Nigerians if we are able to keep up the culture.

    Secondly, one expects the administration to take further steps to protect and prevent unauthorized exploitation of the nation’s oil resources by unscrupulous Nigerians and foreigners. In my opinion, declaring emergency on the facilities surrounding the oil wells should be the next task. Nigerian Navy and other relevant agencies saddled with responsibilities of securing and preventing illegal exploitation are seemingly overstretched and overwhelmed by the operation of illegal operators. This has not only resulted to huge loss to our nation but has adversely affected the nation’s economic drive.

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    The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) has on several occasions declared that Nigeria is in a bad situation over the menace of oil theft and pipeline vandalism. In the first quarter of year 2024, it was widely reported that Nigeria lost $1bn in revenue to crude oil theft and production shut-in caused by pipeline vandalism.

    No doubt, oil theft has been in existence for over two decades going by several reports by government and concerned stakeholders. Indeed, several hundreds of illegal refineries have reportedly been deactivated with several illegal reservoirs and illegal oil connection lines destroyed; yet the menace seems not to have abated. It is high time the Tinubu administration take the bull by the horn to check the activities of the saboteurs. The time has come for the administration to adopt a holistic approach to address the crude oil revenue loss challenge.

    • Kolawole Owoseni,Ado Ekiti.

  • The Nigerian dream or nightmare?

    The Nigerian dream or nightmare?

    Sir: The idea of the “Nigerian Dream” should ideally evoke a vision of prosperity, peace, and progress—a nation where hard work is rewarded, governance is transparent, and citizens can aspire to a better future. However, for many Nigerians, the dream appears elusive, overshadowed by decades of political instability, corruption, and an ever-widening trust deficit between the governed and those who govern. The reality for many is not a dream but a nightmare, fuelled by broken promises, systemic failures, and a persistent cycle of distrust between the people and their leaders.

    From the days of independence in 1960, Nigerians have been sold the idea of a great nation—a beacon of hope for Africa. The first-generation leaders, though not without their flaws, presented a semblance of vision and patriotism. However, successive governments—military and civilian—turned the dream into a mirage.

    Each electoral cycle is marked by grand promises: eradication of poverty, job creation, infrastructural development, and national unity. Yet, as soon as the votes are counted and power is secured, the promises fade, replaced by self-serving governance, nepotism, and financial recklessness. This pattern has left Nigerians increasingly sceptical, with many resigning themselves to a fate where they expect little from their leaders and are rarely disappointed.

    The relationship between Nigerian citizens and their leaders is characterized by deep-seated mistrust. The average Nigerian does not believe that politicians have their best interests at heart, and for good reason. Politicians frequently campaign on the rhetoric of service and transformation but, once in office, prioritize personal enrichment over national development.

    Public trust is further eroded by the fact that government spending, budget allocations, and policy decisions are often shrouded in secrecy. Public officials live in opulence while millions struggle to afford necessities.

    From failed electricity reforms to unfulfilled employment schemes, leaders repeatedly make pledges that they never honour leaving Nigeria consistently ranking among the most corrupt nations globally, as inflated contracts to brazen looting of public funds, corruption attained institutionalized heights.

    To sound like a broken record, roads are death traps, hospitals lack basic equipment, and universities are frequently shut due to strikes. The absence of functional public services makes citizens question the competence and sincerity of their leaders.

    Interestingly, the trust deficit is not just between the people and the government—it has extended to interpersonal relationships among Nigerians themselves. Decades of ethnic and religious divisions, exacerbated by political manipulation, have turned citizens against one another. The fear of the “other” persists, fuelled by stereotypes and prejudices that leaders exploit for their gain.

    With a potpourri of ethno-religious and cultural age-long propaganda, the national identity that should unite Nigerians has been replaced by regional and religious loyalties. In such an environment, it becomes difficult to build a unified front against bad governance.

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    A country’s youth should be its greatest asset, but in Nigeria, they are often treated as an inconvenience. Young Nigerians grow up witnessing leaders who remain in power for decades, recycling themselves through different political positions while offering little innovation or reform. The result? A disillusioned generation that sees little incentive to engage in politics or public service.

    The recent wave of Japa (mass emigration) reflects this reality. Skilled professionals, entrepreneurs, and students are leaving Nigeria in droves, searching for opportunities in countries that offer stability and meritocracy. Many who remain are caught in cycles of unemployment, underemployment, or political thuggery.

    If the youth—the backbone of any nation’s future—no longer believe in the Nigerian Dream, can the dream still exist? Or has it already turned into a nightmare?

    For the Nigerian Dream to be revived, fundamental changes must occur, and leaders must commit to openness, ensuring that government dealings are subject to public scrutiny. Nigerians must move beyond complaining and actively participate in governance, from voting to demanding accountability. The electoral process must be strengthened to ensure that votes count.

    Nigerians need to be reoriented to prioritize national unity over ethnic and religious divisions. Young people must be encouraged and empowered to take up leadership roles rather than being used as political tools.

    So, is the Nigerian Dream alive, or is it merely a cruel illusion? The answer depends on perspective. For many, the daily struggle to survive makes it seem like a nightmare. But for others—those who continue to fight for justice, advocate for change, and refuse to give up—there is still a flicker of hope.

    Nigeria continues to stand at a crossroads. It can either continue its descent into deeper mistrust and dysfunction or choose the harder path of reform and renewal. The Nigerian Dream is not yet dead, but it is on life support. The question remains: Who will step up to revive it?

    •Prince Charles Dickson, PhDpcdbooks@gmail.com>

  • Dikko-Maje and the human cost of negligence

    Dikko-Maje and the human cost of negligence

    Sir: The bustling community of Dikko-Maje in Niger State bore witness to an unspeakable tragedy recently as a tanker explosion claimed the lives of over 70 people and left 56 others critically injured. The catastrophe, which also destroyed property and livelihoods, has become yet another haunting reminder of the dangers posed by unsafe practices in handling hazardous materials.

    At the heart of this tragedy was an avoidable mistake. A tanker, heavily loaded with Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), had crashed along the Abuja-Kaduna Expressway near Dikko-Maje Road. Attempts to transfer the spilled fuel to another vehicle using a generator set off a fiery inferno, reducing everything in its path to ashes. Entire families perished in the flames, and the remains of some victims were unrecognizable. For those who survived, the physical injuries pale in comparison to the emotional scars they now bear.

    The calamity has once again spotlighted the alarming prevalence of safety negligence in Nigeria. Fuel transfer practices that blatantly disregard safety protocols remain widespread, despite years of awareness campaigns and warnings from agencies like the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA). In Dikko-Maje, the consequences of this recklessness have left an entire community devastated.

    Amidst the chaos, NEMA’s swift response offered a glimmer of hope as emergency teams worked alongside local responders to evacuate victims, provide medical attention, and offer immediate relief to affected families. While the agency’s efforts were commendable, even NEMA’s Director General, Mrs. Zubaida Umar, could not hide her frustration at the avoidable tragedy.

    The Dikko-Maje explosion is certainly not an isolated incident but part of a disturbing trend across Nigeria. From Lagos to Port Harcourt, similar tragedies involving fuel tankers, pipeline vandalism, and improper handling of flammable substances have wreaked havoc on communities.

    What makes this disaster particularly painful is the sheer human cost. Shops and small businesses—the backbone of Dikko-Maje’s economy—are now charred ruins. Families who relied on these ventures for their daily sustenance have lost everything. Survivors face months, if not years, of painful recovery. For some, the psychological burden of witnessing the destruction of loved ones will never heal.

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    But as the ashes settle, the question remains: how do we break this cycle? The answers lie not just in responding to tragedies but in preventing them from occurring in the first place. Nigeria urgently needs stricter enforcement of safety regulations and harsher penalties for those who flout them. Beyond this, there must be a shift in public consciousness—a recognition that the shortcuts taken to save time or money often lead to irreparable losses.

    One of the most pressing solutions is education. Grassroots communities, where unsafe fuel handling practices are most common, must be the focus of targeted awareness campaigns. People need to understand the risks they are taking, not just to themselves but to everyone around them. NEMA and other relevant agencies must deepen their efforts to reach these communities, collaborating with traditional leaders, religious organizations, and local media to spread their message.

    Another critical step is investing in infrastructure and technology to reduce the reliance on manual or makeshift fuel transfer methods. Modernizing fuel transportation systems and ensuring that safety equipment is readily available could go a long way in mitigating risks.

    For Dikko-Maje, the road to recovery will be long and arduous. Rebuilding destroyed lives and livelihoods is a task that will require the combined efforts of government agencies, NGOs, and compassionate citizens. But while recovery efforts are necessary, they must also serve as a wake-up call for policymakers and stakeholders.

    The lives lost in this tragedy must not be reduced to statistics. Each victim had a story, a family, and dreams for the future. Their memory should inspire a renewed commitment to prioritizing safety over convenience. The Dikko-Maje explosion is a sober reminder that negligence has a human cost, one that Nigeria cannot afford to continue paying.

    As we mourn the victims, let this incident serve as a clarion call for change. The time to act is now—before another community wakes up to horror, before more lives are senselessly lost. Only through collective responsibility, strict enforcement, and relentless education can we hope to prevent such tragedies from becoming a permanent feature of our national landscape.

    •Abdulhamid Abdullahi Aliyu (NYSC) Abuja.

  • NPA: Driving reforms, delivering results – A year of mentorship, service to the people 

    NPA: Driving reforms, delivering results – A year of mentorship, service to the people 

    By Olalekan AbdulRahman Badmus

    The process of procreation as explained scientifically and scripturally explains that the opportunity to make the cut of life is divine and a rare chance given to serve God and impact humanity. 

    Many a time when I look at humanity and existence in detail during my daily prayers, my assessment of every happening/occurrence around me draws back to the benevolence of my creator on his servants with myself inclusive, granting us the wherewithal to face life, excel in it in all ramifications, and still return to Him in the most worthy form to be a participant in His paradise. 

    For the fact that not all of His servants are granted the opportunity to make exploits in life, but being among the few He chooses to be recipients of His favours must forever heap His praises to the highest heavens. I say Allihamdulilah.

    On January 4, 2024, President Bola Tinubu approved and announced the appointment of some Executive Directors for agencies under the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy – Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) and Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency. 

    Luckily, I was one of those privileged in the list, to later become the Executive Director (Marine and Operations) of the NPA, through the support and strong RECOMMENDATION of my mentor, leader and boss, H.E. Adegboyega Oyetola – The Honourable Minister of Marine and Blue Economy of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    Precisely a year ago today, January 22, I resumed work and spent the first few weeks receiving guidance and tutelage from those I met on ground and the former MD of the Nigerian Ports Authority, Mr. Mohammed Bello Koko. I resumed work to drive the mandate of our leader, the Honourable Minister drawing from the huge inspiration of His Excellency President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda.

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    The last one year has been full of stories; from every regard – Politics, Governance, Societal Impact, Community Development, Personal Development and many more. I cannot forget in a hurry the wild jubilation and the gale of prayers and celebration galore that greeted my appointment and subsequent resumption. I was astonished when I saw the huge crowd that welcomed me back to Osogbo, on my first trip back to the state after my appointment. I cannot thank our people both in Osogbo, the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the good people of Osun State, enough for their gift and depth of prayers from last year till date. It has been love all the way. May Allah continue to bless and enrich our lives.

    With the guidance of our leader and mentor, H.E. Adegboyega Oyetola who gave all of us performance bonds, we all swung to work and to the glory of God, we have been able to put in place strategies and policy ideas on how to reform and strengthen the Marine Industry in Nigeria for better and optimum performance. 

    Heartwarming the most is that almost all of our partners and clients at the level of NPA have complied with the Renewed Hope Agenda and are following suit which has increased in a great deal our annual turnover and will continue to get better.

    Since joining the services of the Nigerian Ports Authority, we have deployed experience and burning desire for the success of President Tinubu led administration’s renewed hope agenda by consolidating on sustained economic drivers in the following areas:

    1. Export Promotion: through efficient operations of Export Processing Terminals supervised by the Marine & Operations directorate wherein the Authority provided facilities for export consolidation, packaging, documentation and unhindered access to the ports once the cargo leave the export terminals. The progress recorded is supported by reports from data churned out by Nigerian Beureau of Statistics (NBS) in the last 2 quarters of year 2024 where the country recorded balance of trade supplies for the first time in many decades.

    2. Stevedoring Operations:  Through diligent intervention and consistent engagement with non-compliant companies, leading to a significant increase in revenue.

    3. Shipping and logistics: the turn around time of vessels is within acceptable international practice of 2 days for container ships. Also as could be seen we have intensified efforts at ensuring free flow of traffic in and out of the ports of lagos which has hugely contributed to increased productivity and contributions to the national economy from the Maritime sector.

    4. We have also in the last one year recorded growth in multimodalism through the increased uses of in land water ways for cargo redistribution through Barges as well as intensified use of rail for same purposes.

    5. Stakeholders engagement: we have engaged all stakeholders – the Port Managers, Trucking Companies, IOCs and all concerned individuals in maritime business to key into Mr. President’s agenda. 

    We have through our vast experience in private sector and business world strengthening the bond with our partners all over the world to adapt to the global best practices on maritime management, control, upgrade of facilities at our ports, and proffers means of ease of doing businesses in our sector.

    In the last 365 days, I have in the company of my amiable Managing Director, Dr. Abubakar Dantosho, toured all our facilities across the country, assessed the situation of things, attended seminars and workshops in and outside the country to acquire more knowledge as well as contributed hugely to the policy direction of the NPA which is daily yielding fruits for the sector.

    These and many more strides we have attained under the leadership of the Managing Director, Dr Abubakar Dantsoho and guidance of H.E. Adegboyega Oyetola’s transformative leadership and initiatives.  

    Since leadership and positions of authority are for solid imprints in the lives of many, this account of stewardship is one that draws inspiration from my mentor’s gospel of societal emancipation, development oriented governance and people centric vision for prosperity. 

    I cannot but thank everyone who has continued to share in this vision. By the grace of God and support of all Nigerians, President (Asiwaju) Bola Ahmed Tinubu will succeed.

    God Bless Nigeria!!!!

    – Olalekan AbdulRahman Badmus, a former Commissioner for Regional Integration and Special Duties in Osun State is the Executive Director, Marine and Operations at the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA). 

  • Issues in 2025 agriculture budget

    Issues in 2025 agriculture budget

    Sir: Nigeria released a budget of N46 trillion (N46,019,639,175,313) for the year 2025 with the agricultural sector getting an appropriation of N636,076,022,121 which is about 1.4 percent of the total budget.

    That allocation is low and should be improved.  Recall that African Heads of State and ministers met in Maputo in 2003 to proclaim that they would commit 10 percent of their national budget to the agricultural sector to achieve six percent of annual agricultural growth. That was the birth of the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP). After 10 years, they went to Malabo to reiterate their commitment to the Maputo Declaration. This January , another declaration called the Kampala Declaration on CAADP reiterated commitments to the Maputo Declaration of 2003. Meanwhile, Nigeria’s agriculture budget share has not exceeded two percent in the last 10 years or more.

    A careful perusal of some of the budget line items of the MDAs under the Ministry of Agriculture shows a high level of repetition of projects proposed in previous years and poor planning. For example, it is unfortunate to observe that the capital budget of the six universities of agriculture under the agriculture ministry is scanty and lacks novelty. For instance, the capital budget of the Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta has just four line items revolving around the construction of structures that are not connected to academics, research, and innovations. Similarly, the activities of many of the research institutions are just basic and hardly innovative.

    The budget for the Federal Ministry of Agriculture headquarters is a compendium of some new and ongoing projects that have been repeating themselves in the last five years. Number one on the list of capital items is N2 billion for the installation of solar streetlights in six geopolitical zones. It is important to note that different amounts are being allotted to this particular activity each year, however, it is difficult to track if this activity is being implemented or not because the locations of these solar installations are unknown! The same scenario goes for the N3.5 billion for construction of feeder roads and the N1 billion for  construction of toilets in rural areas. I would like to recommend that going forward, budget line items should be clear, specific, measurable, and traceable.

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    There are a few items that are not very clear. For instance, when we propose say ‘mainstreaming gender in agribusiness’ it would need to be demystified. Also, being more specific with locations helps the oversight functions of the legislature for effective budget implementation and resource utilization.

    What matters for us now is for the National Assembly to expedite action and ensure effective implementation of the budget.

    •Godswill Aguiyi,Programme Officer,Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA).

  • Between Kperogi and Muhammadu Sanusi II

    Between Kperogi and Muhammadu Sanusi II

    Sir: I read Professor Farooq A. Kperogi’s article titled “Emir Sanusi’s Quid Pro Quo for His Friends Turned Fiends” with keen interest. Although well-written and rich in rhetorical flair, I believe it unfairly misrepresents the character and contributions of Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II, as well as the broader context of his remarks.

    Sanusi’s commentary on economic reforms is not new, nor is it driven by self-interest as implied in the article. His economic positions, controversial as they may be, have always been rooted in his commitment to transparency, accountability, and fiscal prudence.

    During his tenure as governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Sanusi spearheaded reforms that stabilized the financial sector and exposed corruption, notably the mismanagement of funds in the petroleum industry. His leadership saved the Nigerian banking system during the 2009 global financial crisis. These efforts reflect a consistent commitment to economic pragmatism, not the “self-loving sadism” Kperogi ascribed to him.

    At the Gani Fawehinmi Memorial Lecture, Emir Sanusi addressed Nigeria’s economic challenges within a historical framework, highlighting how years of poor management led to today’s difficulties. His statement about not defending the current government’s policies was not a quid pro quo demand but an expression of discontent over the failure of political leaders to reciprocate loyalty or act decisively for national progress.

    Sanusi’s critique of governance has often transcended personal affiliations. For instance, he openly criticized the Jonathan administration despite being part of the government apparatus, risking his career in the process. His comments at the lecture reflect this same principle: his loyalty is to ideas, not individuals.

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    The article unfairly caricatures Sanusi as an unrepentant neoliberal apologist indifferent to the suffering of the masses. While he has supported subsidy removal and exchange rate harmonization, his positions are informed by Nigeria’s fiscal realities. Subsidy regimes, historically marred by corruption and inefficiency, drained trillions of naira from public coffers without addressing systemic energy sector challenges.

    Critics often overlook the fact that subsidies disproportionately benefit the elite rather than the poor. Studies by organizations like the World Bank and Nigeria’s Budget Office have shown that wealthier Nigerians consume more fuel and thus benefit more from subsidies. Sanusi’s advocacy for subsidy removal is aimed at redirecting these funds toward targeted interventions, such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure, which directly benefit the masses.

    Contrary to the claim that Sanusi derives “delight from the misery of the masses,” he has consistently called for equitable resource allocation and the empowerment of marginalized communities. As emir, he launched initiatives to promote girl-child education, gender equity, and poverty alleviation in Kano State. His reforms in the Kano Emirate Council prioritized addressing social injustices that have long plagued Northern Nigeria.

    For instance, his campaign against child marriage and his emphasis on the importance of education for girls drew both applause and backlash. These efforts single out his commitment to social progress and human dignity.

    Kperogi’s critique of Sanusi’s remarks is passionate but offers no clear alternative solutions to Nigeria’s economic woes. If we agree that Nigeria’s economy has suffered from decades of mismanagement, what is the path forward? Should we continue subsidizing consumption at the expense of critical investments? Sanusi’s prescriptions, while debatable, are at least anchored in economic logic and long-term sustainability.

    Nigeria’s challenges require a balanced, solutions-driven discourse. It is unproductive to reduce complex issues to personal attacks or to dismiss individuals who have contributed significantly to national development. Emir Sanusi’s positions are not beyond critique, but such critiques should engage with the substance of his arguments rather than resorting to ad hominem attacks or speculative interpretations of his motives.

    Nigeria is at a crossroads and leadership—whether in government, traditional institutions, or civil society—must rise to the occasion. While Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II is not infallible, his track record of service, advocacy, and reform deserves a more balanced appraisal. Let us focus on building a Nigeria where ideas are debated with civility and respect, rather than turning important national conversations into platforms for derision.

    •Usman Abdullahi Koli,mernoukoli@gmail.com

  • Of America’s presidential lecture and its symbolism

    Of America’s presidential lecture and its symbolism

    Sir: In America, it seems the presidential seal is neither treated as a priceless gold artefact nor as a cherished diamond. Americans and their president appear to attach little significant value to it hence they care less about who uses it. Their president can use it, just as any American citizen can.

    At both the Capitol One Arena and Capitol Hill, I saw it, observed it too. Tesla boss and the world’s richest man, Elon Musk, along with the officiating minister and a lady who introduced Donald Trump as the United States’ 45th and 47th President, used it. I am talking about the lectern emblazoned with the U.S. presidential seal.

    Such an “aberration” can never happen in Nigeria. Our presidential seal is the exclusive property of the president. No one dares use it for public speeches. You cannot even come close to it. Stern-looking operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS) would never allow you to attempt such proximity.

    One cannot help but admire the friendly and laid-back approach of American politicians and public officials, even at grand events like a presidential inauguration. At such gatherings, there is an air of openness and accessibility.

    This stands in stark contrast to the rigid and oftentimes intimidating demeanour of many Nigerian leaders, their protocol officers, and overzealous security details. Public events in Nigeria are often marred by a sense of exclusivity, with leaders exuding an aura of untouchability.

    A telling example of this contrast was seen during President Trump’s inaugural address. As he stood confidently behind the lectern, there was no Aide-de-Camp (ADC) lurking like a sculptured idol behind him. He spoke directly to the American people, unencumbered by the presence of a uniformed officer standing guard.

    This simple yet profound act highlights a leadership style that prioritizes accessibility over grandeur. In Nigeria, the image is vastly different. Our presidents and governors are frequently flanked by ADCs, projecting an image of power and control rather than humility and service.

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    The lessons for Nigeria’s political class are clear: leadership should be about service, not spectacle. The obsession with elaborate protocols, excessive security measures, and ostentatious displays of power creates a disconnect between leaders and the people they are meant to serve.

    American politicians have shown that humility and relatability are not weaknesses; they are strengths that endear leaders to their citizens. Moreover, the approachability of American public figures at events reflects a culture of trust and mutual respect. In Nigeria, the excessive focus on security and protocol often makes public officials seem aloof and unapproachable.

    This is a stark reminder that governance should be about building bridges, not walls, between leaders and the populace. Another point of reflection is the symbolism of the U.S. presidential seal. Its accessibility to other speakers during public events signifies a leadership philosophy that embraces inclusivity rather than exclusivity.

    This practice could inspire Nigerian leaders to de-emphasize the symbols of power and focus more on meaningful governance and citizen engagement. Ultimately, America’s relaxed and inclusive approach to leadership protocols serves as a blueprint for a more people-centred governance model.

    It is high time Nigerian leaders realized that true power lies in the trust and admiration of the people, not in the intimidating presence of security personnel or the exclusivity of presidential symbols. America’s presidential seal is truly for everybody—an emblem of accessibility, humility, and democracy.

    Nigerian leaders would do well to embrace these ideals, shedding the layers of pomp and circumstance that alienate them from the people. A government truly of the people, by the people, and for the people must make itself approachable, relatable, and inclusive. The sooner we learn this lesson, the better.

    •Abdulsalam Mahmud,Abuja.

  • The coming of Adamawa’s Fufore Emirate

    The coming of Adamawa’s Fufore Emirate

    • By Zayyad I. Muhammad

    Sir: The creation of the two new emirates and five chiefdoms by Governor Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri was guided by two principles: first, the community’s request and demand, and second, the provisions of the Adamawa State Chiefs (Appointment and Deposition) Law 2024, which has been formally gazetted and is now part of the state’s statutes. Without this law, the governor would lack the power and legal authority to fulfil the community’s requests.

    The Fufore Emirate was established based on the demands of the 12 districts and their people. For those suggesting that Gurin, Malabu, and Ribadu or any other districts were coerced into joining the Fufore Emirate, consider the example of Zumo and Song. They chose not to join the new Yungur Chiefdom and remained with the Adamawa Emirate, while Gurin, Malabu, and Ribadu opted to be with Fufore. It’s straightforward: in a democracy, you get what you ask for.

    Governor Fintiri didn’t simply wake up one morning and declare, “Let there be Fufore Emirate,” and it came into existence. It was the product of requests, demands, negotiations, mutual understanding, and the backing of law and authority.

    Up to this moment, most of the noise about the creation of the Fufore Emirate is coming from people outside the 12 districts.

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    None of the 12 districts—Ribadu, Daware, Bengo, Verre, Nyibango, Kofsopah, Malabu, Malabu Kofa, Mayoine, Gurin, Beti, and Wuro Sham—has filed a petition or challenged the creation of the Fufore Emirate or their inclusion in it. In fact, the heads of all 12 districts were the first to pledge their allegiance and pay homage to the new Lamido of Fufore, His Royal Highness Sani Ahmadu Ribadu.

    On behalf of the 12 district heads, the District Head of Malabu was both emphatic and unwavering in his expression of loyalty and support for the new Emirate during the reception of the new Emir in Fufore.

    The Fufore Emirate, like any other emirate in Nigeria, is a product of law—established by the Adamawa State House of Assembly and gazetted in Adamawa. The emergence of the new Fufore Emirate, its Emir, and the allegiance and support of all 12 district heads and their subjects are outcomes of law, clear legal provisions, government authority, negotiation, and the people’s requests and demands. These are the fundamentals of tradition, custom, and democracy.

    Let us allow the citizens, friends, and neighbours of the Fufore Emirate to celebrate, as this expansion of horizons will foster development and strengthen unity, prosperity, and peace.

    •Zayyad I. Muhammad,

    Abuja.