The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Ebo Noah and deluge deferred

    Ebo Noah and deluge deferred

    Doomsday prophets seem never to tire, and they do not get dissuaded by serial failure of past predictions. The shocking thing is that they also seem to never lack gullible people who believe in their crackbrained predictions, no matter how improbable such prediction might seem to commonsense.

    The latest instance is a self-proclaimed Ghanaian prophet, labelling himself ‘Ebo Noah’ who predicted that the world would end through flooding on 25th December, 2025, and that only those who get on arks that God asked him to build would be saved. Only that he came up on the eve of the predicted doomsday to say the disaster had been postponed following what he described as divine intervention. He informed his followers the catastrophic flood would not occur on the day originally predicted after thousands from Ghana and elsewhere had traveled to the ark sites, preparing to board the vessels ahead of Christmas Day. Videos circulated online showed crowds gathering near the wooden structures in anticipation of the predicted event.

    Recent rainfall in Ghana intensified fears, with people taking the prophecy seriously enough to make preparations. When skeptics cited the biblical covenant in Genesis where God promised never again to destroy the earth with floods, Ebo Noah rejoined that even God can change His mind – referencing the account of King Hezekiah.

    Read Also: DJ Spinall, Davido, King Promise, Wande Coal, others light up Detty Rave 7 in Ghana

    The 30-year-old first gained international attention in August when he began posting videos on social media showing himself constructing wooden arks and warning that God revealed to him there will be a three-year period of rain beginning on Christmas Day. He claimed flooding would devastate the earth like in the biblical days of Noah, and only those who get on any of his arks would be saved. Reports said Ebo Noah had built about ten wooden arks as at Christmas Day, though the exact number varied in different accounts. The vessels, built with the help of local fishermen, were significantly smaller than the biblical Ark of Noah and critics questioned whether they were genuine arks or adapted fishing boats.

    Ghanaian authorities arrested Ebo Noah earlier in December over concerns that his statements were causing public panic, particularly among residents living abroad. He was detained for 72 hours before being released, because officials determined that making religious prophecies does not constitute a criminal offence under Ghanaian law. Meanwhile, there were indications Ebo Noah profited from his enterprise. Days before Christmas, he appeared publicly in a newly acquired Mercedes-Benz while wearing his trademark burlap costume. He shared a message stating he had fasted for three weeks and prayed for Ghana and the world.

    In the latest video message, Ebo Noah said he received a fresh vision showing large numbers of people gathering to enter his arks, which are not enough to accommodate everyone. Thus, he had consulted with other religious leaders for intercessory prayers and God had granted additional time to construct more vessels.

    Some swindlers do have ‘em!

  • Ogun roads and the cost of deliberate neglect

    Ogun roads and the cost of deliberate neglect

    Sir: For someone like me who has lived virtually my entire life between two states of Ogun and Lagos, I consider myself well placed to speak authoritatively on the deplorable living conditions, particularly the state of roads, in Ogun State.

    Anyone familiar with the geography of both states will agree that Lagos and Ogun are, in many respects, twin states. You can walk along a street identified as part of Lagos State, only to be told that the next few buildings fall within Ogun State. The streets are that interconnected. It is therefore not unusual for someone to live in Ogun State and literally trek to work in Lagos State.

    Over the years, Lagos State has consistently invested in road infrastructure, extending development even to its outskirts. Governors across different administrations, most notably Babatunde Raji Fashola and Akinwunmi Ambode paid significant attention to road networks, including boundary and suburban areas in Lagos State.

    Ogun State, on the other hand, largely concentrated its infrastructure efforts around the state capital, Abeokuta, and a few select towns, while deliberately, yes, deliberately neglecting the outskirts of the state, especially communities bordering Lagos. I have yet to understand the reason for this.

    I challenge anyone to visit areas where Lagos and Ogun states meet and observe the stark contrast. On the Lagos side, roads are often paved, maintained, and functional. Cross over into Ogun State and development abruptly ends. Ogun State simply looks the other way. Yet, this same state has repeatedly lamented that residents who live in Ogun but work in Lagos should remit their taxes to Ogun State.

    One is compelled to ask: what tangible development justifies this demand?

    Read Also: 2026: Abiru urges Nigerians to consolidate reforms, back Tinubu for economic recovery

    Why am I raising this issue now?

    A few days ago, world-renowned boxer, Anthony Joshua was involved in a fatal accident along the Sagamu Expressway, resulting in the loss of two lives. I intentionally refer to it as Sagamu Expressway without attaching “Lagos” because the incident occurred on Ogun State soil. The horrifying images of how their bodies were laid bare on the road were deeply dehumanizing. I am deeply saddened that the images kept replaying in my mind, even in my dreams.

    What pained me even more was reading how influencers across the world generalized this tragedy as a “Nigerian problem,” branding the country as a typical third-world society. As a Nigerian who has lived all of her nearly four decades in this country, this particular generalization hurt deeply.

    In all honesty, the blame in this instance should be squarely placed on the condition of Ogun State roads and the manner in which the state is governed. I strongly believe that this incident should spotlight Ogun State as a case study of governance failure, rather than being used to condemn Nigeria as a whole.

    To compound the injury, Anthony Joshua himself was reportedly conveyed in a police van after the incident. While the vehicle may not have been rickety, it was still an indignity that should never have occurred under proper emergency-response standards. It would not have been this bad if it had happened on a Lagos State road.

    It is my firm opinion that Ogun State, in its current form, has become too large for effective administration. I make this argument not as an indigene of Ogun State, but as someone who has lived there, schooled in one of its universities, and experienced first-hand the consequences of its administrative failures. For the sake of effective management, infrastructure development, and human dignity, Ogun State should be restructured, I kid you not.

    •Titilayo Oladimeji,<titipetral482@gmail.com>

  • 2025: What a defining year!

    2025: What a defining year!

    Sir: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had warned that national renewal would be neither fast nor painless. He described it as a painful surgery necessary to recalibrate the economy for future gains. By midyear, the warning had manifested. Inflation, driven by food and energy prices, persisted relentlessly. The naira existed in a state of limbo, neither collapsing completely nor regaining dignity. Salary-dependent citizens faced daily compromise, while speculators adjusted and profited. Official statistics merely confirmed what citizens already knew: adjustment had become endurance.

    Yet governance did not stand still. Revenue mobilisation improved. Leakages narrowed. By April, a comprehensive tax reform framework was unveiled, aiming to redefine who pays, how, and to what effect. Properly implemented, it could stabilise finances for decades. Miscommunicated, it risks deepening mistrust. In public policy, substance alone is never sufficient; legitimacy also requires understanding, transparency, and civic consent.

    Security offered evidence of the state’s potential when coordinated and intelligence-driven. Operations across Zamfara, Katsina, and Kaduna disrupted entrenched bandit networks. Camps once considered permanent were dismantled, and feared commanders neutralised. The significance was less in propaganda and more in the quiet lesson that impunity is not inevitable. Yet highways remained perilous, rural communities exposed, and kidnappings continued. Fear, while less permanent, had not fully dissipated. Structural justice, inclusion, and local legitimacy remain essential for lasting security.

    International and regional developments added further complexity to an already strained year. Statements by the United States President, Donald Trump, asserting that Christians were being targeted in Nigeria and describing the situation as a Christian genocide, drew strong domestic and international reactions, reopening debates about sovereignty, narrative framing, and the external politicisation of Nigeria’s internal security challenges.

    Almost simultaneously, a reported missile strike in Sokoto, justified as an operation against the so-called Lakurawa terror group, raised serious questions about intelligence credibility, civilian safety, and the expanding theatre of counterterrorism. Within the sub-region, Nigeria’s foreign and security policy faced its own test when Nigerian soldiers en route to Portugal were detained in Burkina Faso, a development that followed closely on the heels of an attempted coup plot in Benin Republic and Nigeria’s military support for the Cotonou government. Together, these events underscored the fragility of regional trust and the growing cost of instability beyond Nigeria’s borders.

    The health sector revealed fragility in stark terms. Nationwide strikes by resident doctors, followed by allied health workers, paralysed tertiary hospitals. Emergency rooms were stretched. Laboratories and pharmacies operated at skeletal capacity. Citizens faced delays, avoidable loss, and mounting uncertainty. Professional sacrifice, not institutional strength, sustained the system. No nation aspiring to seriousness can indefinitely rely on individual endurance while postponing structural repair.

    Read Also: New Year: First Lady urges Nigerians to choose peace, empathy, unity

    Midyear brought a moment of national reflection with the death of former President Muhammadu Buhari. Flags flew at half-mast. Tributes poured from private citizens, politicians, and international observers alike. Yet beneath ceremonial mourning lay questions unresolved: the legacy of decisions, the costs of policy, and the gaps left in leadership. History rarely closes neatly. It lingers, asking questions long after the ceremonies end.

    Politically, the year matured with quiet intensity. Alliances shifted, ambitions hardened. Northern cities, Kano in particular, became symbolic mirrors of broader anxieties. Silence, rather than violence, became the language of anticipation. Even without formal declaration, Nigerians understood that political calculation was underway, shaping the landscape for future contests.

    Amid pressure, civic life persisted. Humour flourished in the streets, on social media, and in private gatherings. Satire became a language of participation, reminding those in authority that power is both observed and interpreted. In a constrained civic space, laughter and critique became inseparable.

    By the year’s close, one conclusion is unavoidable. 2025 was not a season of miracles. It was a season of exposure. Governance demonstrated competence and direction in some areas, while revealing gaps in empathy and communication in others. Citizens displayed resilience, but also impatience and a refusal to be sustained by rhetoric alone. Reform is underway. Its success depends on trust, empathy, and the capacity of leaders to carry the public along honestly.

    Nigeria did not fall. But we keep hope alive that the giant will rise. It confronted itself, and comfort proved in short supply. This confrontation, uncomfortable as it was, may yet lay the foundation for a more serious engagement with the demands of nationhood. Nations rarely change because they are persuaded; they change because they are compelled to see themselves clearly.

    In this, 2025 may yet prove instructive.

    •Usman Abdullahi Koli, mernoukoli@gmail.com.

  • New Year: Any hope for Nigeria and Nigerians?

    New Year: Any hope for Nigeria and Nigerians?

    Sir: Year 2025, was no doubt a very challenging and troubling one for Nigeria and Nigerians. The year tested the resilience of citizens across all strata, as hopes were repeatedly confronted by harsh realities. From security concerns to economic pressures, many Nigerians trudged through the year with heavy hearts, praying for relief and renewal.

    Insecurity remained one of the most disturbing issues of 2025. Across several parts of the country, communities grappled with banditry, kidnapping, insurgency and other violent crimes that claimed innocent lives and disrupted livelihoods. The persistent shedding of innocent blood cast a dark shadow over national unity and development, leaving citizens yearning for lasting peace.

    The economy also struggled under severe strain. Inflation, unemployment, and the rising cost of living took a toll on households and businesses alike. Many Nigerians found it increasingly difficult to meet basic needs, while small and medium-scale enterprises battled to stay afloat in a harsh economic climate marked by dwindling purchasing power.

    Politically, the year was equally turbulent. Several political parties were engulfed in internal crises, factional disputes and leadership tussles that weakened their structures and distracted them from offering credible alternatives to governance. These crises further deepened public distrust in the political class and democratic institutions.

    As Nigerians welcome the New Year 2026 with open arms, there is a collective yearning for renewed hope. Citizens desire a year that brings economic prosperity, job creation, and a noticeable improvement in security across the country. The expectation is that 2026 will mark a turning point where policies begin to translate into tangible benefits for the masses.

    Read Also: 2026: Abiru urges Nigerians to consolidate reforms, back Tinubu for economic recovery

    There is also a strong call for stability within the polity, particularly among opposition parties. Nigerians want to see political actors put their houses in order, build strong internal democracy and present issue-based alternatives that can strengthen democratic competition and accountability.

    No doubt, 2026 will be filled with intense political alignments and realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections. However, there is widespread concern that governance must not be sacrificed on the altar of politics. Leaders at all levels must remember that their primary responsibility remains the welfare of the people.

    The president and state governors are therefore expected to ensure the smooth running of the country even as political mobilisation gathers momentum. With expectations that government revenues will improve due to the implementation of the new tax law, Nigerians insist that such funds be judiciously used to better lives. Anti-graft agencies must also step up tougher actions against corruption, both within and outside government.

    As the new year unfolds, the collective prayer is for peace, responsible leadership, and shared prosperity.

    •Tochukwu Jimo Obi, Obosi Anambra State.

  • Don Pedro Obaseki’s ordeal

    Don Pedro Obaseki’s ordeal

    In a disturbing incident, the former Managing Director of Daar Communications and prominent Nollywood filmmaker, Dr Don Pedro Obaseki, was attacked on December 28, 2025 while playing football at Uwa Primary School in Benin City.

    A viral video showed assailants stripping him naked, beating him, and dragging him through the streets to the palace of the Oba of Benin over alleged disrespectful comments made during a public event in London. His attackers labelled him an ‘Oghionba’ (enemy of the Oba).

    Reports said he was later taken to Oba Market Police Station, and released after about five hours in detention.

    In a statement he issued after he was released, he narrated his ordeal: “The attackers, some of whom were armed and brandishing guns, forcibly kidnapped me. The individuals who led this attack identified themselves as Kapuepue Adun, Osayande Obakhavbaye, Osamede Nomoless Eriyo and Osamiefan (also known as ‘Sales Guy’).

     “I was severely beaten up, dragged along the streets and stripped naked. I was dragged along Igbesanmwan Road, taken to the front of Holy Aruosa Church and publicly paraded in my nakedness.

    “From there, I was further dragged around Ring Road and forcibly taken to the Oba’s Palace. The public beating, stripping and humiliation occurred over a distance of approximately five kilometres.”

    Read Also: 2026: Abiru urges Nigerians to consolidate reforms, back Tinubu for economic recovery

    Amnesty International Nigeria, in a statement, described the assault and public humiliation of Obaseki as “barbaric and unlawful,” saying it showed “complete disdain for due process.” It added that the police “must investigate the incident and ensure that all those suspected of involvement in this crime are brought to justice.”

    The human rights organisation also said what happened to Obaseki “is unacceptable in a free society. It is also prohibited under international human rights law and standards aimed at safeguarding human dignity and protecting people from violence.”

    Obaseki was reported saying he would pursue justice through legal means, adding that his lawyers were already putting a petition together. This is the right thing to do.

    Curiously, in response, Edo State Police Public Relations Officer Eno Ikoedem was quoted as saying the situation had been brought under control, noting that the Commissioner of Police, Monday Agbonika, had met with the parties involved.

    It is unclear if he meant the issue had been settled. Meeting with the concerned parties cannot be the end of the matter; the police have a duty to find the attackers and bring them to justice.

  • Why kidnapping thrives in Nigeria

    Why kidnapping thrives in Nigeria

    • By Adeyemi Oladebo

    Sir: Kidnapping has become a thriving industry in Nigeria, not because criminals are too smart, but because the system allows it to pay. The repeated success of ransom collection raises a disturbing question Nigerians can no longer ignore: is this a failure of security capacity, or a failure of integrity?

    A recent rescue operation in Mali provides a revealing contrast. There, security agents tracked traffickers who had switched off phones and changed numbers, identified locations through intelligence tools, monitored movement discreetly, and rescued a 16-year-old victim without a single ransom call or negotiation. Criminals could not make repeated calls without being detected.

    In Nigeria, however, kidnappers operate with shocking confidence. They make multiple calls, negotiate for days or weeks, move victims across large areas, collect huge sums of money, and often escape without arrest. In some cases, victims are killed even after ransom is paid. This pattern suggests more than incompetence; it suggests deep systemic failure.

    Read Also: New tax laws take off January 1, 2026, Tinubu insists

    If similar intelligence tools and methods are effective elsewhere in Africa, Nigerians are entitled to ask why they appear ineffective at home. Either security agencies lack the required technology despite massive budgetary allocations, or there are internal compromises that allow criminal networks to flourish.

    Kidnapping will not stop as long as it remains profitable. And it will remain profitable as long as accountability is absent. This is not an attack on honest officers risking their lives daily, but a call for serious institutional reform, transparency, and investigation.

    Nigerians deserve a security system that rescues victims, not one that negotiates with criminals. Until the hard questions are answered, public trust will continue to erode—and kidnappers will continue to win.

    •Adeyemi Oladebo,

     <oladeboyemi@gmail.com>

  • Aftermath of US airstrikes in Nigeria

    Aftermath of US airstrikes in Nigeria

    • By Peter Ovie Akus

    Sir: ISIS terrorists operating in Nigeria got a fitting and perfect gift on Christmas day from the US President Donald Trump when their command-and-control centre in Bauni Forest of Tangaza Local Government Area of Sokoto State was reduced to rubbles by airstrikes launched by the United States military from a naval warship in the Gulf of Guinea.

     While unpatriotic elements and enemies of the nation were quick to criticize the airstrikes as a violation of Nigeria’s sovereignty, further lampooning the Nigerian government and military as impotent, the moves made by the Tinubu administration since the country was designated as a country of particular concern with the infamous “guns-a-blazing” tweet, due to alleged genocide against Nigerian Christians, have shown that the Nigerian government has been secretly working in collaboration with the US government to address the issue of terrorism in Nigeria.

    The bilateral cooperation was evidenced by reciprocal visits of senior government officials representing both nations, and reported sightings of US military planes flying over Sambisa Forest and other terrorists’ enclaves in the last one month. The most obvious tell that Tinubu was in the know and fully briefed on the impending airstrikes was his Christmas day tweet celebrating Christians in Nigeria where he tagged the US president’s personal handle on X. This was a novelty and obviously a go-ahead signal.

    Since 2009, Nigeria has struggled with the issue of terrorism and banditry which according to Vice President Kashim Shettima, has claimed over 100,000 lives. It started with the popular Boko Haram in Borno State. Today, we now have several groups like ISWAP, Ansaru, Lakurawa, Mahmud, and other Islamic militants’ factions which have not only pledged allegiance to ISIS but also sometimes engage in violent and bloody struggles for supremacy among themselves.

    Some have wondered why the Nigerian military seems incapable of defeating the terrorists even when they excel effortlessly in international assignments e.g. in putting down the recent coup in Benin Republic. There are many reasons for this and this is what has spurred some pundits and keen political watchers to call for collaboration with foreign powers to stem this ugly tide.

    Aside from it being an asymmetrical warfare with different rules of engagement, there are tales of terrorist’s sympathizers in the military either for religious or pecuniary reasons. Also, tacit backing from certain political and religious elites, the absence of political will due to the need for electoral victories, and foolish policies like incorporating repentant terrorists into the Armed Forces are some of the reasons why the military cannot win this fight without external help.

    Read Also: Southeast will vote massively for Tinubu, Nwifuru — Umahi

    President Tinubu must not rest on his oars. While the Americans are dealing with the bandits from the sky, he needs to rally the military and intelligence community to strike while the iron is hot. Our borders should be monitored with drones for surveillance to prevent an influx of foreign fighters, to mop up those who escaped the airstrikes, and to prevent a migration towards safer areas in the country.

    In 2021, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) released a list of Boko Haram sponsors. Six Nigerians were convicted in Dubai for funneling millions to fighters. Now is the time for the government to take another look at that list as many of the names on that list are still roaming around freely in Nigeria. Military victory against the terrorists will be easily attained once their source of funding is cut off.

    The Global Terrorism Index of 2018 ranked Fulani herders as the third most violent terrorist group in the world. Over the course of a decade, they have become a terror force against farming communities. The solution is ranching and legislation against cattle herding in Nigeria.

    •Peter Ovie Akus,

    Ontario, Canada.

  • Awujale: Now is the time for Bubiade Royal House

    Awujale: Now is the time for Bubiade Royal House

    • By Balogun Ibrahim

    Sir: It is no more time that the impending succession to the revered stool of the Awujale and Paramount Ruler of Ijebuland has reignited intense historical and legal scrutiny, with mounting evidence indicating that the next monarch should emerge from the Bubiade section of the Fusengbuwa Royal House. Historians, customary law experts, and concerned Ijebu stakeholders argue that such a choice would complete a long-overdue rotational cycle and restore equity among the ruling houses.

    The Awujale institution, one of the most enduring traditional thrones in Yorubaland, is governed not only by influence and seniority but by deeply rooted customs, lineage, and rotational justice. Central to the current debate is the unfinished rotation among the descendants of Oba Jadiara, whose lineage forms the foundation of the Fushengbuwa Ruling House.

    Historical records traced the royal lineage of Fushengbuwa ruling house of Ijebu-Ode to Oba Jadiara, who reigned between approximately 1680 and 1695. From his dynasty emerged three principal royal houses: Fusengbuwa, Tunwase, and Bubiade. By long-standing Yoruba custom, these houses are entitled to present candidates to the Awujale stool in a rotational sequence designed to promote balance, peace, and fairness.

    Although the name Fusengbuwa Ruling House gained official recognition during colonial administrative reforms between 1957 and 1958, scholars noted that it comprises several sub-lineages, including the Bubiade family. Importantly, Bubiade is historically recognised as the senior, first-born line descending directly from Oba Jadiara—a fact that carries significant customary weight.

    Oba Jadiara begat four children, Bubiade, the first child, Adeberu, Adelubi and Funsengbuwa, the last born. Historical data reveals that the Fusengbuwa himself became the 41st Awujale between 1790 and 1820, while the Tunwase, from the second lineage of Fushengbuwa Ruling House ascended the throne between 1886 and 1895. Despite being the eldest lineage of Oba Jadiara, the Bubiade Royal House has never produced an Awujale.

    Read Also: New tax laws take off January 1, 2026, Tinubu insists

    Observers describe this as a glaring anomaly that contradicts both customary Yoruba succession principles and historical fairness. Under customary law, the passage of time does not extinguish an unfulfilled rotational right. As such, the exclusion of Bubiade is widely viewed as an unresolved injustice rather than a settled matter.

    The Chiefs Law of 1957, particularly Section 4(2), formally recognises four ruling houses in Ijebu-Ode — Gbelegbuwa, Anikinaiya, Fusengbuwa, and Fidipote. This declaration was approved on August 25, 1959, and was subsequently registered. Earlier scholarly works, including those by Badejo Adebonojo (1947) and Tunde Oduwobi (2017), document the reigns of past Awujales and affirm the legitimacy of the Jadiara lineage, which includes Bubiade.

    Historical records further shows that several Awujales from the broader Jadiara/Fusengbuwa lineage ruled after Oba Jadiara, including Mekun (1712–1722), Oniyewe (1745–1750), and Fesojoye (1765–1769). After the Fusengbuwa reigns ended in 1820, Oba Tunwase (1886-1895), Oba Adekoya (1916) and Oba Adenuga (1925-1929) also ascended the throne – all from Jadiara/Funsengbuwa Ruling house. They all came from two of the three sections of Fushengbuwa ruling house. Bubiade line, however, remains the only branch yet to be represented.

    The legitimacy of Bubiade’s claim resurfaced prominently in June 1983 during the political crisis surrounding the attempted deposition of the immediate past Awujale, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, by the late Ogun State governor, Chief Bisi Onabanjo.

    At the time, respected Ijebu prince, Adeoye Odedina warned in the National Concord newspaper, Wednesday, June 29, 1983, that appointing another Awujale from the Funsengbuwa section would be “customarily wrong,” insisting that such a move would violate the rights of other royal lines—particularly Bubiade. He maintained that the Jadiara Royal House, with Bubiade as a central lineage, was customarily next in line.

    As discussions intensify, the Ogun State government, kingmakers, and elders are being urged to uphold the principles of rotational justice that have historically sustained the Awujale institution.  Advocates warning at disregarding Bubiade’s claim risks legal challenges, social unrest, and reputational damage to a monarchy widely respected for order and adherence to tradition.

    Stakeholders argue that recognising Bubiade’s turn would reaffirm Ijebuland’s commitment to fairness and prevent the concentration of royal power within a single lineage. Also, analysts conclude that history, customary law, and documented precedent converge on one point: the rotational process for the Awujale stool remains incomplete without the ascension of a candidate from the Bubiade Royal House. Honouring this claim, they say, would not only correct a historical imbalance but also preserve unity within Ijebuland and uphold the legacy of Oba Jadiara.

    •Balogun Ibrahim,

    Ijebu-Ode, Ogun state.

  • Bridging the gaps in budget implementation

    Bridging the gaps in budget implementation

    By Tunde Rahman

    To state that there are gaps in the implementation of the 2024 and 2025 budgets is actually stating the obvious. One does not need to be an economist or an expert in fiscal matters to know this. Top government functionaries charged with budgetary matters have all made the point and confirmed that the budgets were not fully funded for apparent reasons. This admission reflects an attribute typically rare in government – transparency.

    In August, at a stakeholders’ engagement on the implementation of the 2025 capital budget and related issues in Abuja, Dr. Tanimu Yakubu, the Director-General of the Budget Office of the Federation, pointed out that the Federal Government was funding the capital component of the 2024 budget using revenue accruing under the 2025 Budget. He also noted that the 2025 revenue projections in the budget had been underperforming because the country had not met the oil production quota.

    Questions, therefore, arose in some quarters about the level of budget implementation. President Bola Tinubu’s announcement in August that the administration had met its 2025 non-oil revenue target even triggered more questions.  What then was the issue regarding budget implementation?

    It must be noted, however, that there are additional revenue sources for funding budgets beyond Internally-Generated Revenue. These include funding by development partners and foreign and domestic loans. If the IGR performs and there are gaps in other revenue sources, there could also be limitations in budget implementation. In that seemingly innocuous statement, President Tinubu was referring to the non-oil revenue component of the budget for the year.

    Following the below-par performance of the 2024 Budget, the National Assembly approved the rollover of the budget into 2025. The parliament later also approved the rollover of 70 percent of the 2025 capital projects into 2026.  Given this background of poor budget execution, some had suggested a holistic review of the budgeting process to upend the cycle of rollovers and non-implementation. Dr Muda Yusuf, the CEO of the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprises, among others, proposed that rather than discard projects that were approved but not implemented, it would be more prudent to consolidate outstanding projects, clear the accumulated backlog and re-present them within a more coherent and credible framework.

    Two weeks ago, President Tinubu moved decisively to address the implementation problems associated with the 2024 and 2025 budgets by using the practical template of the 2026 budget. Presenting the N58.18 trillion 2026 budget proposals to the National Assembly on Thursday, December 18, 2025, the President declared an end to budget rollovers and multiple budgets. Despite the challenges, the 2026 budget aligns well with the December-January budget cycle.

    Aptly titled “Budget of Consolidation, Renewed Resilience and Shared Prosperity,” this new budget is essentially anchored on fiscal planning, discipline, resilience and sustainable development in line with the Renewed Hope Agenda. With the budget, President Tinubu plans to consolidate macroeconomic stability, improve the business and investment environment, promote job‑rich growth, reduce poverty and strengthen human capital development, while protecting the vulnerable.

    But rather than appreciate the government’s challenge, the courage demonstrated in accepting the fact of poor implementation of the budget and the firm resolve to correct the anomaly, the opposition African Democratic Congress took the notoriously mischievous route to upbraid President Tinubu. The party described the new budget and the government’s remedial plans as “a copy and paste” of previous years’ spending plans. The party’s interim National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, said ADC’s economists reviewed the budget, claiming that “it reflects fiscal recklessness and unrealistic projections.” Propagating a doomsday theory, ADC opined that, like its predecessors, the 2026 Budget would end up as another unimplemented document.

    It is fair to argue that the 2025 budget faced the challenge of transition and competing execution demands. But presenting the 2026 Budget to the lawmakers, President Tinubu assured that the budgetary situation would be different this time. The President said: “As of Q3 2025, we recorded: 18.6 trillion naira in revenue — representing 61% of our target; and 24.66 trillion naira in expenditure — representing 60% of our target.

    “Let me be clear: 2026 will be a year of stronger discipline in budget execution. I have issued directives to the Honourable Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, the Honourable Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, the Accountant‑General of the Federation, and the Director‑General of the Budget Office of the Federation to ensure that the 2026 Budget is implemented strictly in line with the appropriated details and timelines.

    “We expect improved revenue performance through the new National Tax Acts and the ongoing reforms in the oil and gas sector — reforms designed not merely to raise revenue, but to drive transparency, efficiency, fairness, and long‑term value in our fiscal architecture,” he added.

    Read Also: Nigerians urged on peaceful co-existence

    President Tinubu recognises the importance of fiscal guardrails, as evidenced by his clear directive to Government‑owned Enterprises and to the heads of all agencies to meet their assigned revenue targets.

    To support this, he said:  “An end‑to‑end digitisation of revenue mobilisation — standardised e‑collections, interoperable payment rails, automated reconciliation, data‑driven risk profiling, and real‑time performance dashboards — will be deployed so that leakages are sealed, compliance is verifiable, and remittances are prompt.”

    These targets, President Tinubu noted, will form core components of performance evaluations and institutional scorecards. “Nigeria can no longer afford leakages, inefficiencies, or underperformance in strategic agencies. Every institution must play its part.  In short: we will spend with purpose, manage debt with discipline, and pursue broad-based, sustainable growth.”

    These are grand plans and clear directives from President Tinubu. The National Assembly, too, has a vital role to play in ensuring the successful implementation of the 2026 budget. Many of the unimplemented projects in the 2025 Budget, for instance, were constituency projects, the brunt of which was borne by lawmakers who tended to allocate the jobs even when the projects had not been cash-backed. Beyond approving the 2026 appropriation, therefore, the lawmakers must show greater restraint and prudence in handling their constituency projects.

    The 2026 budget has other notable aspects. One, it re-presents a defining moment in the national journey of reform and transformation. The 2026 Budget, as President Tinubu said, “reflects the government’s determination to lock in macroeconomic stability, deepen competitiveness, and ensure that growth translates into decent jobs, rising incomes, and a better quality of life for every Nigerian.”

    Two, in line with the Renewed Hope Agenda and the practical needs of Nigerians, the budget prioritises five critical sectors: defence and security – N5.41 trillion; infrastructure – N3.56 trillion; education – N3.52 trillion; and health – N2.48 trillion. As the President rightly said, these priorities are interlinked: “Without security, investment will not thrive. Without educated and healthy citizens, productivity will not rise. Without infrastructure, jobs and enterprises will not scale.”

    To all intents and purposes, the government has drawn appropriate lessons from the drawbacks of the 2024 and 2025 budgets. That is why the 2026 Budget is guided by three basic principles: better revenue mobilisation, better spending by prioritising projects, and better accountability through strengthened procurement discipline, monitoring, and reporting. There is a strong optimism that it will yield outcomes that benefit all, which hopefully the perennial cynics would acknowledge.

    •Rahman is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media & Special Duties.

  • Global player: Assessing Nigeria’s foreign policy in the last one year

    Global player: Assessing Nigeria’s foreign policy in the last one year

    By Linda Nwabuwa Akhigbe

    2025 left the world in a state of flux and Nigeria has sought to stay on top of the tide. Nigeria played big, balancing National interests with global realities. President Tinubu kept a close tab on the currency of international developments.

    Indeed, Global power centres shifted in very significant ways as bold new alliances overtly challenged America’s dominance. We witnessed America’s unprecedented trade wars with China, Canada, the EU, Brazil, India, South Korea, Japan, Mexico, Vietnam, Malaysia and even Great Britain.

    The Trumpian world order took center stage.  The tragedy of USAID and other tariff threats have impacted 161 countries, Nigeria inclusive even as more comprehensive economic sanctions against the governments of Cuba, Iran, North Korea, and Russia are underway. South Africa was accused of alleged white genocide and on October 31st, the United States designated Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern, CPC, for allegedly engaging in a “systematic, ongoing, and egregious violations of religious freedom.”

    It is important to remember that towards the end of his first term in 2020, President Trump had placed Nigeria on the CPC list. Shortly after President Joe Biden took over, he removed the country from the list, for no apparent reason. There had been no change in the affairs of Nigeria. These seemingly arbitrary moves strengthened the notion that these American labels are sometimes placed on a whimsy, on specious grounds. Unfortunately, this time around, the label was backed with fierce rhetoric and the explicit threat of “guns blazing” interventions against perpetrators of the so called Christians genocide.

    In the circumstances, with Nigeria already strained by gratuitous violence, America’s threats generated heat and exacerbated tensions. The government of President Tinubu rallied and rose to the challenge. In response anchored on evidenced-based diplomacy, the government demonstrated how its domestic policies and security reforms were improving the nation’s security architecture. More importantly, it reaffirmed the inviolability of religious freedom in Nigeria, and established the following facts: that terrorism had impacted the lives of both Muslims and Christians alike; that our enemies are criminals whose goals are materialistic, driven by greed and acquisitiveness, not some sacred plot for religious hegemony; and, that what Nigeria needs is the cooperation and understanding of allies, not threats and grandstanding.

    In November 2025, the government’s team, led by the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, met with high ranking American officials in Washington, including Peter Hegseth, US Secretary of War, Riley M. Moore, the congressman who was vociferous about the alleged persecution of Christians, and senior officials across key departments. Moore was later to describe the meeting as “frank, honest and productive.” Following that meeting, a high ranking congressional delegation arrived from the United States to further engage with the Ribadu team, leading to the formation of a Joint Working Group on Security to formalise intelligence sharing and coordinate security efforts. In the end, the United States government understood the complexity of the conflict as Moore noted, “concrete steps and actions were discussed at length which if fully executed will enhance security across the country and disrupt terrorists organizations in the northeast.”

    On December 26 2025, the Nigerian government confirmed that the bombing of terror camps in Sokoto State the previous day by the United States was the result of a “structured security cooperation” between Nigeria and the United States and not a unilateral American gambit. US Secretary of War, Pete Hegseth, said his country was, “grateful for Nigerian government support and cooperation.”

    It is crucial to keep in view that the Trump administration has been goading Nigeria since his return to power through a form of coercive diplomacy. For instance, on July 8, 2025, despite an existing visa reciprocity policy of five-year multi-entry visas, the US suddenly announced a single entry pattern of 3 months only. In the end, it appeared to be part of a ploy to apply pressure on Nigeria to accept asylum seekers and prisoners from Venezuela, a ploy that seemed to have worked with Rwanda, Gabon, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mauritania, Ghana, and Senegal. In America’s current brand of transactional diplomacy, everything appears to always boil down to economics.

    Against this backdrop, President Tinubu’s administration had to define its foreign policy agenda. Throughout 2025, Nigeria operationalised its 4-D foreign policy doctrine—Democracy, Development, Demography, and Diaspora. The framework provided coherence across engagements, ensuring that diplomacy delivered tangible outcomes in trade, investment, governance support, youth opportunities, and diaspora protection. The key goals remain the repositioning of Nigeria as a global force and leader of Africa, enhancing national security and economic prosperity.

    ECOWAS and Regional Diplomacy

    President Tinubu’s foremost foreign policy objective has always been to assert Nigeria’s influence in Africa by promoting democratic values. At his inauguration, he did not mince words. “My primary foreign policy objective must be peace and stability of the West African subregion and the African continent. We shall work with ECOWAS, the AU and willing partners in the international community to end extant conflicts and to resolve new ones. As we contain threats to peace, we shall also retool our foreign policy to more actively lead the regional and continental quest for collective prosperity.”

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    This is a clear policy statement, ambitious and bold but also reiterating the foundational position that Africa shall remain the cornerstone of our foreign policy. Barely three months after that speech, he was unanimously elected as Chairman of the Authority of Heads of State and Government of ECOWAS  and placed on an international pedestal. This came at a time when the region was overrun by coups and the Niger coup became a litmus test, following Guinea, Burkina Faso and Mali. President Tinubu led a groundswell of opposition against the coup, leading ECOWAS to impose its most stringent sanctions. Indeed, the President has always emphasised that he has no animus against the people of Niger however, he would not countenance any attempt to subvert a duly elected government in the region.

    On December 7, 2025, such an attempt was made in the Republic of Benin by soldiers led by Lt. Col. Pascal Tigri, who seized the state radio and announced the removal of President Patrice Talon. On request, President Tinubu sent in the Nigerian Super Tucano light attack aircraft which conducted precision strikes on rebel positions, dislodging them and forcing them to flee. The coup was squashed, within hours, in what is believed to be the most definitive stance against an unconstitutional power grab since 2017.

    In 2025, Nigeria has proven to be the key driver of AFCFTA, committing to zero duties on 90% of all goods, expanding market access and boosting regional trade. Nigeria continues to take the lead in regional integration, enforcing the rule of law, and removing unconscionable barriers to trade.

    Economic Diplomacy: Renewable Energy, Oil, Gas and Climate Change

    A major pillar of the President Tinubu’s administration’s foreign policy is to leverage international engagements in a manner that advances foreign investments in critical sectors of Nigeria’s economy.

    Foreign trips have so far proved successful, and brought in about $50 billion in Foreign Direct Investment from China, India, Brazil, UK, France, Qatar, Cuba, UAE, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. This has strengthened portfolio investments in non oil sectors and advanced the nation’s diversification drive.

    Restructuring, retooling and resourcing the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its missions abroad are extremely important in this regard including the resuscitation of comatose Joint Commissions and Bi-National Commissions between Nigeria and many countries in the world.

    In its ambitious drive to become Africa’s renewable energy hub, the administration’s energy transition roadmap plans to unlock about $410 billion in investment opportunities by 2060. In October 2025, it secured some $400m in commitments for local renewable energy manufacturing, including solar panel assembly and battery storage. Nigeria was recently confirmed as the headquarters for the African Energy Bank, which hopes to centralize funding for energy projects across the continent. President Tinubu’s visit to Tanzania and the UAE Sustainability Week resulted in partnerships for off-grid solar power projects to improve electricity access in rural Nigerian communities.

    Oil and gas remains Nigeria’s biggest revenue source, accounting for the vast majority of its foreign exchange earnings, although the contribution of the non oil sector to GDP continues to rise exponentially. In 2025, the Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission estimates that reforms have unlocked $18 billion in total investment commitments to the sector. In October, Shell reached a Final Investment Decision for a $2 billion gas project in an offshore field expected to provide 350 million standard cubic feet of gas daily beginning 2028. Indeed, the surge in investments in the sector, including $5 billion in major gas projects secured recently, have been attributed to the president’s new fiscal incentives.

    Non Oil Sectors: Agriculture, Air Transport and Technical Support

    President Tinubu’s reforms have redefined Nigeria’s diplomacy and earned the nation global recognition. His engagements have not only strengthened bilateral and multilateral relations but secured international funding for a range of projects and technical support in agriculture, transportation and other fields.

    In June 2025, the president secured a $1 billion dollar deal with Brazil for the supply of mechanized farming tools, the establishment of service centres, and the training of Nigerian youths in modern agriculture practices. There are other investments from Belarus, India and Qatar, and a Singaporean agribusiness company is poised to spend $70 million in the Nigerian palm oil sector.

    The President is also keen on developing the aviation sector as a key driver of national growth. A Bilateral Air Services Agreement was updated with Brazil, paving the way for direct flights between Lagos and São Paulo, reducing time and cost for passengers who previously had to route their flights through Europe or the Middle East. Similarly, Airpeace now offers direct flights to Gatwick and Heathrow, advancing international connectivity.

    Security and Counterterrorism

    Nigeria’s security forces are battling a convergence of threats as insurgents, terrorists, criminals, separatists and other non state actors are increasingly interlinked through arms trafficking and economic networks. President Tinubu’s war against terror however goes beyond Nigeria to embrace the safety of the region. The Sahel and other parts of Africa face complex interconnected threats including violent conflicts, climate change repercussions and deeply entrenched governance and socioeconomic challenges.

    In October 2025, President Tinubu was in Italy for the Aqaba Process Heads of State and Government Meeting, a counterterrorism initiative launched by King Abdullah II of Jordan ten years ago. The Rome meeting focused on strengthening regional and international collaboration in the fight against terrorism and extremism with particular interest to West Africa.

    On the sidelines of the event, President Tinubu held bilateral meetings with Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and President Trump’s Senior Adviser on Arab and African Affairs, Massad Boulos. He also met with Vatican Secretary of State, Cardinal Pietro Parolin, to address the widespread disinformation campaigns portraying Nigeria as intolerant of religious diversity.

    Clearly, this year has given Nigeria much global visibility as the Tinubu administration continues to advance a foreign policy rooted in strategic autonomy rather than coercive diplomacy. As global power structures continue to shift and realign, Nigeria is fully determined to cooperate with like minded countries open to our national interests, peace and shared prosperity.

    Linda Nwabuwa Akhigbe is the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Strategic Communications