Category: Commentaries

  • Understanding Nigeria’s foreign policy under Tuggar

    Understanding Nigeria’s foreign policy under Tuggar

    Sir: Nothing tested the resilience of the 67 year old Nigeria’s foreign policy and the competence, foresight and understanding of Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives by the minister of foreign affairs, Yusuf Maitama Tuggar than the unconstitutional change of government in Niger Republic, the formation of Alliance of Sahel States, AES, and the accompanying provocative attitude of the military junta towards Nigeria.

    It is not by chance Nigeria was able to navigate, and manage the diplomatic squabble with Niger military junta, Burkina Faso and Mali as well. The pertinent question to ask is: what is the secret, and the magic, Nigeria used to tackle the blackmail, the threats and the insidious propaganda of the AES?

    This answer could be found in the article by Nigeria’s Foreign Minister, Ambassador Yusuf Maitama Tuggar titled “Foreign Policy and the Path to Peace in a Dangerous Neighbourhood”. That article is an eye opener to anyone who is interested in understanding Nigeria’s foreign policy objectives.

    One of objective is – “Promotion of international law and treaty obligations “. Thus the role Nigeria played in sanctioning the military junta of Niger Republic for instance, falls under this objective. 

    The minister was careful to remind us: “The constitution (also) makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules”. The implication of this is that constitutionally, it is incumbent upon Nigeria as a member of ECOWAS to respect and promote ECOWAS’ treaties and protocols and other international laws.

    The core message of the minister is that Nigeria’s foreign policy is anchored on constitution, rule of law and democracy. While Nigeria respects ECOWAS’s protocol of free movement of persons, Niger Republic, in 2015, for example, went ahead to promulgate a law on migration which violates the same protocol. Is it not a sufficient evidence to show who is a respecter of law, and who is not?

     On the use of diplomacy and other democratic approaches, the minister highlighted in his write-up, what the government has done to address issues with Niger junta and other members of AES.

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    Yet some critics have continued to justify the obstinacy and uncooperative attitude from the junta on the premise of sanctions earlier imposed on the power usurpers. At the same time, these rabble-rousers have refused to acknowledge gestures and olive branch extended to the junta.

    Another key point of the minister’s article is the “Strategic Autonomy” as the cornerstone of Tinubu administration’s foreign policy. Nigeria has the right, and is entitled to engage with any nation without being told, guided or instructed by anyone. Nigeria has to work with the east and the west, and all major powers. Nigeria doesn’t discriminate in its foreign policy. Neither Niger Republic, nor any country should decide for us the countries we should associate with.

    Promotion of African integration and support for African unity has been a permanent feature of Nigeria’s foreign policy as rightly noted by the minister. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS and AU both of which work round the clock towards integration, using gradualist approach.

    More importantly, the minister has reminded those who are peddling baseless allegations against Nigeria that “Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law”.

    •Comrade Bishir Dauda Sabuwar,Unguwa Katsina,

  • Okpebholo: Confounding the doubters, redefining leadership in Edo

    Okpebholo: Confounding the doubters, redefining leadership in Edo

    By Fred Itua

    As I set out to pen this piece on this serene Sunday afternoon, my mind is drawn to the profound epistle of Apostle Paul to the Corinthians in 1 Corinthians 1:27-29: “But God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise; and God hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty; and base things of the world, and things which are despised, hath God chosen, yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are: That no flesh should glory in his presence.”

    Hallelujah!

    I have chosen to begin this way because it resonates deeply with my assessment of Governor Monday Okpebholo’s leadership over the past two months.

    When Senator Monday Okpebholo stepped into the political ring, many underestimated him. He wasn’t the loudest voice in the room, nor the most flamboyant. In a political landscape where the ability to raise dust often overshadows the capacity to lay foundations, Okpebholo’s calm and collected demeanor was dismissed as a weakness. But, as Apostle Paul aptly put it, God has a way of using the “foolish” things of the world to confound the wise. And indeed, Governor Okpebholo has confounded his critics with actions that speak louder than the hollow rhetoric of his predecessor.

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    To truly appreciate the transformation taking place in Edo State, one must first understand where we’re coming from. For eight long years, governance was more about optics than outcomes. The previous administration, under Governor Godwin Obaseki, was a masterclass in what the locals have dubbed “audio governance.” Projects were announced with great fanfare, but their execution remained a mirage. MoUs were signed and celebrated, only to gather dust in forgotten drawers. Roads that were critical to economic and social well-being were left to rot, with billboards proclaiming, “Please bear with us; this is a federal road,” as if to absolve the state of any responsibility.

    Governor Okpebholo has flipped the script. He didn’t start his administration with loud declarations or endless ribbon-cutting ceremonies. Instead, he started with work—real, tangible work.

    In just two months, Governor Okpebholo has demonstrated that governance is about delivering results, not excuses. The Benin-Auchi Road by Obadan Junction, long neglected, has received the needed attention. The failed portions of the Benin-Abuja Road in Ekpoma, which seemed destined to remain a nightmare for travelers, are now under repair. Roads that were mere campaign promises in the past, like Upper Ekenwan Road, are nearing completion.

    Even the Aduwawa-Upper Mission Junction, a project that felt like a distant dream, is now coming to life. And let’s not forget the Temboga-Uteh Road, which now wears the Governor’s signature of progress.

    One resident put it succinctly: “In just two months, this man has done more than others did in eight years. He doesn’t make noise; he makes things happen.”

    Beyond roads, Governor Okpebholo’s administration is tackling the long-neglected healthcare sector. The construction of a modern health center in Udomi, Irua, is a testament to his commitment. The 2025 budget allocates N63.9 billion to healthcare and an additional N1.8 billion for a health insurance scheme, ensuring that no Edo citizen is left behind.

    One of the most commendable moves of Governor Okpebholo’s administration has been his decisive action to sanitize Edo’s markets. By placing a ban on market unions, which had long been accused of oppressive and exploitative practices, the governor has brought relief to traders and consumers alike. These unions had been driving up the prices of food and commodities through arbitrary levies and monopolistic control, leaving ordinary Edo citizens to bear the brunt.

    In his words, “Markets should be places of commerce and community, not oppression. We cannot allow a few individuals to profit at the expense of the majority.”

    Since the ban, market prices have begun to stabilize, and traders have expressed gratitude for the governor’s intervention.

    Edo State has not been immune to the scourge of insecurity, particularly the alarming rise in cult-related killings that claimed over 100 lives in 2024. Governor Okpebholo has tackled this issue head-on, adopting a consultative and inclusive approach. Through interagency consultations and his robust security meetings, he has fostered collaboration among law enforcement agencies and local communities.

    This proactive engagement has led to a significant de-escalation of tensions and a peaceful resolution to many conflicts. As one community leader observed, “For the first time, we feel heard. The governor is not just issuing orders; he’s listening and acting.”

    Another area where Governor Okpebholo has demonstrated his commitment to justice is in addressing the contentious issue of land grabbing. Under the previous administration, many communities and individuals saw their lands forcefully taken, their properties destroyed, and their voices silenced.

    Governor Okpebholo has taken a firm stance, declaring that such lands will be restored to their rightful owners, provided they can present proof of ownership. This policy has brought renewed hope to many Edo citizens who had all but given up on ever reclaiming their ancestral lands.

    “The government is here to serve the people, not to oppress them,” the governor stated. “We will right the wrongs of the past and ensure justice prevails.”

    Governor Okpebholo’s 2025 budget, aptly titled the “Budget of Renewed Hope for a Rising Edo,” is a roadmap to sustainable development. With 63% of the N604 billion budget earmarked for capital expenditure, it’s clear where his focus lies.

    •Road Development: N162 billion

    •Education: N48 billion

    •Health: N63.9 billion

    •Agriculture: N75 billion

    This is not just a budget; it is a statement of intent. It reflects the governor’s five-point agenda—security, infrastructure, healthcare, food sufficiency, and education—augmented by a renewed focus on agriculture.

    Governor Okpebholo’s approach to governance can be likened to a diligent farmer. While others scatter seeds carelessly, hoping for a quick harvest, he tills the soil, plants with precision, and nurtures the crops. The results are already visible, and the harvest promises to be bountiful.

    In reforming local government administration, the governor has brought discipline and transparency to a system that was previously plagued by inefficiency. His bold steps are setting a new standard for accountability and service delivery.

    Governor Monday Okpebholo is proving that leadership is not about noise but results. He is confounding the critics and inspiring the citizens. As Apostle Paul wrote, God uses the weak and despised to bring about great things, and in Edo State, this truth is playing out before our very eyes.

    Edo is rising, not on the wings of empty promises, but on the back of a governor who understands that actions speak louder than words. Indeed, Governor Okpebholo has become the farmer who sows in silence and reaps in abundance—a leader who delivers hope, one project at a time.

    •Itua is the Chief Press Secretary to Edo State Governor

  • Ogun: Yayi’s measured steps towards 2027

    Ogun: Yayi’s measured steps towards 2027

    By Kunle Somorin

    Although the current re­ality is pushing up the Senator representing Ogun West Senatorial District in the National Assembly, Solomon Olamilekan Yayi, as the candidate to beat in the scheme to replace incumbent Dapo Abiodun as the governor of Ogun State, the ensuing reality points to a grand scheme to give the Chairman, Senate Committee on Appropria­tion, a run for his popularity and money.

    Understandably, the highly politically savvy lawmaker is not taking matters lying low. At the annual New Year thanksgiving service held at the Unity Cathe­dral of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, Ogun Province 7, Ilaro in Yewa South local govern­ment area of Ogun State, where he donated N50 million to the on­going construction project, Yayi, as he is fondly called by admirers, tactfully responded over his tout­ed ambition when he told curious journalists: “I don’t think it is time for that now, we are still involved in trying to bring back the dividends of democracy to the people as sena­tor elected for Ogun West. What we are here to do today is to appreciate the Almighty God for his support in the past years and to also cele­brate the new year with my people for their support and cooperation as well because they are the ones who put me in this office.

    “So, in future, we can start talking about that when the time is ripe to know if I am going forward or I am staying where I am, the fu­ture will determine all of that.” An ardent believer in destiny enthused that while 2007 is shrouded in the belly of providence and for the Al­mighty to decide, he would scru­pulously adhere to his delivery on his campaign promises to the good people of Ogun West and that “the future would determine his next political move.” Meanwhile, the Awori people in his constituency, have overwhelmingly foreclosed his return to the Senate for the fourth time, with aspirants already declaring their intentions to take over. The permutations or is it consensus is that Yayi will become the next governor, all things being equal and thus it is a foregone con­clusion.

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    While who succeeds Prince Dapo Abiodun may be in the bowel of history and for the electorate to decide, those who want to succeed him as he bows out of office on his 67th birthday are scheming behind closed and open doors, recruiting all manner of people, groups and cartels across the senatorial dis­tricts, deploying subterfuge in the names of empowerment pro­grammes and palliatives, and gar­nering chieftaincy titles to woo sec­tions of the traditional institutions and the pliable electorate to their sides. Prince Abiodun himself, like other party leaders, traditional rul­ers, and critical stakeholders with­in and outside the state, by now are being inundated by audacious blackmail, gimmickry, and other arm-twisting tactics by those inter­ested in returning the governor to his Heyden Petroleum or a higher office after Oke Mosan.

    The discussion surrounding the 2027 Ogun State governorship race has gone a notch higher with various ethnic groups, except the Remos, vying for the state’s num­ber one slot. The Ijebus argue that they have been historically over­looked for the governorship posi­tion since Chief Bisi Onabanjo, who they claim was the only Ijebu man to be elected governor in the state. Now the Remo are not their kinsmen, even when Ojude Oba Festivals unite them. No doubt, the major headache for the other aspi­rants is the Yayi phenomenon. The Ijebus claim they have been denied the governorship position in Ogun State since the start of the Fourth Republic. The distinction between the Remos and Ijebus only exists in the polaristic minds of politicians, anyway. While some political fig­ures, like Senator Solomon Adeola, believe it’s too early to discuss their ambitions publicly, the intrigues continue over which group will get the tickets of the ruling party and the main opposition parties as the elections approach.

    For someone like Otunba Deji Osibogun, the revered stance of the paramount ruler of Ijebuland, Oba S.K Adetona, Ogbagba II, that since 1999, it had been time for a Yewa man to become our Gover­nor, makes no sense to them. For historical dilettantes and connois­seurs of the state political histo­ry, power has always alternated between both the Ijebu and Egba. Oba Adetona actually wrote in his autobiography that “in the interest of fairness and going by the rotation the politicians clam­oured for, the next governor should be from Yewa.” People like Osibo­gun cared no hoot about the call by the respected monarch “in favour of having a Yewa man emerge as the next governor of Ogun State.”

    Although Kabiyesi had no Yewa son or daughter in mind, because it was not for him to choose, one is tempted to say there is one who now stands heads and shoulders higher than his peers this time around.

    While Senator Solomon Adeola asserts that it’s premature to dis­cuss the 2027 governorship race, there’s a growing cacophony of voices regarding which ethnic group should produce the next governor. Political dynamics in Ogun State are complex, reflecting regional interests and shifting pow­er balances. Discussions around the 2027 elections are prompting various stakeholders to evaluate their political strategies. But it is uncertain if the evolving politi­cal landscape could be hijacked or even infiltrated by newcomers and even existing political figures to redefine.

    The Egba, though, have lower visibility in the governance struc­ture of the State, have three federal ministers: Wale Edun (Finance); Jumoke Oduwole (Investment, Trade and Industry); and Bosun Tijani (Communications and Dig­ital Economy). What is without doubt is that of the five democratic governors the state has had, both Chief Olusegun Osoba and Sena­tor Ibikunle Amosun, have noble mentions. Within the Egba l’okan arrangement, there seems to have been no unity; while people like Chief Abdulhakeem Mustapha are for purely Egbas of male de­scent – and they are many eligible sons and daughters in this cate­gory, young Turks like Prof. Yemi Oke use the neo-liberal taxonomy as someone who has either of his parents (dad or mum) as having Egba ancestry.

    The snag is that it has led to recrimination with sus­pension and counter-suspension, indicating that things are falling apart within that framework, sim­ply because Yayi’s mother was a Kemta Odutolu woman from Ogun Central. But the fazed zealotry of some says those with the latter per­spective are Senator Adeola’s apol­ogists, adding that the other camp’s certification of Egba indigeneship of Yayi is also unacceptable. For them, as the Olu of Ilaro has stated that the senator is their son in Ye­waland, no similar pronouncement has been made by the Alake and Paramount Ruler of Egbaland or any other Oba in Egbaland!

    The campaign for DA’s succes­sor is becoming more interesting and intriguing daily. A clear push for inclusion is an inescapable cen­tral theme in their campaigns. Per­haps, some of these groups want the deputy governor’s slots. Yayi’s cautious move is equally under­standable and politically correct. His choice of focusing instead on current responsibilities and com­munity engagement is salutary, and he knows that candidates forming alliances with influential groups and stakeholders to bolster their chances are part of the dem­ocratic enterprise. Whether as at­tention-seekers, grandstanders or wet-blankets Yayi is being put on the spot, tipping him on his toes, so that he does not become com­placent. Building a broad base of support is much more reasonable than referencing historical gov­ernance patterns, building trust and demonstrating commitment to the community, and utilising media platforms to communicate their visions and manage public perceptions and address concerns or criticisms that arise during the campaign are universally accepted frames which endear Yayi to the grassroots. But overall, the strate­gies to deliver Oke Mosan to any of the gladiators must reflect a blend of traditional political manoeu­vring and a responsive approach to the evolving political landscape. Sadly, the ethnic card is being over­played and fast becoming a desid­eratum for who takes over from Dapo Abiodun in a state known for being the primus-inter-pares among states.

    The conclusion to draw from this unfolding drama is that lead­ership is not just about ambition, but about service, timing, and the ability to navigate complex social landscapes. As candidates form al­liances, engage with communities, and communicate their visions, they must remember that true lead­ership is rooted in the trust and support of the people. The evolving political landscape in Ogun State serves as a reminder that no one should be taken for granted, and that the path to leadership is paved with both challenges and opportu­nities.

    •Somorin, a political communication scholar and former aide to Governor Dapo Abiodun writes from Crescent Universi­ty, Abeokuta.

  • Lagos vs Olaleye: Will Supreme Court restate sexual offences law?

    Lagos vs Olaleye: Will Supreme Court restate sexual offences law?

    By Emeka Nwadioke

    The last has not been heard of the celebrated sexual assault case of Dr. Olufemi Olaleye, the Medical Director of Optimal Cancer Care Foundation, Lagos.While the medical doctor was found guilty and sentenced to double life imprisonment by Justice Rahman Oshodi of the Lagos State High Court, reprieve came his way when the Court of Appeal discharged and acquitted him of the two-counted Information filed by the Lagos State Government. However, the prosecution (appellant) has now headed to the Supreme Court with the hope of upturning the verdict of the Court of Appeal. Accordingly, Olaleye’s fate is now firmly in the hands of the law lords at Nigeria’s Supreme Court.

    Meanwhile, the legal community waits with bated breath to see in whose favour the pendulum will swing.

    Clearly, with the myriad of issues raised by the combatants at the courts below, the apex court’s judgment is bound to put its imprimatur on some grey areas in the adjudication of sexual offences.

    It is recalled that the two counts of Information filed against the respondent read: Count 1: “Dr. Olufemi Olaleye (M) sometime between February 2020 and November 2021 at No. 17 Layi Ogunbambi Close, Maryland, Lagos State, in the Ikeja Judicial Division, defiled one xxxxxxx (name withheld) (F) aged 16 years, by having sexual intercourse with her.

    Count 2: “Dr. Olufemi Olaleye (M) sometime between February 2020 and November 2021 at No. 17 Layi Ogunbambi Close, Maryland, Lagos State, in the Ikeja Judicial Division, did sexually assault one xxxxxx (name withheld) (F) aged 16 years, by penetrating her mouth with your penis.”

    In its effort to prove the case, the appellant called six witnesses while the defence (now respondent) called three witnesses, including the respondent. A staff of Wema Bank Plc was subpoenaed to produce a document. Several exhibits including video recording, CCTV evidence, and a medical report were tendered.In finding the respondent guilty, the trial judge held that the testimony of the alleged victim of the offences (prosecutrix) was credible and undisturbed by the respondent’s rebuttals.

     Justice Oshodi held as follows: “I heard these witnesses and observed their demeanour. I understood their evidence. I read the transcript of the proceedings. It is 268 pages long. I considered the documents they tendered and the ones they were confronted with under cross-examination. It is 87 pages long, with four flash drives and several minutes of recording displayed in open court.” But the Court of Appeal thought otherwise, even as it tore the lower court’s judgment into shreds.

    Appeal Court’s findings

    The appellate court held that the offences against the respondent were not proved based on the evidence before the trial court. Specifically, the court held that there was no proof that the prosecutrix was a child at the time of the alleged offence. Turning to the respondent’s extra-judicial statement, the appellate court held that the trial court fell into error when it failed to conduct a trial-within-trial to determine the voluntariness of the statement, especially in light of the fact that the respondent stated that he made the statement “under extreme duress.”

    On the medical report resulting from a medical examination of the prosecutrix, the appellate court held that it was manifestly unreliable as a piece of evidence to convict the respondent. It noted that while the offences as charged related to alleged conducts that took place between February 2020 and November 2021, the medical report was based on a “second incident” that purportedly occurred on 15th March, 2022 at 2:45 pm. While the trial court held that Insp Esther Igbineweka (PW4) of the Police Gender Unit said she neither has nor watched the CCTV evidence allegedly submitted to the police by the respondent where he asserted that it was Meshach, the gateman, who violated the prosecutrix, the Court of Appeal held that Insp Igbineweka confirmed receipt of the CCTV evidence but said that she never watched it; rather, she sent it to the Legal Department of the Nigeria Police.

    On the second count charge, the appellate court held that “The Prosecution has been unable to prove and establish lack of consent which is an important ingredient of the offence of sexual assault. This is fatal to the Prosecution’s case.” The above are some of the knotty issues the Supreme Court has been invited to untie in the celebrated case. It is suggested that in embarking on this arduous task, the apex court is not bereft of a guide. What is more, the apex court has handed down several principles on adjudication of sexual offences. As recently as 8th April, 2022, the Supreme Court handed down judgment in the defilement case of MADUABUCHI ONWUTA V THE STATE OF LAGOS (2022) 18 NWLR (Pt. 1863) 701. However, it was in the seminal case of BONIFACE ADONIKE V THE STATE (2015) 7 NWLR (Pt. 1458) 237 that the apex court made far-reaching pronouncements on several aspects of a defilement trial.

    Clearly, the first crucial port of call in any criminal trial are the elements or ingredients of the case. Needless to state that while rape and defilement are often confused, the key factor is that in a defilement case, the victim (child) is incapable of giving consent. Setting out the hurdle to be scaled by the prosecution, Justice Bode Rhodes-Vivour (JSC, as he then was) held in Adonike’s Case (at PP. 284-285, paras. G-A) that Section 218 of the Criminal Code Act creates the offence of defilement of a girl under the age of 11 years, adding that “To succeed the prosecution must prove beyond reasonable doubt: that the accused/appellant had sex with the child who (a) was under the age of 11 years; (b) that there was penetration into the vault of the vagina; and (c) the evidence of the child must be corroborated. The evidence for defilement is the same as in rape expect that for defilement it is immaterial whether the act was done with or without the consent of the child.”

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    In the instant case, though the respondent was charged under Section 137 of the Criminal Law Cap C17 Vol. 3 Laws of Lagos State, 2015, the benchmark remains the same in proving an offence of defilement while a “child” is any person below the age of 18 years.It is noteworthy that recent defilement cases often turn on a particular incident of alleged sexual assault against a defendant wherein an eyewitness is called to corroborate the account of the prosecutrix, usually with the aid of a medical report.

    This author recalls that CCTV evidence was recently called in aid by the prosecution in the celebrated case of STATE OF LAGOS V OLANREWAJU JAMES aka “Baba Ijesha.”

    Further, where the prosecutrix has been medically examined – preferably within 48 hours of the incident – and a medical report is presented in evidence against the accused person, the courts are likely to act on such evidence to hold that the accused person committed the offence.

     Accordingly, it remains to be seen whether the fact that the alleged defilement spans between February 2020 and November 2021 is a fact in issue in the instant case.More importantly, consistent with the ingredients set out by the apex court, the appeal will turn on whether the respondent had sex with the prosecutrix.

    It is a notorious fact that incidences of sexual assault are often clothed in secrecy. This has led the Supreme Court to hold in ADENEKAN V. THE STATE OF LAGOS (2021) 1 NWLR (Pt. 1756) 130 at page 186, paras. C-E that “The proof of offence of defilement of a child largely depends on the primary evidence of the two people involved, i.e., the victim and the alleged offender, because it is an offence ordinarily and usually committed in secrecy and out of view of other persons.” See also LUCKY V. STATE (2016) 13 NWLR (Pt. 1528) 128.

    Accordingly, and save in very few instances where CCTV evidence is available, the courts have often relied on circumstantial evidence to hold that a defendant violated a child.

    However, a high threshold is again set for the nature of circumstantial evidence that would avail the prosecution in order to secure conviction.

    Dwelling on this point, the apex court held in ONWUTA V STATE OF LAGOS (2022) 18 NWLR 701 at Pp. 725-726, paras. F-E; 731, paras. D-H: that “Circumstantial evidence requires an inference to be made to establish a fact, and in certain cases, circumstantial evidence may be even more powerful than direct evidence, which proves or disproves a fact directly.

     Circumstantial evidence is very often the best evidence. It is evidence of surrounding circumstances which is capable of proving a proposition with the accuracy of mathematics. It is no derogation of evidence to say it is circumstantial.

    But the circumstantial evidence sufficient to support a conviction must be cogent, complete and unequivocal. It must be compelling and must lead to the irresistible conclusion that the prisoner, and no one else, is the perpetrator of the alleged act. The facts must be incompatible with innocence of the accused and incapable of explanation on any reasonable hypotheses than that of his guilt. Circumstantial evidence must point directly to the accused as the person who committed the offence.”

    A medical examination conducted contemporaneously with the alleged incident is often relied upon by the courts to convict a defendant. In the instant case, while the trial court believed the evidence of the prosecution witnesses including the prosecutrix and the respondent’s wife, the Court of Appeal held that the pieces of evidence were either worthless, tainted or manifestly unreliable.

    While it is a settled principle of law that courts can convict on the evidence of a sole credible witness, this is not the case in defilement cases where the unsworn evidence of the child must be corroborated.

    Corroboration is often secured vide an eyewitness account, a CCTV evidence or a medical report among others. In the instant case, while the apex court is invited to adjudge the credibility of the prosecution witnesses, the appeal will also turn on whether the medical report ties the respondent inextricably to the offence as charged.

    The Court of Appeal has held that the medical report dealt with a sexual assault which allegedly took place on 15th March, 2022, while the charge relates to the period between February 2020 and November 2021.

    Clearly, this is one of the key issues that the apex court is likely to pronounce upon.There is no gainsaying that the apex court will be invited to pronounce on the hotly contested issue of whether the prosecutrix was a child at the time of the alleged offences.

    What trial court relied on

    The trial court relied on circumstantial evidence in holding that the prosecutrix was a child. In fact, it also relied on a Court of Appeal decision in ONUORAH & ANOR VS. ONUORAH (2018) LPELR-46315 (CA) where the appellate court per Umar, JCA held that “The law is settled that in establishing one’s age, the evidence of a person who was present when he was born such as either of the parent, is direct admissible evidence.

    When that is not possible, his birth certificate with evidence of identification will suffice. But when the above two mentioned are not possible, then the opinion of an expert who examined the person whose age is under determination is admissible. See the Nigerian case of MODUPE VS. STATE (1988) 9 SCNJ 1 and also the English cases of R. V RISHWORTH (1842) 2 QB 476 and R. V Cox (1898) 1 QB 179.

    “I must point out that none of the three instances highlighted above was met. But then, do I now throw the case away because none of the legally approved ways of determining age was met? I say No to that because it will amount to injustice as against doing substantial justice. See Odua Investment Co Ltd Vs Talabi (1997) 10 NWLR (Pt. 523) 1 at 52. Paras E – F where my Lord Ogundare JSC said and I quote: Technicalities are a blot upon the administration of the law and the Courts have moved away from allowing them to make an ass of it and dent the image of justice”.

    But the Court of Appeal disagreed sharply with the above dictum in the instant case, holding that the age of the prosecutrix must be proved by any of the three methods set out in Onuorah’s Case.

     The respondent also contends that the alleged age of the prosecutrix (16 years) is a borderline age which may in fact tilt it towards 18 years. It is trite that the charge of defilement would collapse unless the court determines that the prosecutrix is in fact a child.

    The third hurdle to be surmounted by the appellant is whether there was penetration into the vault of the vagina. This ingredient is often proved vide a medical examination of the prosecutrix.

    The courts usually place reliance on medical examinations carried out contemporaneously with the alleged sexual assault.

    The reverse is also true. In ADENEKAN V. THE STATE OF LAGOS (supra), the Supreme Court held that “penetration” in relation to criminal law means the entry of the penis or some other part of the body or a foreign object into the vagina or other bodily orifice no matter how slight. See also ISA V STATE (2016) 6 NWLR (PT. 1508) 243 @74 paras. C-D.

    Aside from showing that sexual intercourse occurred, penetration can also be proved by the evidence of rupture of the hymen, though such rupture is not mandatory in defilement cases. Again, the contested medical evidence in the instant case will take centre-stage at the apex court.The final hurdle to be crossed by the appellant is whether the evidence of the child was corroborated. The trial court held that there was a surfeit of evidence that corroborated the testimony of the prosecutrix.

    These include the testimonies of the respondent’s wife, the two investigating police officers, the Child Forensic Interviewer, the medical doctor who examined the prosecutrix, and the medical report itself. Others are the respondent’s extra-judicial statement, an undertaking endorsed at the Anthony Police Station, and email and WhatsApp communication with the respondent’s wife.

    But the Appeal Court thinks otherwise. It held that the respondent’s wife was a tainted witness who was out to cash in on the respondent’s incarceration, adding that the evidence of the other witnesses were not direct evidence but a rehash of what the prosecutrix told them.

    Turning to the medical report, the appellate court described it as a “worthless piece of paper in so far as it had no nexus with the allegation leveled against the appellant.” It held that the report dealt with a sexual assault which allegedly occurred on 15th March, 2022 and “stated recent forceful penetration,” while the charge turns on alleged sexual assault that took place between February 2020 and November 2021.

    The court also held that the testimony of the medical doctor was impeached, worthless and incapable of corroborating the prosecutrix’s testimony. It is highly debatable whether, as quoted by the Appeal Court, the apex court held in POPOOLA V STATE (2013) 17 NWLR (Pt. 1382) PAGE 96 AT 117, that “a medical report is mandatory once an accused denies offence.”

    In the said case, the Supreme Court held that the absence of medical examination will not disturb corroboration vide other pieces of evidence.

    Dealing with the case which turned on the rape of a high school girl, the apex court (at page 117, paras E-G) held that “That posture for the mandatoriness of medical report would only be relevant if there was denial of the offence by the accused, which the circumstances prevailing having not supported. Also, it cannot be correct that once there is denial of the offence by an accused, no other corroborative evidence would suffice.                 This is because each case must be considered on its own peculiar facts and circumstances as it is not the law that once there is a denial without medical report, the prosecution fails.

    What is required is that once denial is at play the court is encouraged to look for a medical report showing injury to the private part of the prosecutrix or any other part of her body. See Iko v. The State (2001) SCNJ 39, (2001) 14NWLR (Pt. 732) 221.“In the case in hand, where there is no medical report but the confessional statement of the appellant is direct, cogent, positive and in fact lends strong support to the evidence of the prosecutrix, it stands to reason therefore that the corroboration desired is in place and the requirement of the law complied with…. [Iko v. State (2001) 14 NWLR (Pt. 732) 221 referred to.]”

    Another panel of the Appeal Court aligned with the above decision while delivering judgment on 8th January, 2021, in the case of ONUOHA JAMES V STATE OF LAGOS (2021) LCN/14936 (CA).

    The court held as follows: “From the aforementioned, I hold the view that the medical report was not a prerequisite in establishing the offence of defilement,” adding that “From the evidence of PW1, PW2, PW4 & PW5, the ingredient of penetration has been established and that there was sexual assault on the PW1.”

    Also in AFOR LUCKY V STATE (2016) 13 NWLR (Pt. 1528) 128, the apex court, per Ngwuta (JSC as he then was), held that indirect evidence may be used to corroborate a case of rape in the absence of a medical report, saying: “In a majority of cases where the rapist was not caught in the act and was not subjected to medical examination there is usually no direct evidence that the appellant raped the prosecutrix as alleged. Corroboration of the evidence of the prosecutrix that the appellant raped her can be gleaned from the pieces of evidence before the trial court, or inference drawn from same.

    “In the case at hand, while there is ample corroborative evidence that the PW1 was raped there is no direct evidence, in my view, corroborating the evidence of the PW1 that it was the appellant who raped her.

    ”While it is trite that a confessional statement could be used to ground conviction of a defendant, the Appeal Court has held in the instant case that the absence of a trial-within-trial at the lower court meant that the respondent’s extra-judicial statement at the Anthony Police Station could not be relied upon. Though the trial court held that the statement was only deployed under Section 232 of the Evidence Act to impeach the respondent’s testimony, the appellate court held that the trial court in fact relied on the statement to convict the respondent without enquiring into its voluntariness. Justice Rhodes-Vivour had held in EMMANUEL EKE v THE STATE (2011) 1-2 SC [pt. II] 219-2700 that “

    A confessional statement found not to have been voluntary is worthless.”

    Continuing, he added: “A trial-within-trial, a mini trial ensures that an accused person is treated fairly in a criminal trial. The procedure guarantees equality in the criminal justice system thereby keeping the streams of justice pure. Where the prosecution seeks to tender an extra judicial confessional statement of an accused person and it is challenged on the ground that it was not made voluntarily, a trial within trial is conducted for the sole purpose of finding out if the statement was made voluntarily or whether the confessions were beaten out of the accused person. If at the end of a trial within trial, the trial judge is satisfied that the confessional statement was not voluntary, such a statement is not admissible in evidence.

    If on the other hand the statement was made voluntarily, it is admitted in evidence. In both cases, the judge should rule accordingly and bring the trial within trial to an end. The main trial then continues.

    ”It is noteworthy that Count 2 of the Information states that the respondent “sometime between February 2020 and November 2021 at No. 17 Layi Ogunbambi Close, Maryland, Lagos State, in the Ikeja Judicial Division did sexually assault one (name withheld) (F) aged 16 years, by penetrating her mouth with your penis.”

    The charge was brought under Section 261 of the Criminal Law of Lagos State, 2015.While the trial court found the respondent guilty and sentenced him to life imprisonment, the Court of Appeal disagrees.

     The appellate court held that “The Prosecution has been unable to prove and establish lack of consent which is an important ingredient of the offence of sexual assault.

    This is fatal to the Prosecution’s case” ORIYOMI VS STATE (2023) LPELR-61037 (CA); AKILE VS FRN (2020) LPELR-51470 (CA). Section 261 of the Criminal Law of Lagos State 2015 provides that “Any person who penetrates sexually, the anus, vagina, mouth or any other opening in the body of another person with a part of his body or anything else, without the consent of the person commits a felony and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for life.”

    Clearly, the apex court has been thrust with a golden opportunity to restate or birth some principles as it relates to the all-important jurisprudence around sexual assault and especially defilement cases. As Justice Niki Tobi (of blessed memory) once stated while interrogating the then vexed issue of corroboration, “I realise that the law of corroboration in the offence of rape is in some flux or state of confusion.

     It is hoped that this court will have an opportunity in the future to look at the decisions on the issue. As this is not such an opportunity, I will leave the issue hanging.” Instructively, the apex court took heed of this clarion call to restate the law on corroboration. It is hoped that the Supreme Court will not only clearly overrule itself where necessary, but will not leave any issue hanging.

    Nwadioke is a senior lawyer and trial attorney.

  • Beyond the maltreatment of a pupil by the class teacher

    Beyond the maltreatment of a pupil by the class teacher

    Sir: Like the Yorùbá would say – Let’s come together to pursue the fox first before reverting to the hen. Now that the Lagos State Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency has taken up the case of the primary school teacher who slapped a three-year-old boy repeatedly, it is pertinent we return to the issues connected to this awful experience which perhaps account for the teacher’s action. Some of us were pained but apathetic by the hullabaloo, since such noises (people’s displeasure) are usually the start and the end of such matters. Maybe that pupil only has a “strong head”, like Nigerians would say, which would not make his maltreatment go unnoticed, but frankly that was just one of at least three similar cases in the last quarter of 2024 only.

    Should we then just continue to lament every time there is a new case or address the root causes of the reoccurrence?

    The first factor responsible for the abuse of students by many teachers is the fact that many of those who teach, especially in Nigerian private schools, are not teachers in the first place. These people who lack professional training do not embody the empathy, patience, and other soft skills required to impart information to people. A banker is trained at the point of employment. A graduate in the medical field will be a houseman for a period of time under the tutelage of a senior person. A law graduate will work with a chamber before setting up theirs.

    Sadly, anyone who possesses content knowledge is erroneously assumed to be good enough to be a teacher. It is important that schools employ certified teachers and organise trainings and seminars for them regularly.

    Another factor contributing to the obnoxious act of students’ abuse in Nigeria is the poor remuneration of teachers in many private schools. While I do not dispute that there are many private schools that pay teachers well, there are many more with ridiculous remuneration. This is not even to talk about the delay in the payment of the meagre salary. Teaching is indeed a taxing job that requires teachers’ motivation. A teacher must be sensitive to individual differences in their students and only a properly motivated teacher would be at their best with such onerous task.

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    The government factor is also a significant and multifaceted one to the discussion. First, the government has to establish more schools to ensure and guarantee free basic education. This will reduce the conversion of every small apartment to a school with its attendant problems of unqualified administrators and teachers. The government also has to set and maintain the standard for the establishment and operations of private schools. While I know that there are such regulations for the operation of privately owned schools, the government has to improve its vigilance in ensuring adherence to the set standards in terms of staff qualification, manpower and facilities. Generally speaking, education at every level deserves a continuous and improved supervision and funding from the government.

    Crucially, the role of the media, especially social media, is deserving of discussion. Notwithstanding the axiom that bad news is good news for the media, individuals and media houses, especially blog owners, should stretch their interest beyond just reporting bad news to being genuinely concerned about improving situations. One would wonder for instance how the individual making that video could himself or herself withstand that young pupil being repeatedly hit without intervening just to have something to post on the media or to prove to some persons. While the advent of social media and blogs has made it easy to track and trace happenings, it appears like the bloggers are more interested in having news to post for economic gains than for social change. One urges the government and established media houses to regulate the activities of bloggers and enlighten them on the fourth estate role of the media and its sanctity.

    I conclude this piece by appealing to the Lagos State government to pardon Stella Nwadigo. We can help people become better by being good to them. Man is not made for law; law is made for man. The not-so-young teacher can be taught empathy by being pardoned.

    •Ganiu Bamgbose,Lagos State University.

  • Almajiri: Definition, denial and disaster

    Almajiri: Definition, denial and disaster

    Sir: As Nigeria has danced its way towards disrepair and decrepitude, children have become pitiful pawns in a devilishly perverse game of politics and pedagogies. Whenever UNICEF, the global body which advocates for the interests of children has cause to turn its attention towards Nigeria which is very frequently, what is highlighted is a space critically unsafe for children.

    These days, it is an open secret that Nigeria is one of the hardest places to be a child. For many children, childhood is extinguished even before it begins, casting them firmly as the castoffs of a life milked of the wild wonders of enjoyment which only childhood adventures can bring.

    It is decidedly unremarkable that Nigeria, which is a veritable hellhole for children, has an enormous number of out-of-school children. What is remarkable is the desperately laughable attempts Nigerian leaders make from time to time to fondle and consequently foster the out-of-school children disaster.

    According to Professor Suwaiba Ahmad who has the honour of serving as Nigeria’s Minister of State for Education, almajiris, should not be classified as out-of-school children because it is in itself a form of education.

    The almajiri conundrum breaks the heart over and over again. That unkempt, unwashed, malnourished children, covered in ringworm, and clothed in near-rags have to brave harmattan or scorching heat whichever is having a field day, and the withering scrutiny of disgusted strangers, to throng motor parks and other public spaces begging for a living when they should be in school deserves no form of justification whatsoever.

    Nigeria’s mess has been further muddled up in the last decade because children often touted as the backbone of the country who should be in school, and be moulded in preparation for a future of prosperity and peace are instead increasingly lost to the brutal whirlwinds of dysfunction. In a country where a considerable chunk of the population consists of children and young people, it is simply crazy the glaring lack of any sort of planning for these age groups.

    The defenders of almajiri education have argued that It is a form of Islamic religious education, and children enrolled into it cannot be considered as out-of-school children. But for all its worth, if any, it should be seen to work wonders for the welfare of the children enrolled in it, which is not even remotely the case at the moment. This is what the law here must now frown at.

    Children deserve protection from harmful people and harmful practices, no matter what form they take. As a result of their heightened vulnerability due to childhood, children deserve to experience and expect the full and forceful protection of the law.

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     As things stand in Nigeria today, almajiri education is exposing children to the full compliments of society’s dangers, and for what? To satisfy the whims and caprices of some religious obligations and their enforcers? This simply cannot be allowed to continue.

    Nigeria is a secular country and inasmuch as the constitution trumpets freedom of religion, it also empowers other laws that protect the rights of children.

    To this end, the rights of children must be considered as imbued with some kind of supremacy, to which every other duty should bend.

    In acting in the best interests of Nigerian children, denial has never helped anyone. It is not about to do so now.

    • Ike Willie-Nwobu,Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • Prioritise investment in primary education

    Prioritise investment in primary education

    Sir: I am writing on behalf of approximately 25 million Nigerian children of primary school age, to respectfully urge the Bola Tinubu administration to prioritize increased investment in primary education. As Nelson Mandela aptly stated, “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” These children, typically between the ages of 6 and 11, are at a critical stage of cognitive development, where they begin to think logically about concrete events and develop a deeper understanding of the world around them. Research from the National Institute of Health underscores that this period is pivotal for acquiring cognitive control, processing stimuli, and building foundational understanding.

    It is during these formative years that we must introduce them to essential disciplines such as science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). By laying this foundation early, we equip them to become the future leaders, innovators, and problem-solvers our nation needs. Whatever we envision for them to become, the journey must begin now—at the primary school level.

    If we are to aspire for Nigeria to become an engineering powerhouse like Japan in the next few decades, then we must “catch them young,” introducing children to foundational disciplines and instilling in them the values of responsibility, respect for the rule of law, and the understanding that actions have consequences.

    In addition, a strong primary and secondary education system could even reduce the need for tertiary education in many cases. In 2021, 91.1% of American adults held elementary and high school diplomas, while 54.3% had college degrees, a significant leap from 38.1% in 2009 (Forbes, 2021). Despite a lower college enrolment, the United States continues to produce a high number of entrepreneurs, inventors, and billionaires.

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    Indeed, this is an investment we owe to the future of our dear nation. Unlike many investments that carry uncertainty, except for low-risk options like T-bills, we can rarely predict their outcomes. However, when it comes to investing in the primary education of our children, we can be almost certain of the positive results.

    I understand that many political leaders prioritize initiatives that promise immediate, visible results to satisfy the demands of the electorate. The electorate, too, often seeks quick fixes. However, just as China’s economic breakthrough is often attributed to Deng Xiaoping’s forward-thinking policies, the Tinubu administration has a unique opportunity to steer Nigeria’s future through policies that prioritize long-term growth and sustainable development.

    Investing in primary education may not yield instant transformations, but in another decade or two, Nigeria will be unrecognizable. With the right investment, we will cultivate a generation of thinkers, leaders, and innovators who can break free from the cycle of poverty and elevate our nation to its rightful place among the global leaders.

    •Jeremiah Tella, University of Alabama at Birmingham,United States.

  • Beyond revived refineries

    Beyond revived refineries

    There has been understandable excitement, especially in Nigerian government circles, about the reported revival of the state-owned Port Harcourt and Warri oil refineries, which had been inoperative for years.

    In November 2024, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited announced that it had revived the 60,000 barrel-per-day (bpd) Port Harcourt refinery in the Niger Delta. Last month, the company said it had resumed some operations at its 125,000 bpd Warri refinery, also located in the Niger Delta, which was shut down in 2015.  Its boss, Mele Kyari, said: “This plant is running. We have not completed 100 percent.”

    The country’s oil problems had been partly blamed on the four inactive state-owned refineries with a combined capacity of 445,000 bpd, including the 110,000 bpd Kaduna plant in the north and another one in Port Harcourt with a capacity of 150,000 bpd.

    However, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) put a dampener on the euphoria over the revived refineries, demanding that Kyari should “account for and explain the whereabouts of the alleged missing N825bn and $2.5bn meant for refinery rehabilitation and other oil revenues,” based on a 2021 annual report by the Auditor-General of the Federation, which raised concerns about the NNPCL’s management of public funds.

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    In a letter to Kyari, dated January 4, 2025, SERAP urged him to provide explanations. The letter also mentioned other alleged financial irregularities, including over N343bn deducted from crude sales for pipeline maintenance, N83.66bn withdrawn from a sinking fund account, and more than N204bn in unexplained deductions from oil royalties in 2021. Also, the referenced Auditor-General’s report included discrepancies in outstanding bridging allowances, royalties, and revenues.

    Copies of the letter were reported to have been sent to President Bola Tinubu; Chief of Staff Femi Gbajabiamila; Attorney General Lateef Fagbemi; Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) Chairman Musa Aliyu; Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Chairman Olanipekun Olukoyede; and the Chairpersons of the Public Accounts Committees of both the Senate and the House of Representatives.

    SERAP has drawn attention to weighty matters. This is not only a case of public funds allegedly mismanaged by the NNPCL’s leadership; it is also about the consequences. The group observed that mismanagement of public funds “has undermined Nigeria’s economic development, trapped the majority of Nigerians in poverty, and deprived them of opportunities.”

    The excitement about the revived refineries must not distract the anti-corruption agencies from investigating these allegations.

  • Climate Change: Methods of predictions and cases of climate change-related disasters

    Climate Change: Methods of predictions and cases of climate change-related disasters

    By Adebayo Adeleye

    Climate change has emerged as one of the most pressing global challenges of our time, affecting ecosystems, economies, and communities. The ability to predict its impacts is crucial for effective planning, mitigation, and adaptation strategies. This article explores the methods used to predict climate change and showcases notable cases of predicted climate-related disasters and occurrences.

    Methods of Predictions

    Climate Models: Climate models are fundamental tools for predicting future climate conditions. They simulate the Earth’s climate system, incorporating various elements such as the atmosphere, oceans, land surface, and ice. There are several types of models. These include:

    General Circulation Models (GCMs): These are complex simulations that account for the physical processes in the atmosphere and oceans. GCMs can project temperature changes, precipitation patterns, and extreme weather events under different greenhouse gas emission scenarios.

    Regional Climate Models (RCMs): RCMs focus on smaller geographical areas, providing detailed predictions that are crucial for local planning and adaptation. They are often used to assess the impacts of climate change on specific regions.

    Statistical Methods: Statistical techniques analyze historical climate data to identify trends and patterns. By applying these methods, researchers can make projections about future climate conditions. Common statistical methods include:

    Regression Analysis: This technique helps to establish relationships between climate variables, such as temperature and CO2 levels, allowing for future predictions based on historical trends.

    Time Series Analysis: Time series data can be examined to forecast future climate conditions by identifying cyclical patterns and trends over time.

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    Remote Sensing: Remote sensing technology utilizes satellites and aerial imagery to gather data on climate variables such as land surface temperature, vegetation cover, and ice melt. This data is invaluable for monitoring changes in climate and assessing the impacts of climate change on different ecosystems.

    Machine Learning and Artificial Intelligence (AI): Recent advancements in machine learning and artificial intelligence (AI) have opened new avenues for climate predictions. These technologies can analyze large datasets, identify patterns, and make predictions about climate impacts more efficiently than traditional methods. AI is increasingly used to improve the accuracy of climate models and enhance predictive capabilities.

    Cases of Predictions and Climate Change-Related Disasters

    Hurricane Katrina (2005): Predictions of increased hurricane intensity due to climate change have been a subject of intense study. In 2005, Hurricane Katrina devastated New Orleans, leading to massive flooding and loss of life. While specific forecasts for Katrina were not directly tied to climate change, scientists had warned of the potential for more severe storms as global temperatures rise.

    California Wildfires: In recent years, California has experienced an increase in the frequency and intensity of wildfires, attributed to rising temperatures and prolonged drought conditions. Climate models had predicted these trends, and as a result, state agencies have implemented proactive measures for fire prevention and response.

    European Heat waves: Predictions of extreme heat events in Europe have become more frequent. The summer of 2019 saw record-breaking temperatures across the continent, leading to health crises and agricultural losses. Studies using climate models had indicated that such heat waves would become more common due to climate change, prompting discussions on heat adaptation strategies.

    Melting Polar Ice Caps: The accelerated melting of polar ice caps has been a stark prediction of climate models. Observations from satellites have confirmed that Arctic ice is declining faster than expected, contributing to rising sea levels. Predictions of coastal flooding and habitat loss for polar species have been substantiated by ongoing research.

    Droughts in Sub-Saharan Africa: Predictions of increased drought frequency in Sub-Saharan Africa have been linked to changing rainfall patterns due to climate change. Many regions have experienced severe droughts, impacting food security and water availability. Climate models had indicated that these trends would worsen, prompting humanitarian responses and adaptation strategies.

    In conclusion, as the effects of climate change become increasingly apparent, the importance of accurate predictions cannot be overstated. Through the use of advanced climate models, statistical methods, remote sensing, and AI, scientists are better equipped to understand and anticipate the impacts of climate change. Notable cases of climate-related disasters serve as reminders of the urgency to act. By leveraging predictive methods, societies can develop more effective strategies for mitigation and adaptation, ultimately working toward a more sustainable future.

    • Dr. Adebayo Matthew, Adeleye (Ph.D., Ibadan) is a Researcher on Environmental Pollution and Control badeleye@gmail.com +234 803 525 6450

  • 2027 and keys lessons from Tinubu’s Enugu visit

    2027 and keys lessons from Tinubu’s Enugu visit

    By Bolaji O. Akinyemi

    His concern for the dilapidated Zik Hostel at the University of Nigeria was what drove him home to see the value he could add. But his desire to see the renovation of the infrastructure named after the first President of Nigeria, Dr Nnmadi Azikiwe was not to be, due to the bureaucratic bottleneck of the civil service system. He opted to build a mind-blowing 13,000-bed space Hostel from scratch. That dream is nearing completion. This generous soul, who is publicity shy, has endorsed President Tinubu as the “Orekelewa” of Enugu.

    Ahead of 2027, it is of strategic importance that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu builds political goodwill in the Region. Reflecting on his tortuous journey to the villa in 2023, the South East as a whole, gave the President 136,521 votes.  Thank God for the earliest intervention of the Supreme Court in the politics of the Region that saw Hope Uzodinma through to the Government House in January 2020. From Imo came the highest votes in the region of 66,408, followed by Ebonyi 42,402, Abia 8,914, Anambra 5,111, if the President’s performance in the region in 2023 was abysmal, Enugu State was the worst for it, giving him only 4,772 votes of his total 8,794,726 with which INEC declared him the President. A state that gave Atiku 15,749 and Obi 428,640 votes gave the President just 4,772 votes.

    Politicians in Lagos, the base of the President didn’t help issues. Their recourse to tribal politics unleashed “war” against the Igbo that left many observers worried about future elections in the country.

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    Intended or not “Awa lokan” made the President look like a tribal lord in pursuit of the conquest of Nigeria for his tribe. The Yoruba jumped on this and marketed him among his tribe with such phrases as: “omo eni ki se idi bebere, ka fi ileke si idi omo elo miran”. Meaning; you can’t have a child with a robust waist and put waist beads on another person’s daughter’s.

    Politics, someone once said, is war without blood and war, is politics with blood. This philosophy, more than anything, is what is lost on many of us who are advocates of a civilized political process. 2023, was no doubt a political “war”!

    Was it with or without blood?

    Beyond the media hype are our various encounters, from Rivers to Lagos, Kano, Delta and Anambra. The Tracker placed to record their findings, Kano State recorded the highest deaths consequence of electoral violence at 20 deaths, a total of 109 stories were of blood. In spite of scoring less than 0.06, the peace that produced the result in Enugu no one should deny. While leaving you to decide on the bloodiness of 2023, one thing is clear, it was fiercely fought by the side in power today.

    Ours is a divided country, along the line of tribes and religion. This however gets widened during the political seasons. There is no such thing as fairness at war, except victory! To a Generalissimo, peace can wait till after the victory is obtained.

    This is the lesson from the visit of the President to Enugu State. The war is over, it is time for peace. Particularly with a State that peacefully established their political preference. The mission of the President in my estimation is the need for peace before the next electoral war.

    It is amusing that the “ajagun gbade” of Nigeria who scored 4,772 votes in the last election, like an ancient warlord arrived at Enugu to the chanting of songs by the women in Enugu State, all dressed in white blouses and red wrappers with matching head gears.

    Many songs were sung but one caught my attention;

    “Eke eke, with the chorus, “Asiwaju”.

    Eke eke, Asiwaju,

    Orekelewa, Asiwaju,

    2027, Asiwaju.

    2027 ki Olorun gbega!

    “Iku Kole muyin”; a prayer line that death wouldn’t snatch him, also made the line of the song. The leader, welcomed the President in Yoruba; with “Your Excellency, e kaabo si ilu Enugu”!

    It was followed by Peter Mbah’s street genre: Peter Mbah is here! Our tomorrow is here. If 2027 is tomorrow and Peter Mbah as the symbol of that tomorrow is set to fly APC brand, Tinubu obviously can’t produce the same result he did in Enugu in 2023 come 2027.

    The Omo Eni of the Yoruba Nation whose waist was decorated with beads of political power of the office of the President, had the purpose of the bead on his waist realized when he arrived to a warm welcome of over 4,772 citizens of Enugu State. The word “orekelewa” interjected the songs of the women from time to time. Added “Ewa” is the goal of fixing beads on the waist of one’s daughter, “oreke” is the swinging seductive movement made by a waist that is decorated with beads. The Omo Eni of the Yoruba Nation as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has been confirmed as the “orekelewa” of Enugu State, will this seductive visit lead to a happy marriage between the state and the “orekelewa” presented to the people by His Excellency Peter Mbah, come 2027? Time and engagements will determine the faith of the beautiful bride that President Tinubu has become to the people of Enugu state.

    Significantly remarkable is this visit, being President Tinubu’s first official visit to any state this year. The President commissioned many completed, ongoing and near-completion legacy, people-oriented, developmental projects. Some inherited from the previous administration, many of which were initiated, commenced and completed by Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah since assuming office nineteen months ago.

    Major among projects commissioned by President Tinubu include some completed Smart Green Schools, Dazzling International Conference Centre that has made Enugu a conferencing state of international standard and first of its type in any state in Nigeria, completed primary healthcare centres, several kilometres of asphalted urban and rural roads, completed modern bus terminals and others.

    President Tinubu’s visit, I believe, has confirmed and affirmed the testimonies and statements others who had visited the state before him, among such is Alhaji Kashim Shettima, and other federal government appointees who had seen and testified to Governor Mbah’s outstanding performance, good governance and giant strides that have transformed and changed the landscape of  Enugu State within a short period like never before.

    Amplifying the relevance of the President’s support for Local Government Autonomy as a means of grassroots political control and development ahead of 2027 is a statement personally signed by, Dr. Ndu the Chairman of Ezeagu Local Government Area of Enugu State, “This commissioning visit will undoubtedly stimulate the anticipated economic growth of our state and reinforce the confidence of Ndi Enugu in your administration as well as that of our esteemed Governor, His Excellency Dr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah.”

    The statement reads: ”Ndi Ezeagu heartily welcomes our amiable President, His Excellency Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR, the Commander in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Federal Republic of Nigeria to our dear Enugu state.

    ”Sir, your project commissioning visit indeed will stimulate the expected Economic growth of our state and reaffirm the confidence of Ndi Enugu on your administration and that of our beloved Governor; His Excellency Dr Peter Ndubuisi Mbah.

    Ndi Ezeagu joyfully congratulates our dear polyfunctional Governor, His Excellency Barr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah for his giant developmental strides and massive infrastructural impacts on Ezeagu LGA”.

    He went on to list the projects that touched the lives of his people in Ezeagu Local Government Area as;

    1. Construction of 44.8km Ama Brewery -Eke – Akama – Iwollo- Olo to Umulokpa Road with a spur (Completed) to Aguobu Owa.

    2. On-going construction of the 39km Omughu- Obeleagu- Obunofia – Aguobu Umumba- Ugwuoba Road.

    3. On-going construction of 21km Aguobu Umumba- Orie Engine – Umumba Ndiagu – Ebenebe border Road.

    4. Construction of 20 Enugu Green smart schools across the 20 wards in Ezeagu Local Government Area

    5. Construction of 20 type 2 primary health care facilities in 20 wards in Ezeagu Local Government Area

    6. Revitalisation of the United Palm Project for integrated Palm project in Ibite Olo Ezeagu LGA and many more.

    He cast the dice of the 2027 game when he said; “God has blessed our state and nation with the best leaders of our time. Indeed our tomorrow is here!

    Will the President play along with Mbah in the ‘tomorrow’s’ game?

    The visit also offered President Tinubu the opportunity to see why Governor Mbah’s administration has consistently been in the news for good reasons and remained a reference point for good governance and intentional leadership in Nigeria, in recent times.

    President Tinubu’s visit to Enugu State to see and commission some completed and ongoing projects, despite party differences with Gov. Mbah is clearly a steward of Nation and a Nation Builder’s approach to leadership against the unfortunate practice of political enmities that has robbed us of leadership productivity. Mbah, is a leader who understands the dynamics and limitations of opposition politics and how to balance the same for the good people of Enugu to attract development to his State.

    If Governor Mbah is elected to do what he is doing, there are sons and daughters of Enugu State whose appreciation of Mr President as a result of the visit is further decorating the “orekelewa” that the President has become in Enugu. Such generous individuals, particularly some of whom are residents of Lagos. Governor Mbah and the President should be partnering with. Worthy of mention is the effort of a Lagos born, ‘bred and buttered’ business mogul, an Apostle, and a nation builder, who has exported the goodwill of his sojourn in Lagos back to Enugu State.

    The CEO Viagem Property and Investment said he is prepared to name the facility after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu if given the opportunity to immortalise the visit of the President to Enugu on the Campus of UNN and to embark on the renovation of the monument named after the Zik of Africa at the UNN.

    The 13,000-bed space project began in 2020. When I asked him why he would do a thing like that? He said, contrary to what many in the East are fed with, the Yorubas are friendly to the Igbos amongst them and Lagos as the home and political base of the President has been so kind to him.

    The project:

    The VIAGEM / UNN Build-Operate-Transfer Students Hostels, designed to accommodate on full completion, about 13,000 students of the University Of Nigeria Nsukka is a Project being solely financed by Viagem Property & Investment Limited; a Construction Company solely owned by our modern day “Joseph of Arimathea”.

    The Project construction works began in the year 2020 and since then 14 foundations of the proposed 25 buildings have been fully completed. The 14 buildings with fully completed foundations are at various completion stages, with 3 now at the roofing stages structurally.

    The three buildings that are at the roofing stages need to be made ready for the use of about two thousand five hundred and sixty students before the 4th quarter of 2025.

    In his words, education is the biggest value that Enugu has added to Nigeria, through the University of Nigeria Nsukka. Hence the need to cite his first education intervention project on the campus of UNN. His plan is to have such facilities across all the regions of the country as his contribution to education.

    Some prominent politicians who graduated from the University of Nigeria (UNN) are: Peter Obi, the candidate of Labour party who swept Enugu clean and denied other candidates the required 25% to qualify them for two-third majority. Other politicians and leaders from UNN are: Chris Nwabueze Ngige former Minister of Labour and Employment; Ike Ekweremadu, former Deputy President of the Senate; Chimaroke Nnamani, former Governor of Enugu State. In Art and Entertainment are; Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, renowned author and writer and Waje, a singer and songwriter, etc.

    Beyond government projects, monumental presentations of Asiwaju by persons from the South-East resident in the South-West back at home may be the bond required for a new development alliance between the regions.

    The pendulum swinger in 2027 may be the Lagos Residents who are Indigenes of the SouthEast Region. How many of such are hidden from politics to avoid the war of tribes that comes with it? The President stands to gain if politics is de-tribialised and the likes of our Joseph of Arimathea are allowed to trade the goodwill of Lagos in their home states without fear of political consequences of such commitment. There are 36 governors and 774 Local Government Chairmen; if Abuja is added for a state it will be 37 Governors and 780 Area Councils Chairmen.

    Whereas there are a thousand and one persons of such a large hearted individual across Lagos whose support for Mr President is beyond the mundanity of politics but driven by nation building values. The question is, would they be recognized and encouraged to invade the South East to trade in the goodwills of Lagos for the benefit of the idi ileke of Yorubaland and the “orekelewa of Enugu; Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    • Bolaji O. Akinyemi, an Apostle and nation builder, is President Voice of His Word Ministries and Convener Apostolic Round Table. BoT Chairman, Project Victory Call Initiative, AKA PVC Naija. He is a strategic Communicator and the C.E.O, Masterbuilder Communications.