The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Zulum: A promise fulfilled

    Zulum: A promise fulfilled

    SIR: I am compelled to express my admiration for the exemplary leadership demonstrated by Borno State governor, Babagana Umara Zulum. His recent approval of N8 billion to clear the backlog of liabilities in pensions and gratuities for retired primary school teachers and other civil servants is a testament to his commitment to the welfare of his citizens.

    This gesture is not only a significant step towards settling the outstanding gratuities of retired civil servants but also a demonstration of Zulum’s dedication to fulfilling his campaign promises. His assurance to settle all outstanding gratuities and pensions before the end of his tenure in 2027 is a welcome development that should be emulated by other states.

    I urge other state governments to take a cue from Zulum’s leadership and prioritize the payment of gratuities and pensions to their retired civil servants. This is not only a moral obligation but also a necessary step towards promoting the welfare and dignity of those who have served their states and country.

    Governor Zulum’s initiative is a shining example of what can be achieved when leaders prioritize the needs of their citizens. I commend him for his vision and leadership, and I hope that his example will inspire other leaders to follow suit.

    Read Also: Nigerian youths honour Zulum over empowerment stride

    Furthermore, the payment of gratuities and pensions will have a positive impact on the state’s economy. It will inject much-needed funds into the economy, creating jobs and stimulating economic growth.

    In addition, the initiative will help to reduce poverty and inequality in the state. Many retired civil servants rely on their gratuities and pensions to survive, and the payment of these benefits will help to alleviate their suffering.

    The people of Borno State have every reason to be proud of their governor, who has demonstrated his commitment to their welfare and well-being. I hope that other state governments will take a cue from Governor Zulum’s leadership and prioritize the payment of gratuities and pensions to their retired civil servants.

    • Ibrahim Bukar Tijjani, Borno State University, Maiduguri.
  • Open letter to Head of the Civil Service of the Federation

    Open letter to Head of the Civil Service of the Federation

    SIR: In April 2021, the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Dr. Folashade Yemi-Esan, announced the use of only academic qualifications for entry into the Civil/Public Service of the Federation by her Circular Ref. No. HCSF/SPSO/ODD/NCE/CND.100/S.10/III/104 dated 12th April 2021. The circular states that professional certificates shall no longer serve as entry qualifications into any cadre in the Civil/Public Service and that consequently only academic qualifications such as Junior and Senior Secondary School Certificates (WASC/SSCE), NECO, GCE, ND, NCE, HND, University Degrees and Post Graduate Degrees shall apply. The circular goes further to state that professional certificates already in the Schemes of Service shall, in the interim, serve as a condition for promotion from SGL 13 to SGL 14, in addition to the criteria prescribed in the Public Service Rules and Guidelines for Appointment, Promotion and Discipline in the Service.

    Admittedly, this circular has some innovative provisions that will propel the Service to greater heights; however, we noted with dismay that those charged with implementation of the circular in Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) have given various interpretations of the message of the circular, thereby stretching the truth. One of the interpretations given to this circular is that an accountant already in the Service who possesses a university degree in accounting and later a professional qualification of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria cannot be advanced into SGL 10 in the Civil/Public Service. This is not in line with the extant rules for advancement within the Accountant Cadre in the Scheme of Service. When a circular speaks in vagaries, its interpretation is usually left to the whims and caprices of those charged with its implementation and the main brunt of the interpretation fall on the civil servants. However, if this interpretation is allowed to survive, it will cause employees to lose motivation to attain professional proficiency and turn the public service into a theatre of mediocrities.

    Read Also: FCSC chairman advocates return to merit-based recruitment in civil service 

    To my understanding, the message of this circular is that professionals, including ICAN members, will no longer be considered for employment in the Civil/Public Service without them having a first degree as it used to be. The circular goes further to state that, in the interim, professional certificates already in the Schemes of Service shall be a condition for promotion from SGL 13 to SGL 14. This, to my understanding, means that a Bachelor’s degree holder cannot advance beyond SGL 13 in the Public Service without a professional certificate. I also consider this requirement an effort to confer superiority to Bachelor’s degrees in some disciplines. For instance, those on Administrative Officer Cadre in some MDAs advance beyond SGL 13 with their Bachelor’s degrees without any additional academic or professional qualification.

    I therefore implore the Head of Civil Service of the Federation to either confirm or reject the interpretation that an accountant already in the Civil Service who possesses a university degree in Accounting and later a professional qualification of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria cannot be advanced to SGL 10 by the import of this circular. I am also using this opportunity to urge the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation not to ignore the manner extant Establishment rules and circulars are flouted by those saddled with their implementation.

    • Azeez Olaolu K. (FCA) kolaolu2010@gmail.com
  • Southern Kaduna: From killing field to infrastructural hub

    Southern Kaduna: From killing field to infrastructural hub

    SIR: One of life’s most poignant aphorisms is one which recreates the impermanence of life. When people say that no condition is permanent, they mean it as both a statement of hope and a testament to defiance. People have lived to witness the fiercest storms finally and improbably wash by, and they have come to learn that even the thicket darkness will someday lift.

    For the long-suffering people of Southern Kaduna, the election of Bola Ahmed Tinubu as president in 2023 has brought them unexpected succor. Shortly after he assumed office, he took the unprecedented step of appointing General CG Musa who is from Southern Kaduna as the Chief of Defence Staff. The masterful appointment was a masterstroke on so many levels.

    While Southern Kaduna has always been a flash point, the period between 2015 and 2023 proved especially bloody, with terrorists chewing up and spitting out the people of the zone. Dozens were killed every month there while the administrations pf Muhammadu Buhari as president and Nasir El-rufai as governor did pretty little.

    In those days when the blood of innocent, vulnerable rural dwellers flowed freely in Southern Kaduna, whispers of genocide, ethnic cleansing and systematic killing in addition to abuse of their sensitivity were rife because the governor did not give a hoot.

    Recently, Kassim Shettima, the vice president was in the zone for a condolence visit during which he revealed that the federal government plans to establish a Federal Medical Center as well as a university in the zone.

    The current governor, Uba Sani, came with an agenda for with peace, humility, and reconciliation and the bloodbath ceased. The diverse ethnic groups in the state have seen themselves as one, and oneness has returned.

    The Tinubu government is about to follow up  with a university and a Federal Medical Centre in the zone.  The university would help the killers and their victims to interface and embrace civilization and socialization in an atmosphere of learning. On the other hand, the Federal Medical Centre would improve critical healthcare for the people.

    Read Also: Rabiu assumes duty as 45th CP in Kaduna 

    Surely but steadily, the government of Governor Uba Sani is reminding the long-suffering citizens of the state of the time Ahmed Makarfi because he was a peaceful person. For all the horrors they have survived in the past 20 years, the good people of Southern Kaduna deserve critical infrastructure as well as lasting peace and security.

    Now that a new Pharaoh is in town, one that is deaf to the sirens of religion and tribalism, there is no better time to console the people.

    It is hoped that other neglected parts of the country who have known depredation and destruction either as a result of environmental degradation or terrorism will come to experience a similar level of attention at the hands of the government.

    If every part of the country is to feel a sense of belonging, then the government must take measurable steps to promote inclusion and unity.

    • Ike Willie-Nwobu,Ikewilly9@gmail.com
  • A poor sense of duty

    A poor sense of duty

    Narratives of police officers demanding money from members of the public before going after kidnappers in order to rescue kidnappees are increasing, and the issue is increasingly concerning.  

    The case of the seven-year-old girl kidnapped by her mother’s male customer in Sango, Ogun State on December 23, 2024 is still fresh. When her mother reported the incident, officers at a police station in Sango demanded “N10,000 to report the case,” and N30,000 for the police to track the kidnapper’s phone number.

     The spokesperson for the Ogun State Police Command, Omolola Odutola, acknowledged that “the police officer who received the complaint from the counter acted unprofessionally.” Furthermore, the Public Relations Officer for the Nigeria Police Force, Muyiwa Adejobi, said the policemen who demanded money in this matter “have been arrested and are now in detention for disciplinary action,” adding that “The girl will be found as soon as possible.”  There is no news that she has been found.

    A similar case highlighting police corruption made the headlines following the account of the Spiritual Director of Holy Ghost Adoration Ministry, Uke, Anambra State, Rev. Fr. Emmanuel Obimma, about a priest who was kidnapped and how he paid N1m to the police to get him rescued.

    He presented the priest, identified as Rev. Fr. Nonso, to the congregation on December 30, 2024. He said Nonso was kidnapped on December 17 and spent a week in captivity in a forest. 

    Read Also: Why fuel subsidy removal was necessary, by Tinubu

    “I approached a state outside Anambra and begged them to use their tracker to find my brother priest,” Obimma narrated. “They tracked him and sent the full location to me. I sent it to security people and they asked me what I wanted them to do with the information. I told them to go after the kidnappers and rescue our priest, but they told me they don’t usually go into the forest.

    “I volunteered to lead the operation. I called the Chief Security (Officer) of the Adoration Ministry and told him to assemble his men, let those who have cutlasses bring their cutlasses and those who have guns should bring them, I would lead the operation. When they saw that I was serious, that was when the police told me I should not worry that they could rescue him, just that they lacked logistics. I had to send N1m to them.” He added that the payment was “for mobilisation.” It is unclear how Nonso was rescued.

     “We are aware of the allegations,” the spokesman for the Anambra State Police Command, Tochukwu Ikenga, was reported saying, adding that the Commissioner of Police, Nnaghe Itam, “has directed the investigation.”

    Such narratives are bad for the image of the police. It’s worse that they are increasing and further exposing a poor sense of duty. 

  • Strategic leadership: Transforming challenges into sustainable success

    Strategic leadership: Transforming challenges into sustainable success

    • By Alim Abubakre

    In my fourteen years as the Founder of TEXEM, UK, and previously as a Director of Strategy in Cambridge, I have engaged with thousands of leaders across multiple continents. Amid these interactions, the exceptional creativity and tenacity of Nigerian leaders stand out. Yet the billion-dollar question persists: why, in spite of its abundant natural resources and immense population, has Nigeria not achieved more transformational success at both national and organisational levels? The answers lie in a tapestry of interwoven challenges—from insecurity and weak infrastructure to policy inconsistencies and corruption. Nevertheless, these issues, while daunting, are by no means impermeable. Through visionary leadership, focused governance, and impactful collaboration that bridges public and private sectors, Nigeria has the potential to transcend prevailing obstacles and forge a brighter future.

    Nigeria at a defining juncture

    Nigeria’s moment is now. Despite difficulties ranging from economic volatility to a pronounced digital divide, history demonstrates that leaders who harness adversity can spawn remarkable progress. Many nations have done precisely that, though their solutions must be adapted to Nigeria’s diverse contexts. Comprising over 200 million people from numerous ethnic backgrounds, the country presents a federal system with both benefits and complications. Strategic governance that nurtures peace, fosters inclusive growth, and upholds transparency can help Nigeria convert untapped promise into tangible gains for its citizens.

    Insecurity as a spur for rethinking governance

    Security remains paramount for sustaining growth. When communities live in perpetual fear of insurgency, kidnapping, or communal unrest, the entire social fabric begins to unravel. Companies delay expansion, foreign investors waver, and communal hopes dwindle. Yet examples from Rwanda, Colombia, and India suggest that security challenges are not immovable. Rwanda reduced crime by integrating high-tech surveillance with community-focused policing; Colombia pivoted from decades of insurgent conflict by empowering local stakeholders and directing more resources to inclusive peacebuilding; India diminished fraudulent practices by introducing digital identification systems for public services. These successes highlight the importance of matching technology with grassroots initiatives, but Nigeria’s vast size, deep diversity, and entrenched patronage networks pose added complications.

    Adapting these global experiences is essential. Inter-agency cooperation would help coordinate responses to threats, while bridging the mistrust between different arms of government. Community support programmes that include ex-combatants or disadvantaged youths could draw people away from radical or criminal activities. A renewed emphasis on transparency in security funding—ensuring that resources reach frontline efforts rather than vanishing into bureaucratic voids—would reinforce public trust. By tailoring foreign insights to Nigeria’s own socioeconomic realities, security can become more than just the absence of violence; it can catalyse development, attract investment, and infuse life back into communities.

    Diversifying beyond oil: A route to resilience

    For many years, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on oil revenue has cast a long shadow over its economy, rendering it vulnerable to fluctuations in global prices. Repeated budget crises attest to the perils of failing to diversify. Indonesia’s example serves as an antidote to complacency. That country’s leaders strategically shifted their focus from oil to manufacturing, agro-processing, and tourism, ultimately boosting GDP to over one trillion dollars.

    Nigeria can emulate this by committing to broad-based growth in sectors beyond oil. Agricultural modernisation is an urgent priority. Through initiatives such as agro-industrial parks and upgraded processing facilities, farmers could convert perishable commodities—like cassava—into marketable products such as biofuels or starch. Harnessing these opportunities requires stable conditions: ongoing conflicts in rural areas directly affect farm output, distribution routes, and export logistics. A secure environment, in tandem with policies that encourage public-private partnerships and efficient transport networks, would improve revenue streams, create jobs, and reduce dependence on oil.

    Empowering the youth: turning a demographic wave into an engine of growth

    Nigeria’s youthfulness is one of its most substantial assets: well over half the population is below the age of twenty-five. However, a mismatch between education and employment frequently traps young graduates in frustration. India’s leap into global IT leadership provides a relevant lesson. The introduction of tech hubs, investment incentives for startups, and a focus on digital literacy empowered a generation to reshape the country’s economy.

    Nigeria can replicate this trajectory by concentrating on technical education and entrepreneurship support. The government’s 3MTT programme already offers a framework, but more significant input from both private and public partners is necessary. Universities can realign curricula to include the technical, creative, and entrepreneurial skills needed in a rapidly evolving world. Incubation centres and venture funding would propel ideas into viable enterprises, sparking innovation among young Nigerians. However, such growth hinges on security—entrepreneurship cannot flourish in areas plagued by kidnappings or armed groups. Securing these regions, establishing reliable electricity and internet provision, and reducing bureaucratic red tape would enable the nation’s youth to channel their energy into productive enterprises rather than succumbing to disillusionment and crime.

    Confronting infrastructure deficits

    Infrastructure—both physical and digital—is a backbone for sustainable development. Unreliable power cripples factory output, poor road networks delay the transport of goods, and spotty internet blocks opportunities for remote work and online services. Rwanda’s strides in partnering with private investors to improve infrastructure underscore the merits of a methodical approach, yet Nigeria’s size dwarfs that of Rwanda, necessitating an even more comprehensive plan.

    Read Also: How states shared N5.3tr Fed. allocation in 2024

    A modern railway that connects each state capital could strengthen trade links, reduce accidents on congested roads, and accelerate travel for millions of citizens. Expanding broadband access, especially through a project covering all 774 local government areas, can ignite a digital revolution in e-commerce, telemedicine, and online education. Such large-scale initiatives must factor in security from inception. Infrastructure without security remains vulnerable to vandalism and looting, but secure infrastructure fosters trust, investment, and a spirit of optimism about the country’s future.

    Building Trust Through Transparency

    Corruption is a debilitating force that stalls progress. When bribes and favouritism dominate, faith in institutions crumbles, deterring foreign investors who expect fair markets and clear regulations. Botswana’s experience proves that embedding accountability into national culture is possible, though it demands steadfast leadership. Digital tools can drastically lessen human-driven corruption by automating transactions and allowing for real-time oversight. For Nigeria, piloting blockchain technology to track financial flows, digitising procurement processes, and reducing face-to-face administrative touchpoints offer promising solutions.

    Ultimately, transparency must begin at the top. Leaders must embody the values they champion, sending a clear signal that no individual is above scrutiny. Whistle-blower protection laws and diligent enforcement agencies can amplify this ethical revolution. Deploying technology in tandem with well-publicised legal reforms would help win public support and bolster the economy, creating a virtuous cycle in which integrity drives security and development.

    Cultivating human capital for the knowledge economy

    No matter how sophisticated the infrastructure or how advanced the technology, a country’s real competitive advantage lies in its people. Nations like South Korea, Singapore, and Finland invested heavily in education, research, and continuous learning to foster citizens equipped for the modern world. Nigeria could join their ranks by tailoring educational systems to contemporary market needs, rewarding both academic excellence and creative thinking.

    Collaborations between universities and businesses—locally and internationally—would facilitate targeted research, leading to innovative solutions with commercial potential. Offering scholarships, research grants, and awards tied to national development goals could spark a surge in problem-solving initiatives. Yet this endeavour again hinges on security: scholars and entrepreneurs are loath to risk their personal safety or see their labs destroyed by conflict. A steady environment not only entices foreign experts but also persuades ambitious Nigerian graduates to remain at home, helping to strengthen research capabilities and foster local entrepreneurship.

    tackling root causes of insecurity

    While bolstering police forces and armed responses have their roles, sustainable security emerges from addressing deep-rooted social and economic disparities. Colombia’s approach to community-driven peacebuilding stands out as a model. By extending development projects and livelihood opportunities into vulnerable areas, Colombia drew communities away from insurgent groups.

    Nigeria could adapt a similar strategy: communities that feel marginalised or neglected may respond positively if offered genuine pathways to economic participation. Well-administered digital identification programmes could ensure targeted delivery of welfare and poverty alleviation schemes, especially in conflict-prone zones. This reduces the appeal of criminal or extremist factions that often thrive in socio-economic vacuums. By bringing healthcare, education, and employment prospects closer to those who lack them, the government could gradually reshape attitudes and nurture genuine partnerships with citizens in forging security solutions.

    The virtuous cycle of security and investment

    Enhanced security encourages entrepreneurs to innovate, creates confidence for multinationals looking to invest, and allows local firms to operate unimpeded. In turn, growing businesses expand the tax base and generate employment, which strengthens security further as citizens sense renewed hope and have less motivation to engage in wrongdoing.

    Rwanda’s gains in stability, Colombia’s shift toward reconciliation, and India’s focus on inclusive digital frameworks illustrate that no country is inherently doomed to insecurity. Nigeria has a wellspring of entrepreneurial spirit waiting to be tapped. Once business owners trust that their assets and staff are safe, and that regulatory processes are fair, many more will contribute to the economy’s diversification—whether in agriculture, tourism, technology, or manufacturing.

    Visionary leadership as the cornerstone of change

    Bold, ethically grounded leadership remains essential to unravelling Nigeria’s challenges. Leaders in government, civil society, and business must be prepared to question long-standing norms, embrace accountability, and marshal data-led strategies. This approach transcends rhetorical commitments, requiring tangible strides in infrastructure, support for youth, and unwavering anti-corruption campaigns.

    An empathetic stance that values grassroots input can transform the nation’s varied cultural tapestry into a unifying strength. Decision-makers must identify and empower competent, integrity-driven individuals across society, including women, youth, and underrepresented groups in the critical implementation phase. Innovative ideas often originate from the margins rather than the centre, and an inclusive leadership style that channels these insights can spark a collective sense of ownership and engagement in the national project.

    Conclusion: A collective Journey towards 2025 and beyond

    Nigeria has the critical ingredients of a remarkable success story: vast natural resources, an energetic and youthful population, a dynamic entrepreneurial scene, and strategic influence in Africa. Translating these advantages into real-world prosperity, however, hinges on systematic efforts to quell insecurity, modernise infrastructure, and eradicate corruption. When trust in institutions grows, communities become safer, and talents are harnessed in service of progress, the nation stands on the cusp of a profound transformation.

    By adopting the lessons of Rwanda, Colombia, India, Indonesia, and other nations—while calibrating them to Nigerian realities—leaders can build genuine momentum for change. Diversifying beyond oil secures economic stability. Fostering youth entrepreneurship creates pathways out of poverty and channels youthful zeal into productive endeavours. Modernising infrastructure enables businesses to operate seamlessly, while robust transparency measures rebuild faith in governance. Strengthening human capital fuels, a leap into a globally competitive knowledge economy. At the same time, addressing deep-seated grievances through community-led development and inclusive policies strikes at the heart of insecurity, replacing despair with opportunity.

    Under visionary leadership that is firmly rooted in empathy, accountability and effective as well as efficient implementation of well thought out policies, Nigeria can break free of its historical constraints. The global community, including investors, researchers, and development partners, is more likely to commit their resources and expertise to a country that consistently proves its dedication to transparency, stability, and innovation. As Nigeria continues along this journey, it has the potential to radiate positive influence throughout Africa and beyond, providing a blueprint for how strategic leadership can convert manifold struggles into a legacy of shared prosperity.

    Dr Alim Abubakre is the Founder of TEXEM, UK (www.texem.co.uk), a senior lecturer at Sheffield Business School, Member of the Advisory Board of London Business School Africa Society and Non-Executive Director of Business Council for Africa.

  • Ojudu’s shameless life of lies and blackmail

    Ojudu’s shameless life of lies and blackmail

    By Omisakin Iluyomade

    Viewing Babafemi Ojudu’s latest media outing few days ago, my first reaction was to laugh deliriously at the tomfoolery of the proverbial “shigidi” (Yoruba idol) daring anyone to a bathing contest in the river. It is like the futility of a pinch of salt claiming superiority over a glass of water.

    But, after further reflection, I think what Ojudu actually deserves is pity. He is battling the trauma of idleness and now desperately seeks relevance, even if that means telling self-deprecating lies in attempt to inflate his political worth.

    That is my summary of his performance in a current viral videos where he makes a lot of fictive assertions at the expense of the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari and his successor, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    To start with, just consider this stark contraction: the Ekiti-born journalist-turned-politician declares that Buhari as president “did not have a vision”. Yet, this is the same man in whose government Ojudu had served as “Political Adviser” for eight years! Seriously? The question then is: why did he remain in the government of a leader who lacked vision?

    Of course, the answer is blowing in the wind. Ojudu is only a political hustler looking for what to eat. Truly, what a rabbit will eat never allows it to reason or understand the meaning of dignity and integrity. 

    Read Also: Why we had to remove fuel subsidy, by Tinubu

    Another instance of Ojudu’s shameless contradiction: he claims that he and other Asiwaju’s “political disciples” in 2007 persuaded the ACN leader from taking an offer of “Finance Minister” from the PDP administration of President Umar Yar’Adua. Seriously? At this point, I couldn’t help laughing again in Ojudu’s native Ekiti dialect. The lie in this claim can easily be established from the fact that at that material time, Ojudu was the executive editor of The News/PM News. It was not until 2010 that he resigned to bid for the senatorial ticket of Ekiti Central.

    In fact, but for Asiwaju Tinubu, there is no way Ojudu, a political lightweight, could have won the ticket against better known and far more accomplished journalist like Dr. Dele Alake.

    So, isn’t it shameful that a supposed journalist/editor could now claim to be a “political disciple” to the National Leader of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) around 2007? It is characters like Ojudu that are giving journalism a bad name in Nigeria! Where is journalism ethics?

    In the early 2000s, the earlier victim of Ojudu’s lies and blackmail was “Oshoko” himself, Ayodele Fayose. Using his media platform, Ojudu had hounded then Governor Niyi Adebayo to a political defeat in 2003. Once Fayose came in, Ojudu tried to hijack the new administration. So chummy was their relationship initially that Fayose once alleged that Ojudu handled the job of sewing the “Aso Ofi” (hand-sewn traditional attire) he wore on his inauguration on May 29, 2003. Fayose only started to resist when Ojudu’s interference, among others became too excessive. So bitter was their falling-out that “Oshoko” started calling him “Oju-dudu” (the black face). Predictably, Ojudu launched a relentless media witch-hunt against Fayose in retaliation until he was controversially impeached in 2006.

    Now, taking about the scramble for Ekiti Central Senatorial ticket in 2011, not a few observers believed that Asiwaju “forsook” Alake, a long-standing and time-tested loyalist, for Ojudu, who soon showed his true colour when he failed to gain ACN’s nomination for second term in 2015.

    Of course, by 2014, Asiwaju could not save Ojudu from his constituents in Ekiti who were tired of his arrogance, insolence and  incompetence.  Once Opeyemi Bamidele got the nomination, Ojudu suddenly became “radicalised” overnight against Asiwaju. It is a mark of better judgment and  performance on the part of Bamidele that he is today in his third term in office and also the Majority Leader at the senate.

    After all said and done, the true test of character is what someone does in the face of great temptation. Note that when Alake lost out in the Ekiti powerplay of 2011, he never switched camp to PDP nor launch a media war against Asiwaju. Not Ojudu who, after losing the Ekiti primaries in 2014, lobbied and lobbied and was rehabilitated with the position of “Political Adviser” under Buhari in 2015 and was posted to Vice President Yemi Osinbajo’s office. Thus began his vicious and relentless campaign of calumny against Tinubu.

    In retrospect, it was perhaps a strategic move by Buhari that he did not keep a political snake like Ojudu close, but offloaded him to Osinbajo. Of course, everyone still remembers the despicable length Ojudu went in 2022 in a desperate effort to discredit Tinubu and assassinate his character in the build-up to the APC presidential primaries, calling him unprintable names, even though Asiwaju is yet the same man who had made him politically in 2011.

    Perhaps, what Ojudu did mostly for eight years under Osinbajo was bearing false tales and idle gossips. And finding or creating enemies for Osinbajo. In fact, not a few believe he was one of those who kept egging on Osinbajo to the political disgrace he suffered at the APC primaries in June 2022. It is a measure of the quality of “political advice” Ojudu gave that his principal, a sitting vice president, was beaten silly by a cabinet minister at the APC primaries. 

    Ever a sham political strategist, Ojudu was so confident of Osinbajo’s landslide victory at the APC primaries that he boastfully told an interviewer in a viral video prior that he would retire to the farm if Tinubu ever won and became president. Shameless enough, he is yet to fulfil that pledge, almost two years after Tinubu’s inauguration. Had Ojudu truly retired to his much-touted cassava farm, perhaps public interest would be better served. At least, with a promise of better food security for Nigeria, instead of his current toxic career of lying and revisionism.

    Meanwhile, who will remind Ojudu of his 2022 pledge to retire to the farm if Tinubu became president?

    • Chief Omisakin Iluyomade, a political analyst, is based in Ibadan.

  • Kemi Badenoch: It’s time for a rethink

    Kemi Badenoch: It’s time for a rethink

    By Tunde Rahman

    Kemi Badenoch’s ill-advised denigration of Nigeria has refused to go away. Her belittlement of the country of her ancestry is still generating passionate public discourse within and outside the media space, and it appears the matter will not go away anytime soon.

    Exasperated by Kemi Badenoch’s misguided attacks on Nigeria, Vice President Kashim Shettima recently counseled her to drop the Kemi in her name and bleach her ebony skin to white to further appease her Tory party and British establishment. And perturbed and seemingly lost by all that, my daughter, Kemi Mushinat, who recently graduated in Communication Studies, asked what was wrong with the name Kemi. There is nothing wrong with the name, I explained. But a lot is wrong with Kemi Badenoch (Nee Adegoke), the Leader of the British opposition Conservative Party, who opted to behave, as the Yoruba would describe it, “bi omo ale to fi owo osi ju we ile baba e”, meaning like a bastard who would go out to denigrate her ancestry by pointing the offensive finger at her roots.

    Honour and dignity are inherent in the name Oluwakemi, indeed in any name. But what confers dignity, what glorifies a name, is the character the bearer brings into it. Kemi Badenoch left much to be desired, disparaging Nigeria, our motherland. She painted a gory picture of her growing up years in Nigeria from the middle of the 80s to around 1996, highlighting stories of poverty, infrastructure decay, decadence, corruption, police excesses, and leadership failure.

    Perhaps some of her narratives could be true, particularly in the time that immediately followed the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) misrule and the indiscretion of the emergent military regime. However, her stories reek of generalisations and prejudices often associated with most analyses by a section of Western media and commentators. They view Nigeria with their jaundiced lenses, describing the country as made of a Muslim North and Christian South, oblivious of the various Christian minorities in the North and, the plethora of Muslims in the South and the multiplicity of ethnic groups in the two divides that make a mockery of any analysis of a monolithic North or South. They view us Africans with many unproven, unorthodox assumptions.

    My problem is with Mrs. Badenoch, an African, whichever way you slice it, and the character she has chosen. When Vice President Shettima lambasted her for demeaning Nigeria, Kemi Badenoch thought she had a clincher:

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    “I find it interesting that everybody defines me as Nigerian,” she said. “I identify less with the country than with the specific ethnicity (Yoruba). That’s what I am. I have nothing in common with the people from the North of the country, the Boko Haram where the Islamism is; those were our ethnic enemies and yet you end up being lumped in with those people.”

    In that statement, the Tory leader disavowed Nigeria and excoriated the North but exalted the Yoruba. She repudiated the whole, attacking one part of the nation but embracing another. Kemi Badenoch grossly misfired, hiding under the finger of ethnic nationalism.

    Perhaps it would have been pardonable if, for instance, she opposed Nigeria’s federal system and canvassed regionalism or confederacy. To condemn one race and elevate another is like playing one part against another. That utterance is dangerous in a diverse and volatile society like ours. The North (read the Hausa-Fulani, Kanuri, Tiv, Birom, Mangu, Ibira, Nupe, and many others who cohabit the entire Northern region) is no enemy of the Yoruba as Mrs Badenoch insinuated. The North voted massively for Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, a Yoruba man, to emerge president in 2023, as they did for the late Bashorun MKO Abiola, the winner of the annulled June 12 election in 1993. To label them the enemies of the Yoruba is condemnable.

    Badenoch’s Yoruba roots emphasise good character and promote good neighbourliness, religious harmony, peaceful co-existence, respect for elders, and respect for other people’s rights. That is why Yoruba intermarry with members of different ethnic groups. It’s also commonplace in Yorubaland to find members of the same family having adherents of Islam and Christianity cohabiting together without any hassles. Boko Haram or its last vestiges poses a security challenge, perhaps a religious and sociopolitical challenge, for Nigeria, not just for the North or the North-east  which is why the government and our armed forces have battled to a standstill and are still battling the insurgents.

    Therefore, the values the UK Conservative leader espoused did not represent the Yoruba. They are not the values the Yoruba would showcase, uphold, and promote. Yoruba has a rich history of culture, tradition, leadership, and loyalty to constituted authority.

    Mrs Badenoch’s formative years, which she derided with negative stories of decadence, perfidy, and corruption, were part of Nigeria’s dark periods when the military held the country and the people by the jugular.

    Is Kemi Badenoch now giving the impression that nothing has changed in Nigeria, particularly in Lagos, where she grew up after birth in London? Is she giving the impression there have not been significant improvements in the standard of living and infrastructure, with the rehabilitation of existing roads and opening up of new ones; in transportation with the multi-modal system complemented by water transportation and now the rail system, among other things? Despite its challenges, there is no doubt there has been a remarkable development in Lagos from the foundation laid by then Governor Bola Ahmed Tinubu (now President Tinubu) from 1999 to 2007 till the present Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu to the point that Lagos has emerged as one of largest economies in Africa.  Lagos State has made significant progress across all indices of development such that if it were a country, it would have ranked the sixth largest economy on the continent.

    What has emerged in the entire Kemi Badenoch’s saga is her seeming double-face or multiple-face. When she was campaigning to represent her diverse Dulwich and West Norwood Constituency in the UK Parliament in 2010, she had appealed to the Nigerian community, comprising Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani and Igbo, under the aegis of “Nigerians for Kemi Badenoch,” pleading for help in the election. A campaign document that surfaced on social media showed she had reached out to all Nigerians in that constituency while highlighting her roots. In that document, Badenoch had said to her Nigerian supporters:

    “I need your help. I’m running for parliament in the 2010 UK general elections. The race is very tight. Last year, the News of the World surveyed this constituency, and the forecast was that I would win. Things are much tougher this year as the party has dropped nationally in the polls. I need your help.

    “I am asking for your help now to support a Nigerian trying to improve our national image and do something great here.”

    After winning the election, however, she deployed her situation in Nigeria as a talking point to rally support for her policies, for which she was accused of exploiting her roots for political gains.

    Her rhetoric has drastically changed with her emergence as the Leader of the Conservative Party. In the carriage, conduct and statements, she is now out to please the White establishment, particularly the White wing of her Conservative Party, subjugating her people to make Britain look good. She doesn’t mind running down anyone, including the Nigerian people and the British blacks generally.

    Will this advance her politics or status? I do not think so. The British respect culture and tradition. Running down a country’s history and culture may not attract much attention. Britain also respects her relations with other countries, particularly Nigeria, given our age-long relationship. Nigeria is a significant trade and investment partner of the UK in Africa. According to the UK Department for Business and Trade, as of December 20 2024, the total trade in goods and services (exports plus imports) between the UK and Nigeria amounted to £7.2 billion in the four quarters up to the end of Q2 2024, an increase of 1.2% or £86 million in current prices from the four quarters to the end of Q2 2023.

    Britain would not want to harm that substantial trade partnership and excellent relationship between the two countries in any way.

    Also, several Badenoch’s Conservative Party members do not share her attitude towards Nigeria. In Zanzibar, I recently ran into Jake Berry, a top Tory Party member and former Cabinet member in the UK. While discussing the Badenoch matter, he said most Conservative Party members disagreed with her.

    Kemi Badenoch has recorded an outstanding achievement in two decades of entering British politics. She joined the Conservative Party at the age of 25. Today, she stands not just as the Leader of the biggest party in Britain’s history but also as the highest black person in the United Kingdom. Her extraordinary accomplishment should have been used to inspire young people to achieve similar feats and as a foundation to inspire positive change in her country of origin, not to denigrate Nigeria or cause division and disaffection among her people. It is not too late for Mrs Badenoch to rethink and toe the line of rectitude.

    • Rahman is Senior Special Assistant on Media Matters to President Tinubu.

  • What will Palestine’s future be in 2025?

    What will Palestine’s future be in 2025?

    By Michael Lynk

    In 2024, there were a host of startling developments occurring in the Middle East and the wider world that impacted Palestine, most of them unforeseen 12 months ago: the continuation of the unrelenting Israeli genocide in Gaza, the battlefield defeat of Hezbollah and the devastation in Lebanon, the overthrow of Bashar Assad in Syria, the isolation of Iran, the election of Donald Trump, and a series of seminal rulings by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC).

    All of these seismic events make the assignment of imagining what Palestine’s future will be in 2025 a precarious task. Yet, with caution thrown to the wind, we can make some educated guesses on six leading features.

    Leading scenarios for Palestine’s future

    Donald Trump’s return to the US presidency will certainly encourage Israel’s accelerating subjugation of the Palestinians. His major appointments on the Middle East – including his secretary of state, his ambassador to Israel, and his two regional envoys – are all diplomatic gifts to Israel’s far-right nationalist government. His political instincts are all about respecting the strong and disparaging the weak. The only restraint that Trump may impose on Israel would result from his quest for a substantive deal with Saudi Arabia, which is publicly demanding a credible path to Palestinian statehood.

    A genuine Palestinian state is further away than ever. In 2025, more Palestinian land will be confiscated, more illegal Israeli settlements will be built, and settler violence, already at record levels, will only intensify. While Trump might restrict Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu from formally annexing parts of the West Bank, de facto Israeli annexation will continue unabated. The ability of the Palestinian Authority to shape events in its favor will likely shrink even further. As for the comatose peace process, the Palestinians long ago arrived at a traffic intersection, and the red light never changed. It remains red today, its only color.

    Read Also: Why we had to remove fuel subsidy, by Tinubu

    The genocidal war on Gaza will finally end with a formal ceasefire, the release of Israeli hostages, and some Palestinian detainees. However, the unimaginable toll of deaths and suffering among the Palestinian civilians in Gaza will continue, as starvation, infectious diseases, a decimated economy, and a devastated landscape afflict the population. Hamas won’t be completely defeated, but it has suffered a grievous blow in the short run. Israel will push hard to build settlements in the north and for clan warlords to run the rest of Gaza, which Trump might allow. Another great test will be the raising of the $40-60 billion needed for the reconstruction of Gaza; this will create tension between Trump and his Gulf states allies, who will resist paying the lion’s share of the consequences of a war they opposed.

    Will the international community face the Palestine issue in 2025?

    Respecting Palestine, the United Nations will face some of its most perilous challenges in 2025. The one-year deadline set by the General Assembly for Israel to completely end its occupation of Palestine arrives next September, with Israel and the US committed to defying the obligation. In addition, Israel – with Trump’s backing – is seeking to dismantle UNRWA, the UN agency that delivers education, health, and social services to Palestinian refugees in the Levant. The challenge for Europe and the Arab world will be whether they will defend the UN, its core commitment to successfully resolving the oldest item on its political agenda (Palestine), and the preservation of its largest agency.

    Israel’s diplomatic isolation will continue, even as its relationship with its superpower patron will deepen. Its outlier status at the United Nations – particularly at the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council – will see even more lopsided votes against its 57-year-old occupation, its denial of Palestinian self-determination, and its abuse of international law. The arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court against Benjamin Netanyahu and his former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant will make him politically radioactive, with heads of state and government that have signed the 1998 Rome Statute refusing to meet him. Pressure will grow within Europe to rethink various trade and cooperation agreements with Israel as a reaction to the war and its horrendous humanitarian consequences.

    Role of international law more important for Palestine than ever

    The role of international law in pronouncing on the question of Palestine will become even more momentous in 2025. After the signature rulings by the ICJ and the ICC in 2024, we are likely to see a growing movement to insist upon a rights-based approach to peacemaking in Palestine, replacing the discredited (but still very much alive) realpolitik approach of the Oslo process.

    The momentum created by the recent genocide reports by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch will continue to echo through UN corridors and foreign ministries. But there are also headwinds: Republicans in the US Senate are determined to sanction the ICC for issuing the arrest warrant against Netanyahu, meaning that the viability of the court will require a stout defense by the 124 members of the Rome Statute, particularly from Europe.

    As we learned from the past year, there will almost certainly be unexpected surprises in 2025. And while there will continue to be dark times for the Palestinians in the year ahead, the war in Gaza has also sparked a global movement of solidarity – particularly among the young – that will continue to inspire courageous thinking and bold acts. Its lasting impact should never be underestimated.

    • This article was first published in www.aa.com.tr

  • Tax Reform Bill: Demystifying NLC chairman, Joe Ajaero’s call for withdrawal

    Tax Reform Bill: Demystifying NLC chairman, Joe Ajaero’s call for withdrawal

    By Arabinrin Aderonke 

    It’s a new year, a year that will possibly see to the passage and implementation of the People’s Bill, also known as the Tax Reform Bills. For Nigerian workers, the conversation surrounding this legislation is not just a political or economic issue but a matter of personal and collective empowerment. Following the recent call for its withdrawal by Joe Ajaero, President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), it is imperative to dispel any misconceptions and highlight the truth.

    Joe Ajaero’s call for the withdrawal of the Tax Reform Bill raises questions that I believe demand serious scrutiny. Are other Labour members in agreement with his stance, or is this an isolated position? Has there been adequate consultation with unions, economic experts, and the workers who stand to gain the most from this legislation? With breakdowns of the bill consistently shared in the media, I wonder if Ajaero has taken the time to truly study its provisions. Is his opposition rooted in legitimate concerns or a misunderstanding of the bill’s intent and structure? To me, the Tax Reform Bill is not just another policy document; it is an initiative aimed at ensuring a more inclusive and equitable economy for all Nigerians.

    Tax Reform Bill is more concerned about the masses, especially Nigerian workers. The Bills bring targeted relief to Nigerians by exempting those earning up to ₦1 million annually from PAYE taxes and reducing rates for salaries below ₦1.7 million monthly. Essentials like food, healthcare, education, and electricity are zero-rated for VAT, transport, rent, and baby products, directly reducing living costs. These measures prioritize affordability and financial relief for low and middle-income earners.

    Small businesses, long regarded as the backbone of the Nigerian economy, are set to benefit from an increased tax exemption threshold, now raised from ₦25 million to ₦50 million in annual turnover. This means many small enterprises will enjoy full exemptions from company income tax and withholding tax, thereby reducing operating costs and enabling growth. Simplified tax processes further ease compliance, encouraging formalization and transparency. For larger businesses, the corporate income tax rate has been lowered from 30% to 25%. Additionally, the introduction of the Office of Tax Ombud will ensure swift resolution of disputes and protect taxpayers from arbitrary assessments. These are just a few of the benefits, and the Tax Reform Bill is truly focused on you, the Nigerian people. It ensures that Nigerians, from hardworking workers to small business owners, benefit from a more equitable and supportive tax system.

    In addition to the proposed changes, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has also demonstrated a clear intention to modernize the tax administration system. President Tinubu’s moves emphasize simplifying and making the tax process more transparent, while also protecting taxpayers’ rights. The government has been actively engaging with stakeholders, including the private sector, to ensure that the reforms align with the needs of businesses, especially small enterprises. The emphasis on reducing the corporate income tax rate from 30% to 25% is a clear indication of the government’s commitment to attracting both local and foreign investment. This reduction is expected to stimulate job creation, promote business growth, and ultimately enhance the economic environment. 

    Furthermore, the government has been working to harmonise tax policies across different states, aiming to eliminate overlapping levies that have historically hindered business operations. The bill now gives 60% of VAT revenue to the states where goods and services are consumed. This means states with more consumption will receive more funds, helping them improve services like roads, schools, and healthcare. With the bills, states will rely less on federal funding and have more control over their finances, allowing them to better meet the needs of their people and grow their economies. These actions underline the government’s dedication to creating a more investor-friendly economy.

    In conclusion, Nigerian workers should be aware that the Tax Reform Bill will bring relief through reduced company income taxes, unlimited VAT input claims, and other reforms that will lower tax burdens and business costs. These changes will make businesses more profitable, enabling them to retain existing workers and create new jobs, driving expansion and promoting a more robust economy.

    The Tax Reform Bill is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to reshape Nigeria’s economic sector in favour of its people. Nigerian workers deserve nothing less than the truth, and they deserve to see this bill implemented to realise its full potential.

    Arabinrin Aderonke Atoyebi is the Technical Assistant, Broadcast Media to the Executive Chairman of the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS)