Category: Commentaries

  • Nigeria did no wrong on capital punishment

    SIR: For a long time now, the propriety or otherwise of the death penalty has become an issue of controversy not just in Nigeria but in the international community. Beyond the realm of secularism, death penalty is also a matter of serious concern in the realm of religion. This is borne out of the fact that the killing of a human being by another under any circumstance is viewed as a grave sin unto God.

    The argument against the death penalty has been that it violates the fundamental human rights of the convict to dignity of human person; this is because the condemned convict undergoes a very degrading psychological situation before and during the execution of the death sentence. It has also been argued that the continual retention of the death penalty in the statute books has not deterred the least of criminals on the streets.

    While some of these arguments remain faultless on paper, a question that must be answered is the practicability of these theoretical postulations in the Nigerian context. No matter how beautiful some of the submissions against death penalty may appear to be, one thing that would always remain about them is their imperialistic colourations, the fact that they are a subtle continuation of the colonisation of Africa by imperialists. Some of these arguments have found haven in the mouths of many not because of their kind-heartedness and forgiving spirits, but because the urge to join the international bandwagon has become irresistible partly due to financial gains and other factors.

    In the midst of the seemingly international community’s negative perception of the death penalty, Nigeria must be commended for its courage in making its official position known to the United Nations to the effect that Nigeria will continue to apply the death penalty in its criminal justice delivery system. Playing the cards plain and sincere was the best thing the federal government could have done on the issue.

    The position of the federal government admits of no fault in view of the need to consider the Nigerian context critically before keying blindly into some international resolutions. Any international position on issues of this nature must not be absorbed hook, line and sinker unless such position has been tested with the local country situation and found to be of potential benefit to the polity. As far as this issue on death penalty is concerned, the making of a positive move towards the abolition of the death penalty or doing something similar to that will only encourage more potential criminals and increase the crime wave in the society, the fact that the application of stiff penalties (including the death penalty) have not deterred many individuals from committing heinous crimes is a pointer to the fact that if such penalties are abolished, the sky would be the stepping stone for some criminals.

    The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (As amended) clearly recognises the death penalty as a form of punishment. The Supreme Court of the land has also accorded judicial imprimatur to the validity of the death penalty as a valid form of punishment under the Nigerian Criminal Justice system. What more?

    The clamour for the abolition of the death penalty is not a bad one after all. However, it is too early at the moment for Nigeria to make a positive move in that direction, the ever increasing rate of terrorism, kidnapping and armed robbery will make such a move a countrywide suicidal mission. While a future policy change on this may be productive, it is safer for the country to continue to retain its current position on the issue.

    • Vincent Adodo, Esq.

    Ilorin

  • ICPC’s shadow boxing

    ICPC’s shadow boxing

    “ICPC: Madness without method,” that was Hardball’s original, cut-to-fit headline for this piece but because he would loath to be misconstrued as disrespectful and indecorous he demurred at the last minute, to his utter discomfiture, to change to the above title. But the discarded title better captures what the Independent Corrupt Practices (and other offences) Commission, ICPC has set about doing lately. There is no doubt that the ICPC would be utterly bored by its sedate and passive nature over the years. But worse, it must be so weary by now living under the large shadows of its better favored and much fancied cousin, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC.

    Could this be the reason why ICPC has chosen to act up, flex muscle and call some attention to its self? The story emanating from the graft body is that it has launched a manhunt for corrupt senior civil servants across the country. Based on tip-offs and petitions, ICPC has moved against some senior civil servants seizing their houses, cash and even cars. About 94 houses have been confiscated so far from itchy-fingered officers. A particular unnamed civil servant has a haul of 62 houses all to his name. But sorry to say that in the exertions of the ICPC, the total value of seized items including houses, vehicles and cash comes to a paltry N1.2 billion.

    Which is why Hardball thinks ICPC must quit this shadow boxing and get more methodical in carrying out the enormous responsibility conferred on it; you cannot fight corruption by fighting shy and creating room for even more sleaze. Clearly, there are a few things wrong with ICPC’s current approach. First, it is based on petition which of course is fraught with danger of witch-hunt and peer envy. Two, ICPC is dissipating energy hunting down hapless, small fries while the big guns loot the treasury with impunity. Hardball would wager that probably 90 percent of the cadre targeted is corrupt anyway because they work in cahoots with their ‘ogas at the top’. So even if ICPC exhausted its resources and time on this chase, it will never make any dent on the war against graft. Third, why is ICPC not naming and shaming the culprits? Why are properties being confiscated and disposed of without trial? Finally this ill-conceived approach will sooner damage the commission because it lacks transparency, it is sure to be abused as it immediately creates room for extortion and under the table deals by ICPC officials. It is not unlike what transpires in the EFCC where operatives storm state and local council officials, haul them to Lagos or Abuja only to strike deals, set them free and bury the matter.

    What ICPC can do? It must strive to catch the big thieves and the small fries will either be cut off or be deterred. It must look out for the big ticket case for instance, Information Minister, Labaran Maku announced rather gleefully recently that the Jonathan administration has so far busted 46,000 ghost workers thereby saving the country about N119 billion. This is job enough for ICPC to find those who have been drawing this humongous sum from MDAs over the years. It can also follow the big contracts as they are awarded; and fraud-prone areas like pension funds and indeed all other trust funds where cheap money are spent so cheaply by those charged to manage them. It can also start where the auditors-general across the country stop by simply picking up these reports and asking questions.

    ICPC may also go the way of the U.S. Internal Revenue Service (IRS): have every top civil servant and political appointee fill the assets form and annually, randomly pick a few and run detailed investigation. This is the ultimate deterrence because each year, every key official has a chance of being put through the grill.

    If ICPC and the other graft agencies work a bit smarter and with some honesty, corruption would not be this pervasive.

  • Thank you, Tony Nyiam!

    SIR: When President Goodluck Jonathan announced the constitution of a Presidential Advisory Committee on National Conference and Dialogue in his independence anniversary message, many Nigerians saw it as an opportunity to discuss and renegotiate the basis of our existence as one united and indivisible nation built on principles which give and confer equality, respect and dignity on all. Many also saw it as an opportunity to ventilate their disappointment at the way they and their ethnic groups, particularly the so-called minorities, have suffered neglect, marginalisation, oppression and suppression over the years. They believed that given an opportunity to be heard would put their case on the front burner of national discuss with the hope that a lasting solution would be found to their case. To some southern minorities, this may well be a last chance to right the wrongs of the past and put a stop to further agitations for fair treatment.

    The ugly incident on Monday October 28, during the meeting of the Presidential Advisory Committee on National Conference and Dialogue in Benin City, Edo State, may have surprised not a few Nigerians both in the country and in Diaspora including foreigners. It was expected that the committee would listen to all Nigerians who have something to say irrespective of age, gender, level of education, social status, or ethnic origin as promised by conference committee chairman, Senator Okorounmu. The incident in which a state governor like Comrade Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole, could be shouted down by even a conference committee member, Col. Tony Nyiam (rtd), for making contributions not agreeable to him, reinforces the stand of those who say the conference has a hidden agenda behind it and, therefore, unnecessary at this point in time.

    If the conference committee would not listen to all persons no matter what they have to say and no matter how bitter, unreasonable and idiotic such contributions may appear to be, then there is a pre-conceived, pre-arranged and pre-determined end which the committee is working towards. Is it a situation of working from the unknown views of Nigerians to the known outcome by the Jonathan administration? What interest or agenda was Tony Nyiam executing in Benin City when he so violently, along with hirelings from Delta, Bayelsa and Rivers states, shouted down Governor Oshiomhole, a situation which put an abrupt end to the meeting? Is this a tip of what to expect when the conference eventually gets under way?

    Governor Oshiomhole’s views which, he pointed out, were “my personal views’’ may well represent the views of discerning Nigerians who believe there are more pressing issues to be addressed by the government. True, patriotic Nigerians must appreciate where Tony Nyiam comes from, and, is coming from to situate his “command’’ outburst in Benin City last Monday. He was appointed into the conference committee to execute and defend an agenda which he inadvertently revealed that Monday. Rather than condemn him, Nigerians must thank Tony Nyiam for exposing unto us the “Conference Book of Revelations.”

     

    • Blessing Yakubu,

    Yenagoa, Bayelsa State

  • A World Cup winning formula

    An account of form, Nigeria’s qualification for the 2014 FIFA World Cup finals in Brazil is a matter of course. Even the soccer gods will forgive the fan for ruling the November 16 reverse fixture in Calabar a conclusion foregone after Emmanuel Emenike’s individual efforts helped the Super Eagles skewer Ethiopia’s Walya Antelopes in the first leg of the final African Zone qualifiers on October 13. The African champions surmounted untoward reception, poor playing conditions, bastardised formation and a lethargic first half to prevail 2-1.

    Whether the men in green can surpass last February’s continental triumph with victory in the bigger tournament is another matter. Without undermining the squad’s commitment, Nigeria seemed favoured in both campaigns. The fact that traditional powers Cameroon and Egypt dropped qualification tickets to the 2013 Africa Nations Cup finals while Ghana and Ivory Coast attended with weakened sides is not lost on the analyst. In pairings for the final qualifiers, Nigeria drew the least dreaded of the other nine teams for play-offs to determine Africa’s five representatives in Brazil. More luck ensued with officiating incidents in Ethiopia (Ethiopia’s 23rd minute disallowed opener for one).

    To be fair, though, the Eagles deserve current rating after working their socks off to stay unbeaten and seal passage to the final rounds with a 2-0 drubbing of Malawi for an unassailable 5-point lead of second round qualifying Group F. But the chief coach, Stephen Keshi, needs something other than luck and desire to get within touching distance of the gold trophy in Brazil.

    First, he must resist the temptation to fiddle with team rhythm as his starting selection against Ethiopia evinced. He may have strung the speedy wing duo of Victor Moses and Ahmed Musa together in the previous qualifier, but Ethiopia was no Malawi. The Eagles struggled to master the East African smooth operators partly because Nigeria coach experimented. He struck the right chord in the second half, but lessons learnt throughout the qualifiers and especially in Addis Ababa resonate.

    The standard 4-4-2 formation suits Nigeria’s robust group. And at the top of the formation sits a fit and firing Emenike. The most credible pretender to Rashidi Yekini’s crown, he combines well with Brown Ideye’s brawn for goals. In midfield, Musa better substitutes Moses, but he must put away chances with the head rather than the heart. As for John Obi Mikel, his tackling skills appear lost in translation. We may celebrate his conversion from a static, clueless defensive midfielder to the visionary, responsible ‘captain’ of Keshi’s troops on the road to Brazil, but his weaknesses manifest.

    As evident in the 2013 Confederations Cup in Brazil, he often waited for the pass when his failure to fight for the ball collapsed the structure in the first place. Especially reckless in the opener against lowly Tahiti, he gifted the raw islanders more than a peek at Nigeria’s goal, something Uruguay and Spain prevented with eyes closed. In addition to popping up with the rare but crucial goal, Mikel must constantly reenact the man-marking that shut out Ivory Coast stalwart, Yaya Toure in the South Africa 2013 quarter-final.

    Still, Nigeria’s failure to tap full benefits from the world’s most complete youth footballer in 1995 is a shame collectively shared as subsequent performances appear to validate FIFA’s seemingly biased certification of Argentina icon, Lionel Messi. While Messi made the most of a Barcelona education to point Argentina to prominence, Nigeria’s ‘Special One’ slipped a transfer wrangle between Manchester United and Chelsea to shed attacking instinct and turn ‘Indecisive One’ under Jose Mourinho’s tutelage at Stamford Bridge.

    To Keshi’s credit, however, the metamorphosis of the most gifted player of a generation nears completion. To hasten progress, the coach could appoint Mikel team skipper after the qualifiers to help the player grow into the role before the start of the Mundial. If we watched the once languid and tentative player turn leader and magician in South Africa, Brazil could yet yield an improved version: Mikel, commander and provider.

    Nigeria’s fortunes may again be tied to the player’s performance, but stand-in skipper, Vincent Enyeama, Efe Ambrose, Godfrey Oboabona, Kenneth Omeruo, Elderson Echiejile, Onazi Ogenyi, Moses, Ideye and Emenike are as critical to the set-up, barring long-term injuries, loss of form, or surge in form by emergent talents. Sufficiently spurred by personal brilliance but probably limited by tactical nous as supplied by the coaches, the stellar group may yet fetch the country eternal mention. I dare dream, but to see the Eagles play as a tight, mobile and purposeful unit reminiscent of Barcelona, Bayern Munich, Spain and, lately, Brazil would warm the heart.

    Subject to tactical details and peculiarities of the opposition, the formation and starting eleven may be varied, of course, but the technical crew would do well to carve team shape and character early enough. As demonstrated by the great sides, it helps to identify the team’s ‘destroyer’, a tough-as-nails midfielder or defender capable of mechanical implementation of the coach’s game plan. It may matter in Brazil when, rocked by Nigeria’s trademark physicality, the best teams from Europe and the Americas abandon ‘tiki-taka’ for mind games and trickery. Think Argentina versus Nigeria or Nigeria versus Italy at the USA ’94 World Cup.

    Crucial encounters too often stretch Keshi’s imagination. And since upgrade in coaching acumen may be difficult to reach before Brazil, we could end up with a football federation-funded and Keshi-orchestrated quarter-final run similar to that attained by Cameroon (in 1990), Senegal (2002) and Ghana (2010). Nigeria’s best mark was the second round (in 1994) where the Eagles lost to Italy. But for technical issues, the Eagles of yore might have made the quarters and probably the final considering the trajectory suggested by a 3-0 pulverisation of Bulgaria in the group stage.

    Yet, Nigeria’s World Cup hurdle remains partly administrative. Former Super Eagles technical adviser Bonfrere Jo, whom Keshi assisted on a managerial spell in the past, believed football administrators lacked adequate grasp of football processes. He also thought Keshi, a distinguished member of the glorious 90s squad and its long-standing skipper, “was not clued up enough to know what to do exactly”.

    The scenario is eerily familiar. The coaching crew battles with judicious blend of talents and psychological tune-up for epic confrontations while the football federation contends with unpaid salaries and a recurrent bonus row. The latter snag singed national hopes at the France ‘98 World Cup and nearly derailed the current campaign.

    Instead of Mali and Burkina Faso – teams used to measure Nigeria’s might these days, but who hardly play in the same league – Brazil, Germany, Netherlands, Argentina, Italy and Spain offer stiffer challenge. Still, as the gutsy surrender to Spain at the Confederations Cup group stage emphasised, Nigeria can wear down any opponent, and if chances come to the right players, we too can win.

    Only, let the coaches select the best 22 in the land without recourse to reputation and player agency. Form and relevance make the better yardstick. The point against Spain where the team lacked sharp replacement for the crocked Omeruo and Emenike (hence home-based player Muhammad Gambo’s doe-eyed flop) should never be reached again. Gifted and tested players in the class of Shola Ameobi, Obafemi Martins and Osaze Odemwingie would elevate the bench. Keshi will just have to find a way to work with the most recalcitrant of them for the common good.

  • High cost of running for public office

    SIR: The cost of running for a political office in Nigeria makes the race unwinnable to a candidate with good intentions. Many are liquidated from pursuing their chance of a moment in the sun. At the end of the day, they become cynical. The physical, ethical and financial cost of running for a political office will make a wise man ask, what is the trouble? Politics should be a game of wits and not a battle with the beast.

    Power is intoxicating and many people are willing to get drunk on the juice of politics. A candidate squanders all of his or her wealth, and goes borrowing to finance his campaign. He hopes to buy people’s loyalty. He is praised and assured direct access to the office of his aspiration by his purchased audience. He rambles on day in and day out like a wino on his promises of a better time to the suffering citizens. The wind of reality becomes toxic to his or her skin and a honest opinion is repelled like a plague. The shout of sycophants turns to a sweet melody in his ears.

    It will not be scandalous to compare politicians to prostitutes. They both clamour for public attention. Excessive desire for entertainment and sexual looseness appear to be the stimulants propelling their ambition. Politicians seem to have the stamina of a thorough-bred horse when it comes to gallivanting to showcase themselves as champions of the masses. Give them a crowd, turn on the microphone and they will shine their winning smile. Just to please an audience, they will kiss a clown. Dining with a monster becomes a part of the protocol.

    The willingness of politicians to expend so much energy, money and morals is motivated by their vision of unlimited celebration when they get into office. They spend so much money to buy peoples conscience. They habitually lie to win ones intelligence. It is like tango with a monkey holding down a politician to his words. Every other value they have is lavished on reckless wantonness. They close their eyes on the groovy ride. They are convinced all the way that the hand of God is manifest in their mandate.

    Politicians are like every one of us except one is inclined to believe they are made of a different breed. The marginal pulse that creates political visionaries, when it is off, produces imbeciles. If one is not made of steel or money, one should not aspire to a successful political career in Nigeria. Leave the bone in the paws of dogs and watch their encounter with the evil spirit. The high cost of politics makes a good man shy away.

     

    • Pius Okaneme

    Umuoji, Anambra State.

  • Responding to ASUU’s spokesman

    I was quite bemused by the reference by ASUU spokesman, Dr. Ajiboye,  to my enjoyment of Duquesne University’s reputed Flex benefits for its members of academic and nonacademic staff while denying similar benefits to ASUU members.  First, in most instances, as its very name suggests, the Flex Benefits Program at Duquesne was flexible. It was also contributory.  The University simply matched, up to a predetermined ratio, whatever amount had been contributed by the staff. For example, each faculty or staff made individual decision about how much he or she would contribute towards retirement, pension, life insurance etc.

    In my case, I contributed 12% of my salary towards retirement and pension but the university was obligated to contribute not more than 6% of my wages towards my retirement portfolios which had been divided by me into different mutual funds like Vanguard, Lincoln, Travelers and TIAA-CREF. At the same time, there were colleagues who contributed only 3, 4 or 5% of their wages towards retirement and thus enjoyed less than the maximum of 6% which the University was obligated to match. In accordance with the flexibility of the program, at no time did I contribute towards or enjoy the benefits of Duquesne University Health program. Likewise, whereas some colleagues at Duquesne paid over $1,000 per annum to park on campus, I neither paid for nor enjoyed the campus car park facility.  After losing my protest to the university President that the parking charges were excessive, I simply bought a monthly bus pass; I rode public transportation to work. Doing this drastically reduced expenditure on car maintenance while still enabling me to get to and from work at a cost of less than half of what I would have been paying just to park.

    The flexibility in Duquesne University benefits program paled into insignificance when compared to the flexibility in salary structure. At the risk of sounding immodest, the truth is that I joined Duquesne University employment with superlative credentials that aided my bargaining power in matters of salary. Indeed, I was the highest paid Assistant Professor in Duquesne University’s College of Liberal Arts which at the time included all Science as well as Arts Departments. God enabled me to enjoy such exceptional successes in grantsmanship that I was offered an assurance of at least a 10% annual salary increase for three years at a time when annual salary increase in the university averaged 3.5% and some faculty were given no increase at all! The university knew that I would take my service elsewhere if it failed to make attractive offers to retain me.  The consequence of this was that by the time I became an Associate Professor, my salary had already outstripped those of my colleagues in the same Department. Even so, whatever I earned was far less than what an Assistant Professor was earning in the College of Pharmacy where a beginning Assistant Professor’s salary exceeded those of some full Professors in the College of Liberal Arts! It is noteworthy that when the stock market bubble got burst in the USA, with the concomitant reduction of university revenues, Duquesne University like many universities across the USA, froze salary increase for a few years! My wife is a Professor and Chairperson at Roosevelt University, Chicago, Illinois, where salary and wages have been frozen for the last three years. Since Dr. Ajiboye admired Duquesne University Flex benefits program so much, would he canvass that ASUU adopt such flexibility rather than the current system where a Professor of Engineering at the University of Lagos enjoys similar salary structure as a Professor Religious Study at Ibadan and a Professor of History at Ile-Ife?

    There are five universities within a four mile radius of Duquesne University. One of these is Carnegie Mellon University (CMU) where I taught before moving to Duquesne. Each of these universities had salary, wages and benefits structure that were unique to its own institution. For example, CMU contributed a fixed percentage of a staff’s salary towards retirement regardless of whether or not the staff contributed. By contrast, Duquesne University contributed NOTHING towards the retirement funds of a staff or faculty who chose not to contribute. In any case, would ASUU embrace the disparity in salaries paid at Carnegie Mellon University versus Duquesne University? I took a 38% salary reduction when I moved from Carnegie Mellon University to Duquesne University. Such disparity is constitutive even among universities owned by the same State Government. The University of Georgia in Athens, the Georgia Institute of Technology in Atlanta, the Georgia State University in Atlanta and the Georgia Southern University in Statesboro are owned and funded principally by the Government of the State of Georgia. Even so, there is significant disparity in the salary structures of these universities.

    At CMU, the saying that science is a bad concubine reflected the long hours that faculty spent in their laboratory sometimes at the expense of social and family life. However, all things being equal, those who spend long hours in their laboratory achieve enhanced research and scholarly productivity that results in timely or even accelerated promotion. Only in Nigeria would an academician demand overtime allowances under the euphemism of Excessive Work load Allowances. Such a demand would seem incongruous across the world.

    Dr. Ajiboye erroneously (and perhaps deliberately mischievously) sneered that as Senator, I sent my own children to be educated in the USA while not caring for the children of ordinary Nigerians. It would have been easy for me to also sneer at any ASUU member whose child, sibling or ward might be studying abroad where academic staff unions would never contemplate declaring a strike so that an academic staff could be paid allowances to supervise a thesis or dissertation! Do these staff not benefit from such researches which are crucial towards the scholarly publications necessary for academic promotion? If someone has been paid for doing or supervising research, should he again be rewarded with promotion and its concomitant salary increase on the basis of a service for which he had already been rewarded?

    In any case, the truth is that I left Nigeria on September 14, 1980 and did not return until 2002. By then, all my children had either graduated from or had been admitted into a university.  God is extremely gracious in giving me academically gifted children all of who enjoyed full scholarship for their university education. I am tempted to tout the academic and subsequent professional achievements of my children but I would be vicariously taking a credit that belongs to God. Suffice to say that all of my children were already oscillating in the orbits of success long before my entry into Nigerian elective politics.  In my hometown, long before I got into elective politicking, nobody dead or alive, has made more personal financial contributions towards education than myself.  I have demonstrated that the success of my own biological offspring had not made me unconcerned about the larger community.

    Interestingly, it was quite convenient for the ASUU spokesman to forget that my contribution on the senate floor castigated successive Nigerian Governments for the neglect and underfunding of education. I drew attention to visionary Obafemi Awolowo’s expenditure of 32% of the revenues of Western Nigeria on education alone.  Awolowo had exceeded the benchmark of 26% long before UNESCO had the wisdom to set it. Indeed, during his campaign in 1978 and 1979, Awolowo repeatedly stated that if necessary, he would spend 50% of Nigeria’s revenues on education.  I also castigated Government for entering into agreements it seemed to have known it would not implement.

    There is no question that the enormous rot in Nigeria’s education sector cries for urgent and immediate attention. But as unpopular as saying so might make me to the membership of ASUU, the truth is that ASUU has been a part of the problem.  I would gladly love to engage Dr. Ajiboye in a prime time televised debate on my assertion.

    Meanwhile, we must leave the ridiculous for the sublime. Now, even as I did during my contribution on the floor of the senate, let us direct our attention to some practical solutions to this most pressing national crisis.

    First, the National Assembly of Nigeria should henceforth appropriate at least 26% of Nigeria’s current revenue to education alone. Second, Government in Nigeria, especially the Federal Ministry of Education, has been denigrated into a beast of burden. The metastasis of asphyxiating bureaucracy demands the streamlining of the endless parastatals that drain resources while making little or no contribution to national well-being and progress.  Third, to raise revenue for funding a national redemption program in education, all imports should attract a mandatory education tax of one percent. Fourth, beginning from January 1, 2014 till December 31, 2018, all workers in Nigeria must contribute 5% of their income as education taxes. Embezzling any amount of these revenues targeted for education should be taken as an act of treason.   This should attract the most severe penalty such as impeachment, imprisonment and perhaps death penalty. Fifth, the costs for running the offices of all elected and appointed political office holders should immediately be pruned by 50%. Something tells me that the implacable demands by ASUU are fueled by resentment at the cult of obscene privileges which Nigerian politicians have become. But our task is to curb needless privileges rather than add to them

    Finally, as a member of the Education Committee during my tenure in the House of Reps and now as Vice Chairman of the Senate Education Committee, I have almost always been the strongest advocate for the well-being of Nigerian universities. At a senate hearing not long ago, a chieftain of the National University Commission disparagingly lampooned academic staff of Nigerian Universities for depending too much on Government rather than obtaining extramural funding as is the case abroad. I was the one who immediately and robustly came to the defense of the academicians. I explained that the comparison was in error for two reasons. First, well funded private grant agencies like Ford Foundation, Carnegie Foundation, Howard Hughes Foundation, etc do not exist in Nigeria. Second, it was egregiously incorrect to assert that most research grants in the USA came from outside government. I pointed out that the National Science Foundation, the National Institutes of Health, and the United States Department of Agriculture were Federal Government agencies which principally fund research in science, health, and agriculture, respectively. With the absence of such agencies in Nigeria, I submitted that it was unfair to blame the academicians.

    Adeyeye is  Vice Chairman, Senate Committee on Education

    Re: Senator Adeyeye’s Response to ASUU Spokesman
    As always,a well written piece & with sufficient detail to rebut & cogently make your argument.
    You undoubtedly are a sincere advocate for the betterment of the Nigerian educational sector.Additionally,you have the requisite life experience prior to being a member of NASS.
    I agree with you that embezzlement of revenues for education should attract severe penalties.  It should be for all sectors,not only revenue for education.

    Your suggestion of treason & capital punishment is extreme,even as I acknowledge that the thieving & corruption in this country is extreme.I think that severe terms of imprisonment imposed by a judiciary alive to it’s responsibility,would be sufficiently punitive

    Haruna Yerima

  • Niger’s refinery to the rescue

    Whose who enjoyed the tutelage of their mothers in the pre-teen years would keep recalling rich, wise sayings throughout their lifetime. Yes, sayings they either never understood or dismissed offhandedly those good old days would bob up in adulthood with fresh, new meanings. One of such that comes to Hardball now is what mama was fond of saying when we behaved brusquely in public: “He who has no shame is bound to be a brigand,” she would always warn. Haba mama, how could that be? One would bounce it off, quickly returning to one’s childhood matters of urgent concerns.

    But Hardball has determined that there is a truism to that mama’s maxim and applying it to the Nigerian context, one can safely say that most of our public officials don’t have shame therefore we have a festival of brigands loosed upon the polity. Let us zero in to the issue at hand which is the news that Niger Republic’s refinery now supplies fuel to northern states of Nigeria. The 20,000 barrels per day (bpd) Soraz Refinery which is located about 900 kilometres off Niamey, the Nigerien capital is the source of the petroleum products used in Katsina, Bauchi, Sokoto and Jigawa, among other states.

    It is said that Niger Republic needs no more that 5000 to 7000 bpd thus the surplus of about 13,000 bpd is daily moved across the border to the states of the north. The wretched, land-locked, arid country of Niger that has no significant hydrocarbon deposit has suddenly become a significant petroleum products exporter to Nigeria to the point that Bauchi State which probably has a higher per capita income than Niger is contemplating an independent power plant that would rely on one of the by-products of the Soraz Refinery, (Low Pour Fuel Oil) to run.

    Yet Nigeria has four refineries – two in Port Harcourt, one in Warri and one in Kaduna; they have a combined capacity of 445,000 bpd but Nigeria, this giant of Africa cannot run them and it does not know what to do with them. As you read this, it is taken that these four behemoths have zero production and Nigeria imports her daily consumption of about 38,000 litres of petrol as well as diesel, kerosene, aviation fuel, fuel oils etc. The accursed state oil conglomerate, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), currently imports 33 percent while oil marketers ship in the balance of about 67 percent making up a multi-billion dollar petroleum products racket that is not known in any other part of the world.

    Recently there was a glut from the importing binge going on and nobody can even tell if the supply from Niger is the cause of the crisis of unconsumed product imports. If only the Nigerien government would be smart enough to build another 30,000 bpd refining facility in Niamey and they would wipe off our worthless NNPC and throw our oil sector into total crisis. Nigeria has four refineries which are near moribund and lying waste yet there is a private initiative to build Africa’s largest refining and petrochemicals facility in Olokola, Ondo State. Pray what happens to the foursome when this new initiative becomes functional – it would probably be cannibalized and scrapped. Oh what a country with shameless leaders!

    Mama was right that a shameless person is easily given to banditry and that is exactly what is going on in the Nigerian oil sector in the past few years especially since the tenure of the current petroleum ministry. The minister is merely wading through the office clueless and full of mischief. For more than two years, she has not brought any positive impact to bear on the oil industry instead we have reaped a harvest of scandals and unbridled corrupt practices. History will remember her as the worst oil minister Nigeria ever had, the very person who bastardized the system to the point that Nigeria now imports petroleum products from Niger Republic.

  • National dialogue: Give FG the benefit of doubt

    SIR: It is no more news that the prolonged issue of national conference which was adamantly opposed by the President some months ago has now received endorsement with his Independence Day broadcast. To crown it, he inaugurated the 13-member conference advisory committee on Oct. 7. Whatever may have induced his change of mind is welcome and should set the pace for frank, rigorous and constructive discourse among Nigerians.

    Some have said that it was a move to divert attention from his administration’s incompetence as the 2015 elections draws nears; some even termed a ‘Greek Gift’, while some have opposed it vehemently because it doesn’t have the term ‘Sovereign’.

    Like late Chief Bola Ige once said, we need to ask whether we will remain as a country and under what conditions. Though the conference can never and will never be panacea to all our problems (political, economical and social), still we need to talk. And talk we must. I think those who are in support of the national conference are right. Unless we sit down to have sincere and meaningful national dialogue, this country will disintegrate. The national conference is imperative to rescue the nation especially now that the nation is faced with intractable crises. The topmost agenda for the conference must be how to restructure Nigeria and make it work.

    As for those who accuse the President of insincerity over the issue of national conference, I think they also have a point. Here one easily recalls the previous conferences called by the late Gen. Sani Abacha and Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. What came out of them?

    For those who oppose the planned conference because it is not “Sovereign”, I would say it is our duty to determine the nature and structure of the proposed dialogue. We should make the conference to go beyond the President’s expectation and make him understand that if he had announced the national conference to suit his personal interest, he has committed the greatest mistake as Nigerians will not allow him to tamper with the outcome for partisan political reasons.

    To the President, I have an urgent message: if the motive for convening the national conference is for the purpose of using it as an organ of distraction and tool for manipulative political shenanigans, then it is better to swallow the idea. It is either we have a conference that is free and unfettered or we have nothing. This government should perform on critical sectors of the country rather than seek to lean on the conference as an alibi.

    My position is that we give President Jonathan the benefit of the doubt and wait to see what he and his conference actually offers. Let’s embrace it and not ruin our future with the pain of the past. It is never too late. Today is our day of salvation, tomorrow may be too late!

     

    • Ogundimu Babatunde Solomon

    Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta.

  • Stellagate and ethnic warriors

    Stellagate and ethnic warriors

    SIR: The raging kerfuffle precipitated by the purchase of two BMW armoured cars by Minister of Aviation, Stella Oduah at N255 million has revealed the canyon of divergences of Nigerians as regards their thinking, biases, dispositions, views and opinions on tenuous issues of national reckoning . To a large extent, the discordant tunes have exposed the inability of the so-called oppressed class to unite in a noble cause of condemning and bringing pressure on the government for condign actions to be taken against the minister. The disunity among the common people has its provenance in tribalism. Nigerians are torn by tribal sentiments and considerations.

    The unfortunate dimension is an unsavoury commentary on the national conscience against corruption. If all Nigerians cannot forge a common front against evil as vile as corruption, then the vaunted fight against it is a mere fluke. Nigeria will remain in the thrall of corruption as long as ethnic bias takes precedence over corruption pronged issues that are as putrid as vivified national corruption itself.

    Again, the case has shown that when it comes to corruption, there is selectivity of ethnicity. In that, Nigerians are wont to condemn corrupt people when such people are not of their extraction, and they defend them if they are of their extraction. Ethnic attachments always suffuse the thinking in corruption categorisations in Nigeria; a situation that has effectuated Stella Oduah to be seen as a victim of tribal antagonism and prejudice by some Igbo persons.

    As a matter of fact, Stella Oduah’s vulgar purchases smack of corruption, insensitivity, profligacy and extravagance. Her actions should be seen as such. Nigeria’s ethnic warriors should sheathe their drawn swords and confront the issue for what it is- gross insensitivity, corruption and profligacy of a government official. The outpouring of accumulated vitriol from crimson bile will not bring a lasting solution to the problem of corruption, careless and senseless spending. It will only divide us more for the vicious rape of the government as a divided people are a conquered people. The barter of ethnic vitriol should cease for a dawning of untainted reason to break down Stellagate.

     

    • Fredrick Nwabufo.

    Abuja

  • A charade of a pilgrimage

    SIR: Religion is supposed to be a private affair between man and his creator. In Nigeria, it has assumed a dimension that will rattle the German Philosopher Karl Marx. A pilgrimage in a decent clime is supposed to be a private affair at the expense of whosoever can afford it.

    The pilgrimage led by President Goodluck Jonathan with an entourage of seven governors, eight ministers including the embattled Aviation Minister, Princess Stella Oduah, three members of the National Assembly and some presidential aides all at taxpayers’ expense, is obscenity at its apogee.

    Must the name of God be so mocked! I was even surprised that the President of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN)’s President, Ayo Oritsejafor was also in the presidential entourage.

    The GEJ government will probably go down in history as one of the most profligate in history. It has failed so many moral tests and has lost its nexus with the citizenry. The zenith of the insult to the collective intelligence of Nigerians was the presence of Princess Stella Oduah in the delegation. The propaganda being peddled in the press that GEJ snubbed her in Israel is most laughable! This is worse than the falsehood which Squealer peddled in the classic ‘Animal Farm.’

    The practice of squandering scarce public funds by public office holders in the name of pilgrimages should be totally condemned by well meaning Nigerians. GEJ should concentrate on tackling the hydra headed monster of corruption. It is not about seeking Jesus Christ in the Upper Room and where his body was buried. Jesus Christ is in every Nigerian and the President is supposed to inspire hope and not worsen their problems. God will not come down from the sky to solve problems. He uses people to accomplish his purposes. GEJ has the responsibility to salvage whatever is remaining of his administration’s credibility.

    By the way, wouldn’t the officials be entitled to estacode for this trip that has no direct impact in the lives of the common man? Isn’t this an indirect way of perpetrating corruption? What then is the use of extolling the external aspect of religion while neglecting the inside which is core?

    • Sola Ademiluyi

    Lagos