The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Mountain from heap of sand

    For weeks now, I have diligently followed the issue erroneously tagged “deportation” of the destitute to Anambra State. I have read numerous comments and views of Nigerians from various walks of life – Femi Fani-Kayode; Femi Falana (SAN); my brother, Chief Ojo Maduekwe; the Secretary, Ohaneze Youth Organization, Ogwusike Nwachukwu. Also, the reaction of Governor Peter Obi, a gentleman I hold in high esteem, notwithstanding that we do not belong to the same political party.

    The issue at stake is quite close to my heart for obvious reasons; while Lagos is my state of origin, the other, Anambra for me is home. It is one part of the country I feel closely affiliated to. I am also an incurable supporter of Governor Babatunde Raji Fashola of Lagos State.

    I have been amused by most of what I read and let me also add that I sincerely respect all the views that have been expressed because each and every one of the commentators and writers have a strong ground on which their respective argument are premised.

    In as much as I see myself as a huge supporter of genuine comments expressed on the grounds that individuals are entitled to their opinions, but I dare ask here and now – have we not honestly created a mountain from a little heap of sand?

    In going into the fray, it’s important for me to make it clear from the onset that it is erroneous for some people to claim Lagos is a “no man’s land”, or for that matter that “the Igbos developed Lagos”; such statements could be likened to making the truth stand on its head. I have heard several opinions on this issue over the years but never wanted to join issues. At this point in time, I must express my strong views on this. Whether people want to accept it or not, there are indigenous people in Lagos State and bona fide Lagosians for that matter. The Centre of Excellence has served the Nigerian nation well and the fact that the state has been so accommodating is no license to be labelled a “no man’s land”.

    I am an indigene of Lagos State and I am proud to be one; so was my father, the Late Otunba (Dr.) Adeniran Ogunsanya (SAN) and generations before him. Non-indigenes come into Lagos to make success of their business enterprises as well as their political aspirations and at times go back to their states of origin to contest elections also. Many make it a ritual to return home to spend the Eid-El Kabir, Christmas and New Year festivities. It is non-indigenes who return home to be counted during census; it is also non-indigenes who return home to register for electioneering purposes. But as indigenes we remain here because, for us, this is our beloved home; we have no other place to run to and in all sincerity, we are proud of our Lagos.

    One only needs to take a cursory look at successful indigenous Lagosians who have played prominent national roles to appreciate the fact that Lagos indeed belongs to some people; the late Herbert Macaulay; Ibiyinka Olorunnibe; Ibikunle Akintoye; Fagbenro Beyioku; The Bensons; the Johnsons; I. S. Adewale; S.O. Gbadamosi; Oba Adeniji Adele; Oba Adeyinka Oyekan; Alhaji Lateef Jakande; Sir Mobolaji Bank-Anthony; the Cardosos; the Gomez family; the Gbajabiamilas; the Tinubus; the Keshinros; the Shitta-Beys; the Fasholas; the Animashauns; the Fasinros; the Obanikoros; the Alli-Baloguns; the Anibabas; the Williams’; the Philips; the Ojoras; the Kosokos; the Dosunmus; the Oluwas; the Olotos; the Ajose-Adeoguns; the Taiwo Olowos; the Sasores; the Disus; the Kekere-Ekuns; the Durosinmi-Ettis; the Olusis; the Okis; to mention just a few.

    Before this trend of argument is read wrongly, let me quickly point out that I share in the strong belief that once you live in a place and pay your taxes regularly, have properties and investments, you have a stake in what goes on and are entitled to the privileges in that environment.

    There is something an uncle of mine told me before he died some years back and I have played it over and over in my mind since this saga started. He had said to me that if you visit someone’s home and your host tells you that you are free to explore the environment and feel free to do as you wish in his home, common sense and good behaviour will make it clear to you that this is not your home but the home of your host and you would know that his bedroom, possibly his study and his wife’s kitchen is out of limits. It’s just common etiquette. Simply put, what my uncle was trying to say is that any decent person would know his or her limitations.

    Those who wrongly call Lagos a ‘no man’s land’ probably based their argument on the input of the Federal Government to the development of Lagos, but even at that, the federal largesse was restricted to the Federal Capital Territory which does not cover the entirety of Lagos State. The same largesse was extended, simultaneously to other cities across the country – Kano; Jos; Kaduna; Port-Harcourt; Calabar (once the capital of Nigeria); Lokoja (the former capital of the Northern Province of Nigeria); Enugu; Onitsha. How come these locations are not labelled ‘no man’s land’? Even the present Federal Capital Territory, Abuja which is predominantly Gwariland; special attention is given to the indigenous people when it comes to nomination for elections, etc.

    Having said that, it is also imperative to stress that the Igbos and Lagosians have a long history. A good number of commentators who have had cause to join the fray have also gone down memory lane to dig up historical facts – Femi Fani-Kayode; the respected lawyer and human rights activist, Femi Falana; Akin Ajose-Adeogun; Mr. Azubuike Ishiekwene; Orji Uzor Kalu; Tony Oganah (Ohaneze’s spokesman) have gone back into history to put the records straight. But for me, we need not go that far. If you grew up in Lagos, you would remember Madame Mercy Eneli; Ibezim Obiajulu and Moronu–all the three personages were councillors who won election into the Lagos Town Council and served Lagos. It’s on the strength of their meritorious service to the city of Lagos that streets were named after them in Surulere (new Lagos). Several non-indigenes have contested elections and Lagos voted for them. It is also refreshing to note that Yorubas, Hausas and Igbos trade side-by-side in various markets and streets in Lagos. When the civil war broke out my friends and I did not understand why some of our friends had to leave. And when they did return, we were excited to see our friends back again; though I lost a very dear friend and still miss her till today.

    When African Continental Bank (ACB) came into being as a result of the joint effort of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and some prominent Lagosians such as Papa Abibu Oki, it enabled indigenous businessmen an avenue to access loans to enhance their businesses. Lagos has never discriminated against the Igbos – we enjoy the same facilities; not even during the civil war did we go out to hunt down the Igbos. Over the years, we have inter-married and have lived side-by-side in harmony. This is certainly not the time to erect barriers where none is needed. While lessons have been learnt from this saga, it is my candid wish that this issue is summarily settled. I feel and pray that as we all go into the year 2014 and cruise along into elections that we be careful; that we do not spread tribal disaffections in the course of electioneering campaigns, the quest for political offices and people should definitely not take advantage of this issue because of personal beef. We must lay gutter tactics to rest and discuss issues. For me, any disaffection between the South-east and South-west or any other ethnic group for that matter will be an uncomfortable and painful development for our nation. Nigeria has more serious and pressing problems at hand to deal with.

    • Princess Adeniran Ogunsanya is a former Secretary to the Government of Lagos State.

  • Beware Dangote they said it couldn’t be done

    For more than three decades, the sad tale had been that it could not be done. Refineries and petrochemical industries are not viable under the current petrol price regime in Nigeria; no investor would build refineries unless the prices of petroleum products are raised to high heavens. But the more they increase the prices, the more they needed to increase it still. They became like a man suffused with brine who could not stop taking water.

    Successive federal governments in cahoots with the petroleum ministry, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation and fuel import contractors had perfected this fraudulent fiscal regime and economic crime of shipping off Nigeria’s crude oil and importing at premium, refined products. For decades, they had perfected what is probably the greatest fraud in modern day economics. Not even the national protests in January, 2012 which shook the government to its foundations would make them have a rethink. A change of mind seems impossible under the current ruling party regime because petroleum products importation is the most viable source of huge slush funds.

    President Goodluck Jonathan and his oil minister, Dieziani Alison-Madueke would first build Noah’s Ark before they would contemplate a refinery in Nigeria. In the afterglow of the January 2012 upheavals over another thoughtless fuel price hike, the Federal Government had promised to build what it fancifully called six modular refinery plants (it called another one Greenfields refinery plant) at the cost of $4.5 billion and which were to be operational in 18 months. An MoU was signed with so much fanfare between the so-called American sponsors and the Federal Government. The first ones were to have started operation last month but as you read this dear readers, Hardball can confirm to you that no such has been turned anywhere in the country for this project. It is all a scam, apparently.

    Another case to prove that Federal Government is Nigeria’s number one enemy is the Olokola LNG project (OKLNG). This project company was formed in 2007 by NNPC, British Gas, Shell and Chevron to build a giant facility where natural gas would be converted to Liquefied Natural Gas for export. But eight years after, all the joint venture partners were so thoroughly frustrated they had to withdraw because NNPC deliberately delayed the final investment decision, thus killing a project that would have amounted to Nigeria, more foreign earnings, more value added to flared gas, and more jobs for our teeming youths. The decadent and near-moribund situation of Nigeria’s oil industry suits the kleptocrats managing it fine. They will never grow it.

    This is why we sound this caveat to Africa’s richest man and industrialist, Aliko Dangote, as he vigorously exhausts himself in the attempt to build a $9 billion petrochemical complex in Nigeria in the next two years. Dangote plans to establish the largest refinery in Africa which will virtually end the fraudulent importation of PMS, diesel, aviation fuel, kerosene, etc into the country. This will also mean causing the winding down of the offshore refineries built by unpatriotic and wayward Nigerians; stopping round-tripping of Nigeria’s crude, eliminating a high powered syndicate of fuel smugglers and of course killing the importation racketeers.

    Hardball thinks Dangote will have to exterminate so many people in government and as well as the oil industry cabal, including the International Oil Companies who have also insisted that refining is not profitable in Nigeria, in order to have his way with his oil complex. In other words, Hardball is saying that unless Dangote has thought about all these, heaven and earth may pass away first before another refinery is built in Nigeria.

  • Open letter to the President

    SIR: I write on behalf of the millions of dreams that are getting dashed by the day as the total shut-down of our universities persists. I write on behalf of the future of the several hundreds of thousands who have been privileged, amidst the stiff competition for admission, to grab tertiary education but may end up worse than their disadvantaged counterparts since they may never finish on schedule.

    The handwriting on the wall, more than ever before, foretells of a dangerous twist to the continuing imbroglio between your administration and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). I do not know if the public keeps the date as much as we do, but it is well over 65 days already and I cannot help but wonder if anyone really cares as to what becomes of our street-wandering undergraduates.

    Our dear President, we are tired. We, the students in the federal universities are always at the receiving end of every impasse between ASUU and the government and all I can ask for now is that you and your think-tank reconsider your stand on the matter. We can only bear this much!

    I am not ASUU’s spokesman, but it is only logical that I expect your administration to honour the 2009 agreement with the union so normalcy can return to our campuses and of course, our disenchanted academic lives.

    I have spent more years than is required to have a second degree and yet I am grappling to take a Bachelor’s degree out of an institution that only recently had an internal strike because you would have our name ‘re-branded’.

    Mr. President, every day this strike continues, more dreams die and more

    future riffraff are born. Posterity will remember you for good or ill based on how you handle this crisis.

    It goes without saying that for 14 years that your party has held sway over the affairs of this nation, we cannot boast of a Nigerian university amongst the first two thousand in the world. This is more than enough reason to release the requisite fund for the upgrade of our educational infrastructure as well as the welfare of the future’s moulders. We can only get out of our educational system as much as we invest in it and though investment in educational is long term, it is also long-rewarding. The futures of our unborn children are in jeopardy even before their conception, but you can change all of these!

    Mr. President, help me and my fellow undergraduates live decent lives even if our parents are not among the top one per cent who squander our national earnings as political office holders. Would you do this for me, for us, for Nigeria’s future?

    • Joshua Oyeniyi,

    Lagos

  • Before the oil festival ends

    The Masquerades’ festival among the Yoruba of the South-west is a popular traditional festival, largely characterized by peerless feasting, dancing, drumming, ahead-of-class costuming, spontaneous distribution of farm produce and other festival largesse. It is one celebration that attracts natives from wherever they are scattered all around the globe and brings them together despite their personal and social differences. It is a moment when people’s attention would be drawn away from other pressing realities of their lives (personal and communal); worries are pushed aside, hurts are hidden under transient euphoria, provocative truths are post-dated, after all, “everyone must be happy”. It is always a celebration of the people, by the people and for the people. But the truth of it all is that the festival is only seasonal and after a few days of jamboree and the transient wingding, personal hurts return to their owners, worries are back from where they left for sabbatical and post dated truths return from exile, in much greater provocative expressions, all because the festival has ended!

    Sure, no one wants the festival to end as most people are often enveloped in a utopia of sort. But there is always a warning from the declining sounds of the drums and the gongs signaling the approaching end of the festival, because the festival must end. In the same manner, the warnings of approaching end of the 57-year old “festival of oil” of the most populous nation of Africa, have been sounding loud and clear to the ears of her teeming populace. In a recent report, a group of experts declared that Nigeria’s oil reserves may dry up in 35 years and this was later echoed by President Goodluck Jonathan at an event commissioning a new Cement plant in Ewekoro, Ogun State in 2011. More specifically, the Managing Director of Nigerian Petroleum Development Company, Victor Briggs, while serving as General Manager, Planning, National Petroleum Investment Management Services (NAPIMS) in 2010 warned that Nigeria may run out of oil soon and we may no longer be on the list of OPEC members again. If these predictions were to be true, it then underscores the import of the aphorism that “Every day is not Christmas and the Masquerades’ festival must end someday!

    However, from my vantage point, the imminent end of our “festival of oil” does not have to be the literal drying up of the nation’s “black gold” that currently accounts for over 90% of our exports and over 70% of the consolidated government revenue, but the resultant insufficiency of the proceeds of oil to meet the needs of the nation’s constantly growing population in the near future. The alleged insufficiency is predicted on three grounds. Firstly, with the current population of the country roughly put at around 160 million, the nation is importing 2.5 million tons of milled rice annually and expends a sum of about N1.3 trillion on food imports annually, with the said figure noted to have been rising by 11% every year. With the projected population of Nigeria in 20 years, 35 million tons of rice will then be imported annually. I frankly hold that even with the current value of our “petro-naira”, we are not poised to foot the bill for such huge food imports.

    Secondly, United States of America which hitherto has been the biggest buyer of Nigeria’s crude oil has recently reduced the volume of its patronage for the obvious reason. The United States now holds the world’s largest deposits of oil shale, a kerogen-containing rock which can be extracted and processed into usable transportation fuel. The oil shale deposits found on federal lands in Colorado, Utah and Wyoming in United States contain an estimated 4.285 trillion barrels of oil in place according to the U.S. Geological Survey — enough to sustain America’s fuel needs for over a century. In the words of Roger Day, Vice President for operations for American Shale Oil (AMSO) “In the past 100 years — in all of human history — we have consumed 1 trillion barrels of oil. There are several times that much here,” This practically accounts for the reason why America’s imports to Nigeria slid to 194,000 barrels per day in February 2013 from average of about 376,000 barrels per day that it used to be. Even though Nigeria seems to have found a replacement for United States in China and India, it is not certain, how far the substitute may be sustained. It is however advisable to prepare for a slide in sales.

    Lastly, there is now a stiff competition for Nigeria, as Angola is now poised to overtake Nigeria as the continent’s largest producer of crude oil as the Southern African country produced 1.87 million barrels per day in May, as Nigeria also produced. It is also noteworthy that Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, Cameroun, Chad and some other nations have also found oil thereby making the competition stiffer. Distilling from the above, it therefore requires no soothsayer to predict an inevitable end to the nation’s hitherto celebrated “festival of oil”

    If the festival must truly come to an end, what then should we do? The only answer is “DIVERSIFY! Economic diversification is generally defined as the process in which the economy becomes more diverse in terms of goods and services it produces. This is distinguishable from export diversification which portends deliberate policies intended to change the shares of commodities in the existing export mix by introducing new products in the export portfolio, and/or breaking into new geographical markets. A successful diversification plan requires firm political commitment, consistent public policies and substantial financial resources. Of course, many challenges arise when pursuing a diversification scheme. It is often necessary to make significant investments in human resources and infrastructure to support economic sectors and activities such as value-addition in commodities. These are long-term endeavours that need government’s commitment and political will, not to mention major capital investments.

    If an economic diversification scheme is vigorously and sincerely pursued, benefits accruing to it include less exposure to external shocks, increase in trade, higher productivity of capital and labour, better regional economic integration, appreciable reduction of poverty and promotion of human and social development. Success stories of economic diversification from resource-dependency include those of Malaysia, Chile, Indonesia, Kenyan, South Africa and Tunisia.

    To appreciate huge bounties that await us if we give diversification a chance, we should consider the following facts:

    UNESCO recently declared that Nollywood (Nigeria’s movie industry) has the largest production of films in the world; no doubt, this industry is often regarded as one of Nigeria’s largest exports. But so pathetically, the movie industry is largely underfunded, as the entire Nigeria’s movie industry is valued at $250 million, whilst the total budget of “Avatar” a recent American movie, was $280 million. Avatar reportedly made a huge figure of $2,782,275,172 at the box office, while all the Nigerian movies since 1992 could not boast of the figure attributed to Avatar. You may contest the worth of this industry but one thing no one can contest is the economic promises of Nollywood if properly funded.

    The Computer Village in Ikeja, Lagos State, according to the Minister for Information and Communication Technology, Omobola Johnson generates about US$2billion to the nation’s economy every year and today constitutes an ICT hub for the West African states, yet, this hub is yet to be fully developed.

    Of course, much need not be said about the potentials of our first love- agriculture, which at independence accounted for over 80% of the nation’s exports. There are proofs that other sectors like manufacturing and sports are limitlessly promising.

    With all of these, does it appear we have much to benefit by giving diversification a chance or we should rather continue in our age-long “dancing and feasting” that our “festival of oil” has brought and await the sudden end of the festival.

    • An excerpt of paper delivered at the 2013 Nigerian Diaspora Youth Leadership Summit held at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) from September 4- 5

  • Children’s education deserve more attention

    SIR: Lately there has been remarkable dip in the academic performance of students across the country. In the last couple of years, statistics from the various national examination bodies have been nothing to write home about. Naturally the country is worried over the high failure rate of students in national examinations. The question has been: why is it so, how can it be remedied?

    The blame for this unfortunate situation has often been placed at the doorsteps of inadequate educational infrastructure and instructional materials, undedicated and even unqualified instructors. These, however, are only part of the problem and by no means all of it. There’s a crucial but often ignored aspect of the present educational conundrum. This is the role of parents.

    From my vantage position as an active player in the field, I have noted that many parents seem to see their role in the education of their children as merely in paying their fees and buying them books. Many, once they do these, almost hands off the children. They rarely monitor their academic progress, ask them how they are faring, see if they are being given assignments and if so, whether they do them, whether they ever make out time at home to study etc. Many rarely visit the school and do not attend PTA meetings.

    The task of grooming the children into useful members of society is not for the teachers or the school alone. For success in this very important endeavour, there’s need for the support and collaboration of parents. Where the influence of the school terminates, the parents must take over. The children of nowadays face too many distractions. They seem to even have lesser incentive to excel academically; left on their own many relegate their books to the background. This is why parents must watch out.

    There seem to be a relationship between parent’s interest in education and the child’s academic performance. The level of importance a parent attaches to education to a large extent determines the seriousness with which the child will approach his/her studies. Children, whose parents closely monitor their academics, check their notes and assignments scrupulously examine their report cards and offer reward or impose sanction where necessary do better than those whose parents pay little or no attention to their academic life and show little interest in their end of term assessment. How would parents even know if their children are being properly taught unless they closely monitor their academics?

    Understandably the difficult economic situation in the country which sees many parents working for longer hours and often coming home exhausted makes the close monitoring even more tasking. However, this is one duty that must never be ignored; the future of our children is at stake here. All our struggles and efforts on their behalf would have come to naught if we fail to accord the deserving attention to their studies and they eventually turn out uneducated and ill-equipped.

     

    • Ananti Ifeoma Onyinyechi

    Aba, Abia State.

  • Who felled Awolowo statue in Ibadan?

    SIR: We are a forgetful people in this country. This is partly responsible for some of the woes that befall us. Because, but for our forgetfulness, many of those who latch on our poor memory would not have the temerity to insult us with their comments and actions. If we do this, we would be victors over those who seek to draw back the hands of the clock of state.

    I remember that some people were accused of destroying the statue of the sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, sometime during the regime of Senator Rashidi Ladoja. What has happened to those people till now? Indeed, who were the people who destroyed a statue that was supposed to remind us about the shining light of our century? Unfortunately, no one is asking questions.

    An ardent fan and apostle of the sage, Late Alhaji Lam Adesina, had constructed the statue, in memory of his political icon, Awolowo. The statue was made to replace that of the Unknown Soldier that donned the state capital before the Adesina government.

    But in the heat of the politics of ‘Kill and Go’, ‘Maim and Destroy them’ that was the order of the day then in Oyo State, this statue was demolished, apparently for political purposes. The refrain in Oyo State was that those who demolished Awolowo’s statue are not only walking free, they still intend to masquerade to re-enter the same Government House which Awolowo left as a legacy of the power of democracy. If they hated and still hate Awolowo this much, why should they want to reap from the dividends of his sagacity?

    When the barrier on the Mokola, Ibadan flyover was demolished recently, many people saw it as a throw-back to the demolition of the Awolowo statue. Those who demolished the sage’s statue, empowered by our nonchalant attitude as a people, and since they were not arrested and punished by the law-enforcement agencies, went ahead to demolish the flyover barrier.

    The way out is for the law-enforcement agencies to get to the roots of the demolishing of the flyover’s barrier. Once we find out who demolished the Awolowo statue, we will find out who demolished the flyover’s barrier. It is simple as ABC.

    • ‘Ladi Laotan, Ayeye,

    Ibadan, Oyo State.

  • Good man of PDP

    Perhaps anyone looking for a faultless model of a square peg in a round hole should focus on Shawo South-west Ward in Offa Local Government Area of Kwara State, where a certain Afolabi Jimoh  Olawole made news by pooh-poohing an official declaration that he won a re-run councillorship election.  Three days after the poll conducted by the Kwara State Independent Electoral Commission (KWASIEC) on August 31, Olawole spectacularly shunned the crown, insisting that it was thrust upon him without merit.

    Even more dramatic was his choice of forum for the disclaimer. For a candidate who went into the contentious election ostensibly as a card-carrying member of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), it was a sight to behold when he took the stage at a media briefing organized by the rival All Progressives Congress (APC) in Offa to rubbish his own party. Olawole’s performance was not only unheard-of; it was also unbecoming of a loyal party man.

    Certain questions are inevitable in this absurdist show:  Could Olawole possibly represent the ideal politician that the country has lacked to its detriment? Is he the kind of democratic champion that the people desire?  His denial of alleged victory was suffused with the sentiment of divine justice, but he clearly missed the point. According to him, “To me, I know that we shall give an account of all our acts on this earth one day. On that day, there will be no influence from anybody; be it Oba, governor, leader, elder, father or mother; but you will be left alone with your deeds. In this wise, I have resolved not to be a partaker in getting what is not mine from anybody at all in Offa and in Nigeria as a whole.”  He added, “In all the eight polling units in my ward, the PDP lost, while the APC won convincingly.”

    Evidently, this was a speech for the priestly pulpit rather than the political podium, and it was discriminatory by not taking others into account, individuals of a different mind, especially materialists who dispute the existence of a spiritual world where earthly conduct is judged. Olawole’s overriding logic was simplistic and, in the final analysis, did little to further the cause of democracy. His one-dimensional appeal to spirituality was not only mystifying; it also carried the invalid implication that the non-religious may not be sufficiently moral to do what is right in the realm of politics.

    It is important to appreciate that, although Olawole’s argument might sound appealing, it would be unjust to restrict the business of political leadership to the circle of those who claim religious or spiritual credentials. Reality has proved that those who wear their religion like a badge are not necessarily moral exemplars, and it will always be debatable how much the practice of religion influences moral conduct. Perhaps one of the most fascinating ideas about moral behaviour is Immanuel Kant’s notion of “the categorical imperative”, which bespeaks the possibility of moral action based on a rationally defined duty to do what is right. Of course, it is a philosophical issue whether the idea of what is morally right can only come from religion.

    So, on two counts, Olawole has the aura of a stranger.  First, by his rejection of allegedly contrived political glory, he proved to be in the wrong ring. He must be the butt of jokes among “real” politicians across the country; they would eagerly give anything for political relevance, and would celebrate even the most brazenly invented and undeserved electoral success. In this context, it is significant that only Olawole rejected victory; his fellows, 11 other councillorship candidates and a chairmanship candidate, in contrast, are basking in the glow of alleged triumph in the local government poll.     Not surprisingly, PDP disowned Olawole, claiming implausibly that he had crossed over to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which morphed into APC, and that he was not regarded as the party’s candidate. Obviously, such argument was disingenuous, as the party would likely have kept mum if there had been no rebellion.  Furthermore, not only was Olawole listed a the PDP candidate; also, the logic of a re-run implied unchanged candidacy, except in well defined special circumstances. It was scandalous that PDP talked of a substitution after the election, claiming that one Olagunju Olalekan was its councillorship candidate. This move mirrored a party that has no qualms about how it pursues power.    The second count:  By his sermonising style, Olawole equally demonstrated his oddity.  Evidentially, “real” politicians in the Nigerian context hardly spare a thought for after-life judgment, despite their flaunted godliness. For, if the reverse were true, the fear of God should be enough to guarantee near-zero corruption and good governance.

    Profiling Olawole is particularly difficult because his background is unclear. It would be interesting to have information about his early life, education, work history, family life and social circle, among other pointers. However, perhaps the most intriguing aspect is the puzzle about how he found himself in PDP, the country’s stifling ruling party. Considering his grand moral standpoint, it is incredibly incongruous that Olawole must have identified with the party convincingly enough before emerging as its candidate in the council election.  Is it possible that he was never aware of PDP’s duplicitous politics? Isn’t it said that birds of a feather flock together?   Could his new song be an indication of reformation on his part? Or, to stretch the imagination, could Olawole’s presence in PDP mean that the party’s dark image is not without redeeming features?  Interestingly, Olawole’s script is reminiscent of a play by the German theatre giant, Bertolt Brecht, The Good Woman of Setzuan, which is about a young prostitute, Shen Te, who struggles to lead a life that is “good”, according to religious standards.

    Without doubt, it was a revelatory episode of tentacular dimensions.  In the light of Olawole’s unexpected righteousness, the PDP, which is in power in the state, KWASIEC, and even the man himself, surely cannot be beyond scrutiny and reproach in this drama that is at once comical and tragic. It is apt to ponder how much influence the PDP perhaps exerted, how much money possibly changed hands, how unconscionable the formal electoral structures could possibly be, and the candidate’s apparent inconstancy.

    It was a welcome demonstration of political awareness and sovereignty consciousness that the people said “No”. Despite the protests, the state governor, Abdulfatah Ahmed, hastily inaugurated one of the alleged usurpers as the new local government chairman, while the new councillors were presented to the media in moves that suggested a fait accompli.   Certainly, it was alarming and suspicious that KWASIEC reportedly announced a “blanket result” without a breakdown. It is predictable that the protest will eventually shift to the court of law.

    With the 2015 general elections approaching, the Offa example gives little cause for optimism concerning the integrity of the electoral system and its operators, and right conduct on the part of politicians.

     

    • Macaulay is on the editorial board of The Nation

  • On internally generated Revenues (IGRs)

    Permit me to air my views on the era of Internally Generated Revenues (IGRs). IGRs are revenue sources derived from the provision of goods and services by the agencies of government or non-governmental organisations that are not inclusive of external allocations, grants and benefactions. IGRs are critical to the affairs of organisations that are involved in its generation and are useful in the running of such outfits.

    Often, the viability of some organisations is determined by its capacity for IGRs. In some instances the rating and external allocation formula or even resource allocation is based on the capacity for an organisation to generate its own revenue.

    Hence, some organs or sections of government or non-governmental organisations are often looked down as a result of their inability or delay to come up with viable options for internally generated revenue.

    Thus every agency or section worth its salt is expected to be able to generate its own revenue or at least part of it and should not always be cap in hand looking for its sustenance from the powers that be. As a result of the quest for IGR, some moral issues have often arisen and the public has often questioned the rationale behind such moves.

    A case in point is that of revenue motive by FRSC through new number plates which was stepped down by the National Assembly on the grounds that if the agency needed extra funding it should propose in its budgetary submissions for approval. There is therefore no need to stampede hapless vehicle owners into the September 30 deadline and not only that with threats of enforcement to get at defaulters after this date. Must vehicle owners be made to suffer because the FRSC wants to make a point that it too has the capacity to bring in revenue for the government and thereby leverage on its own equitable allocation from the Federal Government.

    Again, what moral value is it for water corporations owned by government to be selling water in tanks when they cannot make the commodity available to the populace just in the name of IGRs? May be such outfits had better still add value to the water by bottling it for the public at a subsidized price.

    Emmanuel Tyokumbur

    Department of Zoology,

    University of Ibadan.

  • Practical framework for boosting intra-African trade

    It is now well known beyond the shores of our continent. Several African economies, of which Nigeria is the biggest, have been experiencing GDP growth rate of 5 per cent or more for about a decade. The positive outlook of economic growth on the continent, when the major economies of the world are in decline with negative or weak growth, has made Africa the darling of global investors in a way never seen before. More than ever before, this is an exciting time for Africa and investors in Africa.

    The bright prospects for investments in Africa are linked to vast untapped economic opportunities. But market mechanisms are known to be weak too. When I assumed the leadership of the Nigerian Export – Import Bank (NEXIM Bank) four years ago, I was immediately interested in knowing the connection between economic growth trends in West Africa and trade flows within the sub-region.

    Of course, this was not a mere academic inquisition. By the statute setting it up (Act 38 of 1991), NEXIM Bank is an Export Credit Agency, and is the trade policy bank of the Federal Government of Nigeria. I therefore wanted to see how Nigeria can leverage regional trade in pursuing the goal of a more robust external sector performance, which has underpinned the quest for diversification of foreign exchange earnings for the country.

    Shocking statistics

    What I found was shocking. At the same time, it inspired action. Economic growth rate in the member-countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has accelerated past existing infrastructural capacities. Intra-Ecowas trade had grown from 4.7 million tonnes in 1998 to 13.2 million tonnes in 2008 without any corresponding increase in road or rail transport infrastructure. Until recently when investment in infrastructure became a national economic growth strategy into which citizens’ welfare is embedded in Nigeria, the country’s housing and construction industry contributed just 2 per cent to GDP.

    Across the sub-region, existing road transport infrastructure has degraded, while the networks provide very limited access to economic opportunities. The few rail networks were not interconnected across countries to provide regional coverage, which would have improved their viability. And in the last two decades, the major airlines in the sub-region – Nigerian Airways and Ghana Airways – have collapsed. The ports also lack enough capacities. This acquaints port users with the phenomenon we call port congestion.

    The reaction I get from non-exporter middle- senior level professionals when I paint the poignant picture of the constraint infrastructure deficiency puts on regional trade within Africa is usually unbelief. Freight charges for shipment of cargoes within sub-Saharan African are the highest compared with what obtains within any other region of the world.

    Whereas it costs about $2,500.00 to ship a containerised cargo from China to Lagos, it costs roughly $3,500.00 to ship the same from Lagos to Douala. And whereas a shipment from United States to Lagos might take 10 days, cargoes sent from Apapa Port in Nigeria to Tema Port in Ghana will take a minimum of 45 days, because unavailability of direct sea link between the two countries necessitates that the goods are first shipped to Europe, then transhipped to the West African destination by European vessels.

    If an exporter in Nigeria cannot afford the time and higher cost of cargo transhipment, and therefore opts for road transport in spite of the poor state of the roads and dilapidated trucks, that exporter would be confronted with some of the worst pains of non-tariff barriers to trade in West Africa. Multiple (sometimes illegal) road blocks and several immigration checkpoints will prove very daunting.

    The bigger damage done to this exporter is psychological. The exporter will not be able to contemplate significant increase in trade capacity. For him/her to move 20 container-size cargoes across the West African borders, one extreme is that 20 trips would be done with one truck. On the other extreme, 20 trucks would have to be deployed on the road at the same time.

    Either way, or in-between, the odds that stark against the exporter can be overwhelming. With this scenario, it is trite to say that intra-regional trade in Africa is not competitive. Intra-ECOWAS trade is about 10 per cent, while intra-Africa trade fared only marginally better at 12 per cent. Trade within the European Union is about 50 per cent.

    Facilitating “Eco” Sealink

    I don’t believe in arm-chair banking, never mind the profession is white collar. Therefore, at NEXIM Bank, we follow our clients to the market in order to understand the risks to their businesses (to which we provide credit), and how we might help them harness opportunities for growth.

    I came up with the idea of what we call the Sealink project as a response to the challenges our exporters face. This project is intended to provide direct maritime links between ECOWAS member-countries. That was the original idea. But when we began to work on the initiative; when we began to mobilise support for the project from our sisters and brothers across the sub-region; and when we exposed the project to our friends in Cameroon, we found that the Sealink project is born in due season, and that its scope should cover both West and Central African sub-regions.

    Last month, we held the first Sealink bilingual investor forum in Accra, Ghana. For me, it was emotional to see the overwhelming support and endorsements the project received across the two sub-regions. The ECOWAS Commission, which was represented by its Vice President, Dr. Toga Gayewea Mcintosh, is backing the project.

    The Sealink project is seen as assisting the Commission to actualise some of its objectives under the 1979 Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, and the Right of Residence and Establishment across West Africa. Since the ECOWAS Commission was an early backer of the project as far back as 2011, it came to the Forum with substance. We were told the attention of Heads of Government of ECOWAS member-countries has been drawn to addressing piracy – one of the risks the Sealink project contemplates. Beyond this, the ECOWAS Commission is happy to lobby Member-States to provide priority berthing for Sealink vessels.

    The enthusiasm for the Sealink project cuts across the language divide. Our brothers from the francophone countries, particularly Côte d’Ivoire want full integration into the Sealink project. This has always been the business case. However, at the time NEXIM Bank commissioned the feasibility study for the project, Côte d’Ivoire was embroiled in a political transition crisis which prevented the study team from visiting the country as they did all other ECOWAS Member-Countries. But today, the crisis is history. His Excellency, President Alassane Ouattara of Côte d’Ivoire is Chairman of ECOWAS. Rather than being seen as an exclusive project, delegates saw the setting up of the Sealink project, which enthusiastically attracted the name “Eco Sealink” (to reflect its origin) in the same light as Ecobank when it started. Today, Ecobank has transcended the boundaries of its origin to become truly a Pan-African institution with subsidiaries in 34 countries across Africa. This was the shared fate of the Sealink project. Like Ecobank, the Sealink project will operate as a private sector business, which will leverage national and regional governmental institutions to bring prosperity to its shareholders and peoples of the sub-regions. The programme to raise $60 million in combined equity and debt capital for the SPV which will operate the project has gathered steam ahead of its commencement of operation in 2014.

    Further endorsements have been provided by the Maritime Organisation of West and Central Africa (MOWCA), Union of African Shippers’ Council, African Development Bank, ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development and West African Development Bank (BOAD).

    What is in it for Nigeria?

    I have had to answer the needless question on whether NEXIM Bank had derailed with this initiative, by not focusing exclusively on providing funding for Nigerian businesses. Honourable Chukwudi Jones Victor Onyereri, Chairman of House of Representatives Committee on Banking and Currency, emphatically noted at the investor forum in Accra that Nexim Bank is enabled by the Act setting it up to “facilitate” Nigerian trade. He pledged further legislative backing for NEXIM Bank, should the need arise in the process of opening up the sub-regional markets to Nigerian manufacturers and exporters.

    My response is that proper understanding of the role of an Exim bank shows they are national financial agencies with the primary objective of providing access to foreign markets for their local businesses. In this regard, NEXIM Bank is facilitating the Sealink project through mobilisation of private sector resources for a scheme that will increase market access for Nigerian manufactured goods, while also providing Nigerian businesses with inputs from neighbouring countries to drive up cost-efficiency and competitiveness for manufacturers operating in Nigeria. Our manufacturers should be able to leverage their relative high capacities to produce for the sub-regional market, where good appetite for Nigerian manufactured goods, including pharmaceuticals, have been established for decades.

    Part of our goals at NEXIM Bank is to unlock opportunities in the maritime sector through effective indigenous participation, thereby stimulating maritime-related employment as well as minimise capital flight by domesticating substantial percentage of an average $5 billion generated within the country annually from import and export tonnages. Also, the objectives of the Sealink project ventilate the economic goal of Nigeria’s foreign policy which has always emphasised support for Africa. In this context, development practitioners, including the World Bank, have identified growth of intra-Africa trade as a necessary prelude in improving Africa’s trade with the rest of the world.

    Business case and governance

    In providing transportation service for producers, manufacturers and traders across 35 countries of West and Central Africa, the Sealink project will be serving a market of over 400 million people. Our initial proposition is to start off with three passenger-cum-cargo vessels. This ensures we accommodate the preferences of our traders who are accustomed to travelling with their articles of merchandise.

    Traded goods which the Sealink vessels will carry include agricultural produce like yam, plantain, pineapple, water mellon, etc. The dry cargoes will also include used vehicles, automobile spare parts, manufactured products, building materials, solid minerals, etc. Financial analysis by the financial adviser to the project, FBN Capitals, projects very attractive financial performances by the company which will operate the venture. A robust corporate governance framework has been put in place by a carefully selected board from the leading light of private sector operators. Partners to the setting up of the Sealink projects, apart from NEXIM Bank, are Federation of West African Chambers of Commerce & Industry (FEWACCI) and TRANSIMEX – an integrated logistic services provider based in Cameroon.

    Development impact

    I believe the biggest development impact of the Sealink project would be its enhancement of food security in West and Central Africa over the coming years. Countries within the sub-regions have differences in food production capabilities due to climatic and cultural reasons. Food surpluses in some countries would be traded in countries having shortages. Because of market access, we foresee enactment of economies of scale and elimination of wastage arising from production to excess consumption requirement in one country or region. Thereby, the principle of comparative advantage would be unleashed to combat poverty and boost prosperity by facilitating job creation, especially in agriculture and industrial activities around the port areas, as well as by saving foreign exchange which would have been lost to exorbitant freight charges of European shipping lines.

    · Orya is Managing Director / Chief Executive Officer, Nigerian Export–Import Bank

  • Suntai: History repeating itself

    Many at times one may wonder why our so-called leaders take delight in clinging to power even to the point of death or when they are incapacitated. Once they get into power via questionable or unquestionable means, they would not want to cede it even when they are incapacitated as if it’s their business venture.

    The political charade in Taraba State is not a different one. The governor, Danfulani Suntai, who has brain damage owing to air mishap which occurred last year is yet to fully recover but sadly his stalwarts want to hijack the politics of the state by playing politics with his health. Little wonder his health status is yet to be divulged by his disciples. They want to establish politics by proxy.

    They now want to duplicate what happened during Yar’adua’s era. We are all familiar with how they played politics with the late president’s health challenge. When he was terribly ill, his health status was denied Nigerians even when he was flown abroad. To make it more dramatic, they tried to fool us by using somebody’s voice as his in a foreign media, feigning that he was recuperating. How funny! To fan more tension in the country, he was flown back into the country to avoid losing his seat in the dead of the night and his then vice president- Dr Goodluck Jonathan- was turned down when he made an attempt to see ailing boss on his return. The charade continued until life was snuffed out of him. Prior to his demise, it was believed that the then first lady navigated the ship of presidency; she decided who got what, when and how.

    As the political crisis in Taraba lingers, I am afraid to say that history is about to repeat itself except something urgently is done to salvage the situation. This is because following the decision of the house to elevate deputy governor, Garba Umar, since the ailing governor had been away since last year, the wife of the latter together with her disciples-Jonah Jang of Plateau State and others went and brought him back to stop the inauguration of the former, not minding his health status. To them it is obvious that his position is more important than his health.

    It is sad and sardonic that Suntai, whom they claim has fully recuperated and is fit to assume his duties as the Chief Executive Officer of the state could not alight from the aircraft himself without aid, let alone waving his hand to his anxious fans that came to welcome him or speak to the pressmen in the airport.

    I was amazed when I watched the clip of his alighting from the plane on arrival. His face looked as if he swallowed an office pin. One of his aides held him in the arm. To avoid further embarrassment, he was whisked away to the VIP lodge of the airport. They claimed that he was very tired and needed to rest.

    To convince the Assembly that he was fit to resume his duties, he fulfilled his constitutional obligation by writing to them. This was trailed with mixed reactions as regards the authenticity of the signature. To ascertain this, he was summoned by the ‘doubting Thomases’ of the house to come and address them after the delegates that were sent to pay him homage were turned down. This generated uproar as the cabal claimed that he had done what the constitution stipulated and there was no need to address the house. How crafty! Who is deceiving who?

    I give kudos to the recent response of the law makers to the ailing governor, that he is unfit and as such should go back to US to continue his treatment. That is how it ought to be-it should be premise on capability and not on compassionate ground else history might repeat itself.

    Emmanuel Onoja is a corps-member in Ibadan.