The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • The hijack of democracy

    Aftermath the election of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) in which Governor Chibuike Amaechi of Rivers State was said to have won with 19 votes against 18 (some say 16) votes that Governor Jonah Jang won, the powers that felt they were greater than Amaechi have been beating him up and down. The annoying thing is that they do not want him to cry.

    Any attempts he makes to express himself, they award him with one penalty or the other, not minding the chagrin on the masses’ faces bemoaning that democracy that was supposed to be for democrats have been hijacked by traitors. Where has that happened before that a child was beaten and the beater does not want him or her to cry?

    The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), being the party that Amaechi is a member, is only concerned about its Constitution and, not the Constitution of the Federal Government (FG). The party has been abusing the Immunity Clause in the FG’s Constitution, which the governor was entitled to enjoy. In a conspiracy on April 26, the governor was molested at Akure, where his state’s aircraft that he sojourned with, was blatantly seized on an ‘order from above’.

    Since May 24 that the NGF had the election and Amaechi was elected to continue the piloting affairs of the forum, it has been one intimidation or the other meted out to him by his party. The party does not mind that he is a sitting governor. If anybody would say that this is not true, why was it reported that the National Working Committee (NWC) of his party has set up a committee to investigate the governor? Investigate him for what? Does he no longer enjoy the Immunity Clause or has PDP gone gaga with the prescription of Impunity Clause because of Amaechi?

    Regrettably, the cry that a smashed millipede was supposed to be crying, it was the person that smashed it that was crying. With what the PDP has been doing to Amaechi, it has now become very imperative to ask who the real violator of the PDP Constitution is. Is the constitution of the party supreme to what democracy entails? How come that an election said to have been won by the governor was hijacked?

    Yet, somebody is still calling Amaechi names and wants to send him to Golgotha. For what! If PDP continue like this, soonest, a sitting governor would be thrown into the prison, but let that person not be Amaechi.

    In a linear rear, it is not Amaechi that was caught in any anti-party activities, but those that do not want to uphold the tenets of Democracy. If there was any anti-party activities tag on Amaechi, from what that has been playing out of the party against him, it is a case of giving a dog a bad name in order to hang her.

    But what is this anti-party activity about Amaechi all about? Is it the rumour from the mischief-makers’ mill that he had a vice-president ambition with a northerner as president in 2015? And so what! Is he not a politician aspiring for a greater height in his political career? Although, he had ascribed the statement as a ruse from those who did not want him and his political career to grow.

    The height of violation of any Constitutions is the hijack of an election said to have been free and fair and won by Amaechi; for-this-reason PDP should abrogate the furtherance of its deceiving tactics where it had prescribed Amaechi in bad light before the unsuspecting and suspecting public that he was caught at a crossroad in an involvement in the violations and breaches of the party constitution. Hooey!

    With what the PDP is doing to Amaechi, it is no longer hidden that the PDP as a political party has not been setting any rightful precedence for the current democracy to have as its genuine base to spring from.

    Using the 2015 presidential election as defense, where some yesmen want to criminalize Amaechi for the incumbent president to contest, is an estrangement and, it is condemnable.

    How come that there is much desperation by the sitting president for the 2015, which has resulted in the PDP flogging Amaechi with an armoured cable, whereas in the past, the party was not intensively committed to consenting to the directorial and moral lapses on the part of its governors? The political hatefulness by the presidency against Amaechi is without doubt the return of totalitarianism in the country and it is creating opposition in the PDP, which is only beneficial to the opposition political parties if the later could make bet of the glaring opportunity.

    To Nigerians who are spiritual (not religious), it could be said that providence wanted to use Amaechi to expose the putrefaction that Nigerians have come to endure in the hands of this PDP for the past decade it has held power in Nigeria. What has been happening to Amaechi can be said is a life changing episode in the history of democracy in Nigeria. The bad news that PDP planned for Amaechi has made him to be relevant than ever.

    Odimegwu Onwumere

    Port Harcourt, Rivers State

  • Nigerians need God

    Upon the socio-political and economic crises Nigeria is witnessing, I have a prophetic message in this 2013 that the federal Government need to declare a national day of prayers and fasting in order to seek God’s face for favour and mercy.

    Sincere prayers and fasting will change bad things to good and prayers will also influence God to turn the hearts of those in authority from doing evil. The National Day Prayer and fasting would connect Nigeria and her people to the power of God.

    The prayers would influence God to look down on Nigerians and heal the nation. Prophetically, the prayers of the saints had been holding this country together, as, things would have fallen apart.

    Also, collective prayers would aid Nigeria to overcome her problems and rise again, as, God would deal with the Pharaohs and Egyptians of the country. For God’s intervention, redemption and deliverance to manifest in Nigeria, Nigerians must humble themselves, pray and seek God face and turn from their wicked ways, as, these would move God to forgive Nigerians their sins and heal the country (2 Chronicles 7 : 14)

    Also, the Bible teaches us that prayer and intercession be made for all men, including those in authority. If we do not pray for our government, the will of satan would be upon them.

    Prophetically too, our leaders should be warned that unfaithfulness and corruption will continue to make people frustrated and the more frustrated the people are, more problems should be expected in this nation. Our leaders in every sphere of any governance should read the handwriting on the wall and repent, hence, they should be expecting more problems for the nation, because – Proverbs 15 : 27 – “He who is greedy for gain, troubles his own house, but, he who hates bribe will live”. Also, Proverbs 14 : 34 says “Righteousness exalts a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people”

    Therefore, let our leaders repent from their wickedness, selfish ways, so that, God can hear our prayers. When a country is well governed, there will be peace, prosperity and progress throughout the nation.

    Prophet Oladipupo Funmilade-Joel.

    The General Overseer, The Way of Reconciliation Evangelistic Ministries

  • Ajimobi: Nemesis of Ibadan ‘ancients’

    Ajimobi: Nemesis of Ibadan ‘ancients’

    Governing Oyo State is very complex but governing Ibadan is more complex. The paradox that makes the city more complicated to rule than the state can only suggest one thing; that Ibadan is a primitive city that will not easily and positively be receptive to any idea of transformation or modernisation that amputates a part of them that is ancient. Or it can also suggest that Ibadan and its people will be ambivalent towards any policy, idea or action that will deny a part of them that is tied to their culture, habits, idiocies and behavior.

    In the midst of this dilemma, there is that residual expectation that Ibadan should be transformed and developed if it was to rank with other advanced and developed cities of the world. But over the years, the governors that had ruled Oyo State, whether in Khaki or agbada, had behaved like timid administrators, pampering the people and treating them with kid gloves thus encouraging them to continue to indulge in their old habits for whatever reason(s). The emergence of Abiola Ajimobi as the governor of Oyo State was later to change the city’s landscape. He came with a transformative agenda that will change Ibadan and instill a new culture of discipline into the people. Drawing up an agenda for Ibadan is one thing, perfecting such agenda requires a strategy that will align with the realism of Ibadan “peculiar mess”.

    J.P Clark’s poem on Ibadan written in the late 1960s or early 1970s talks about Ibadan’s “splash of rust and gold”, but even the gold of Ibadan had been contaminated and polluted by filth that permeates the city. The filth, the rust and the rot of Ibadan have all grown to a blinker that competes with the “seven hills” Clark refers to in his poem. So, the first “peculiar mess” that Ajimobi had to contend with was the customary filth and the heaps of refuse that dot the landscape of Ibadan. Without a blitzkrieg on the filth and the dirty habit of stooping to poo anywhere it grips them, there cannot be a new image or any sensible transformation.

    Knowing that the development of Ibadan in all its ramifications needed to be driven by an aggressive attitude, policy, character and action, Ajimobi established two strategic agencies to tackle Ibadan’s filth and traffic. The first agency is Oyo State Waste Management Authority (OYWMA) and the second one is called Oyo State Road Traffic Monitoring Agency (OYRATMA). Anybody who is familiar with Ibadan’s past cannot but commend the aesthetic appreciation of Ibadan landscape. Today, the roads are clean, garbage dumps are gradually disappearing, street trading that used to be the source of refuse generation on the streets has been outlawed but has not been totally eradicated. Ibadan is experiencing a new landscaping culture and all road medians and kerbs are well painted. Though, when you climb the Bower’s tower to have a panoramic view of the city, the rust of the corrugated metal sheets looms large, you can only feel the freshness of a new Ibadan when you walk its streets. The ancients that are used to the habit of indiscriminate garbage throwing are gradually being swept away by the tide of change.

    It is an open secret that off-loading of faeces is like a carnival In Ibadan among the ancients who still prefer the gutter-side method and the “Abe Igi style” because of the natural cooling system of the environment especially in the heat of ejecting the waste from the “underground zone”. But today, things are changing because of Ajimobi’s tough environmental laws. The irresponsible habit of littering Ibadan metropolis with ‘power-pack’ faeces in different colors of polythene bags and leaves is now forbidden.

    Traffic in Ibadan is still hellish. Driving against traffic excites an average Ibadan driver. But there is hope that things will soon change. The roads are now being expanded, dualised and upgraded. Traffic lights now work in Ibadan. Broken down motor vehicles are towed without delay. There is a new traffic order. The OYRATMA whose duties are not different from LASTMAs now go about with the new traffic mantra of the state so that all motorists can operate within the ambit of the law. Driving within Ibadan is chaotic today because the entire city is now a construction site.

    The Mokola flyover also known as “Mokola Miracle” is a very creative remedy to the gridlock at Mokola round-about. For years, no administration ever came up with any idea as to how to solve the challenge of the Mokola traffic chaos. In less than two years, Ajimobi not only came up with the idea, he also ensured that the flyover was completed in record time. The transformation of Iwo road and its beautification is another major testimony to Ajimobi’s giant strides in road management. For so many years, Ibadan people and regular users of Iwo road were held hostage by the Iwo Road gridlock. But now, Iwo road is free of the usual traffic jam as traffic now flows without obstructions. The OYRATMA always go round to ensure that those who contravene traffic regulations are apprehended for possible sanctions and penalties.

    Ajimobi has really shown that he is a warrior, a reformer, a moderniser, a transforming agent and the nemesis of the Ibadan ancients. The so-called untouchables have been touched. Those who contravened building laws are being dealt with. To accomplish his dualisation projects, Ajimobi had to demolish some buildings. But instead of doing it indiscriminately, he adopted a PPDP approach meaning Public-Private Demolition Partnership-a consensual policy or action which encourages violators of set-back rule or affected victims of government demolition exercise to engage in self-demolition of their structures in public interest without the active involvement of the government. All that can be traced to the government is just the marking of affected structures.

    It was unthinkable that any governor would have contemplated dualising the roads around Onireke, Dugbe, Golf club, Eleyele, Jericho and Aleshinloye considering the massive human congregation and business ventures and structures scattered all over these places. But Ajimobi did. He even went as far as Isokun and Owode in Oyo where another dualisation is going on in addition to the one at Abiodun Atiba Road and Palace Road.

    The road dualization/expansion that generated furore was that of Challenge-Iyalode Efusetan-Toll-gate interchange. The controversy centred around the personality of Yinka Ayefele whose studio/office would have been consumed by the dualisation project. But on compassionate ground, the government spared the gigantic office as the road project only chopped off part of his fence and security house.

    For the people of Ibadan to enjoy the benefits of these new roads, all street traders are to be relocated to neighbourhood markets being constructed in scout camp, Temidire Motor Park, Nitel, on old Ife Road, toll-gate Ibadan, Akinyele, Molete and Samonda, a private sector driven initiative. The Ibadan ancients who see street trading as a cultural activity are being told to start getting used to diplaying and selling their wares in the ideal place-market.

    Ajimobi’s audacity, candour, truculence, daring exploits, political aggression, war-like tendencies and tempestuous adventurism place him in the same league with past Ibadan warriors like Basorun Oluyole, Basorun Ibikunle, Basorun Ogunmola and Aare Latosa. A city like Ibadan whose source of strength and existence lies in the many wars of consolidation fought by these great warriors could not have prayed for a better leader at a time when underdevelopment was posing serious threat to its very foundation. Ibadan was almost caving in to maladministration, inept leadership, corruption, owambe governance, and administrative complications when a new warrior emerged to fight a war of his life in order to save Ibadan from obvious paralysis. Ajimobi may be wearing agbada but his vision is like that of a warrior on a mission to salvage whatever was left of Ibadan before it finally crumbled. But he did not only save Ibadan from disintegration, he reproduced the tenacity of Oluyole, the bravery of Ibikunle, the fearlessness of Ogunmola and the shrewd diplomacy of Are Latosa to reconsolidate Ibadan and put it on the path of greatness and fame so that it would not be “like broken china in the sun”.

  • Nigeria’s debt position

    Nigeria’s debt position

    There has recently been a lot of misinformation and misconception in our
public debate on debt. My goal in this article is to shed some light on the
public debt, to clarify the real state of Nigeria’s debt position, and
hopefully, provide a knowledge platform for constructive debate.

Let me say at the outset that no one in government is supportive of a
Nigeria that returns to a high state of indebtedness. On a personal note,
having gone through tremendous stress during the quest for Paris Club debt
relief, I am committed to a Nigerian economy that is fiscally prudent,
balances its books and remains at a low state of indebtedness.

To begin, Nigeria’s overall debt is comprised of external and domestic
debts. The external debt is typically owed to foreign creditors such as
multilateral agencies (for example, the Africa Development Bank, the World
Bank, or the Islamic Development Bank), to bilateral sources (such as the
China Exim Bank, the French Development Bank or the Japanese Aid Agency),
or to private creditors such as investors in our Eurobonds. The domestic
debt, however, is contracted within Nigerian borders, usually through bond
issues which are then purchased by Nigerian banks, local pension funds, and
other domestic and foreign investors. The resources raised typically go to
help fund the budget or other domestic expenditures, such as infrastructure
projects. We also have some contractor arrears, and other local liabilities
which are normally handled through the budget.

Both federal and state governments borrow domestically and externally.
However, no state government can borrow externally unless guaranteed by the
Federal Government. Similarly, state governments’ domestic borrowing is
subject to federal government analysis and confirmation – based on clear
criteria and guidelines that a state can repay based on their monthly FAAC
allocations and internally generated revenues (IGR).

As a nation, we have had a difficult history with debt. As such, no one can
forget the challenging times we went through from 2003 to 2005 trying, in
the end, successfully to get relief on our large external debt. Neither the
government nor any Nigerian wants a repeat of the country’s past history of
large debts. That is why the current President Goodluck Jonathan
administration, the Legislature, the Ministry of Finance, and the Debt
Management Office, are very focused on a conservative and prudent approach
to managing the national debt. Our current approach balances Nigeria’s
needs for investment in physical and human infrastructure with a strong
policy to limit overall indebtedness in relation to our ability to pay.
Above all, any debts incurred must go for directly productive purposes
which yield results that Nigerians can see.

*First the numbers:*

a. In 2004, prior to the Paris Club debt relief, Nigeria’s overall debt
stock was very high. External debt stood at US$35.9 billion while the stock
of the domestic debt amounted to US$10.3 billion resulting in a total of
about US$46.2 billion or 64.3% of GDP excluding contractor and pension
arrears.

b. After the successful debt relief initiative, Nigeria’s stock of foreign
debt declined dramatically. Indeed, in August 2006, when I left office,
Nigeria’s foreign and domestic debts amounted to US$3.5 billion and US$13.8
billion respectively – a total of US$17.3 billion or 11.8% of GDP.

c. By August 2011, when I resumed for the second time as Finance Minister,
the domestic debt stock had grown substantially to US$42.23 billion, while
the external debt was still a modest US$5.67 billion. This implied a total
debt stock of US$47.9 billion or 21% of GDP. Note that while the debt stock
grew, our national income also grew so that debt to GDP ratio (the
parameter used globally to measure a country’s debt sustainability) remains
modest and manageable.

d. Thus, the key noticeable change in Nigeria’s indebtedness in recent
years has been the growth of domestic debt. There were two main reasons
which resulted in this outcome. First, the initial growth of the domestic
debt stock was because the federal government wanted to deepen the domestic
debt markets and generate a yield curve for Nigeria which ultimately could
help our corporate bodies to access the capital markets and borrow funds at
more affordable rates. The DMO through its work has been successful in
doing this.

Nigerian corporates can now raise money at reasonable rates at home and
abroad, helping them secure resources to invest in the economy. Secondly,
however, domestic debt was also raised to finance increased budget
expenditures including consumption. For example, in 2010, the 53% salary
increase for civil servants was financed by raising domestic bonds.
Borrowing for recurrent expenditure or consumption, as was the case here is
a practice that is less than ideal and one that we should endeavour not to
repeat. We must learn that domestic debt should be incurred sparingly at
modest and manageable rates so that government is able to service it and
pay back domestic creditors. Failure to do so would severely undermine the
finances of our private and institutional creditors to the detriment of the
economy.

It is with this background in mind that we have put in place several
measures to limit and manage the national debt. There are a number of
specific policies we have introduced in the current administration to slow
down the increase in our overall debt stock.

a. First, we have brought expenditures and revenues much more in line,
through a low fiscal deficit of 1.81% GDP, to reduce the need for domestic
borrowing. For example, we reduced annual domestic borrowing from N852
billion in 2011, to N744 billion in 2012, and to N577 billion in 2013. Our
objective is to reduce government’s domestic borrowing to below N500
billion in the 2014 budget.

b. Second, for the first time, we have paid down part of our domestic debt
rather than rolling all of it over. Beginning in February 2013, we
successfully retired N75 billion worth of maturing domestic bonds. And we
will continue with this practice in the coming years.

c. Third, we have established a sinking fund with an initial capitalisation
of N25 billion. This fund will enable the government to retire maturing
bond obligations in the future.

d. Fourth, we are working increasingly with states to get a clearer picture
of domestic debts acquired by state governments, thanks to the
comprehensive review recently completed by the DMO. Our particular concern
is that state governments limit borrowings in line with their incomes and
put any borrowings made to work on specific projects and programmes that
bring direct beneficial results to their citizens.
    [Please find attached the Debt-to-GDP ratio of selected economies]

     e. Fifth, instead of the previous practice of contracting foreign
loans in an ad hoc manner, we have streamlined the process for federal and
state governments and made it transparent through the Medium Term Rolling
External Borrowing Plan, which is reviewed and approved by the National
Assembly. This plan presents the anticipated loans to be contracted by the
government over a three-year time window, so that we can target funds to
priority projects, and also make trade-offs where necessary. Notice that
this covers planned foreign borrowing by both the federal and state
governments for projects that will yield results in infrastructure,
education, health, etc. Most loans contracted are on concessional or very
favourable terms. For example, many of the multilateral loans are at zero
interests, 40-year maturity, and 10 years grace. Others are at less than
three per cent rate of interest.

f. And finally, we have put forward a Medium-Term Debt Strategy with a mix
of limited external and domestic borrowing that is appropriate for the
economy.

But let me repeat that we shall never be complacent about our national
debt. We need to be constantly vigilant to limit the amount of debt and
create room for the private sector instead to borrow. As such, we need to
stay focused on three main priorities.
First, we should continue to monitor our external borrowing and ensure that
we do not slip back to our high indebtedness prior to the debt relief
programme. As I mentioned earlier, the External Borrowing Plan, helps to
address this concern by ensuring that we always have a comprehensive,
transparent view of our foreign borrowing. As at now, our external
indebtedness is low at $6.67 billion or about three per cent of GDP.

Second, we should closely continue to monitor and limit our domestic debt,
and ensure that it stays within a prudent and conservative range. We should
pay off debt that is due to the extent of our ability.
And third, we should also continue to closely monitor borrowing by states
to ensure that the debt burdens of our state governments remain within
manageable levels and that borrowings are applied to specific projects that
yield results for citizens of the state. In that regard, we enjoin banks
and other lenders to be careful and prudent when lending to ensure that
this is done within the existing rules, regulations and guidelines.

Former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan once said: “Information and
knowledge are central to democracy – and they are the conditions for
development.” That is precisely why I have gone to some length to throw
light on the real facts and the real issues regarding our debt situation
and what the federal government is doing to address them. We need to create
the basis to have a healthy and constructive public conversation on this
issue, not a distorted and partisan battle.

*• Dr. Okonjo-Iweala is Coordinating Minister for the Economy and Minister
of Finance.*

     

  • Re: Pension debt

    SIR: The attention of the management of Military Pensions Board (MPB) was drawn to the Editorial of The Nation newspaper of Wednesday June 5, page 19 with the headline “Pension debt.” The MPB was more concerned with a part statement in paragraph 5 of the editorial that “Even retired military personnel across the nation are also reportedly being owed about seven months’ pensions.”

    The MPB management wishes to emphatically state that the board does not owe military pensioners even half month pension. All eligible pensioners have been paid up to date including their gratuities and other retirement benefits. A simple interview with some of our pensioners across the country can attest to the above. The only outstanding issue regarding military pensioners is the one of 53% pension arrears, which the Federal Government is currently addressing.

    The Board therefore, considers the aforementioned statement as misleading and capable of misinforming the public about the monthly payment of military pensioners. It is therefore imperative that The Nation correct this erroneous publication in its editorial giving it same prominence.

    • DS Audu

    Commodore

    Military Pensions Board,

    Abuja

  • Nollywood and nudity

    SIR: The movie/film industry of Nigeria has speedily grown to become a force to reckon with continentally and globally. The industry has grown from one that struggled to meet the local movie demands of Nigerians to one that comfortably meets both local and international demands for educative, informative and entertaining home-made movies.

    Nollywood which has celebrated about 20 years of its renowned existence, not only has thousands of movies to its credit, but has also been serving as one of the major employers of labour in the country and a veritable springboard for the discovery and nurturing of talents in the Nigerian entertainment industry.

    Nollywood, is supposed to symbolize the rich cultural, aesthetic cum ethical heritage of Nigeria, and indeed, Africa known to attach so much value to moral rectitude, sensibility and credibility.

    But what seems to have become of Nollywood in recent times, truly leaves much to be desired in this regard. There seems to be a total disregard for moral values and norms of Nigeria and the entire continent of Africa which Nollywood, through its movies, was meant to epitomize and/or symbolize.

    These days, one seldom finds a Nollywood movie that does not, in one way or the other, contain explicit sexual affairs of varying degrees and nature. Obscenity, particularly in the area of nudity, is now the order of the day.

    It seems most of our Nollywood actresses would not want to play a role in a movie that forbade them from wearing skimpy and sex arousing attires. They all want to show off their breasts and thighs to the detriment of their viewers, especially, our teen and youths (girls) who see most of them as role models. The case is not different for most of our actors who are wont to “sagging” or “low-waisting”, as local parlance terms it. They also will never fully button up their shirts without leaving the chest area open with their hairy chest visible.

    The attendant consequences of these explicit sexual immorality as often depicted by our Nollywood movies’ actors/actresses is the preponderance of our girls, including the teens, walking our streets quasi-naked in such a provocative manner that most men (young and old) who are emotionally and psychologically unguided are compelled to make unwholesome sexual advances/assaults on them. The continuous upsurge in the cases of rape in the country and the African continent in general, is a pointer to this fact.

    There is no arguing the fact that westernization and the continuous advancement in ICT have been blamed for the persistent nosedive in our moral standards. But the gospel truth is that this trend will continue and will even assume dangerous dimensions if Nollywood through it movies, which have been serving as the greatest of all the teachers most of our teens and youths have, does not take drastic measures to stop forthwith, the production of obscene and nude movies.

    The Censors Board and other regulatory bodies in the industry have got to live up to expectations. They’ve got to sit up and help salvage our moral values from total collapse. There’s no way we can all of a sudden become Americans or people of the western world abandoning the core values that creditably distinguish us from them overnight. Their lifestyles will always be theirs and vice versa. Let’s learn to treasure the core cultural and moral values we have as Nigerians/Africans upholding them regardless of the prevalent spate of westernization. Nollywood can flourish and maintain its global acclaims and integrity without necessarily producing movies that aggravate the act of nudity and/or obscenity amongst our teens and young ones, and the entire citizenry.

    • Daniel Ndukwe Ekea,

    Umuahia, Abia State.

  • Police and justice for Citizen Ibrahim

    SIR: Not long ago in Benin City, a team of policemen swooped on a mechanic workshop located near a shopping complex belonging to the state government and arrested a young man of about 30 years said to be a mechanic. His offence was not disclosed as his alleged accuser, another mechanic, had merely telephoned officers at the station to arrest, detain and release only when he was satisfied that the alleged offence had been sufficiently atoned for. The accuser never wrote a statement at the police station. The ‘’suspect” was released 24 hours after arrest as directed by the accuser without being asked to make a statement. He was happy to be alive to tell the story of his unlawful arrest and detention. He had enough reason to.

    The incident referred to above is but one of the many such incidents of mindless police impunity, brutality and mistreatment of fellow citizens recorded daily across the country.

    The latest incident is the killing and secret burial of a 22-year old said to be a final year student of the University of Benin, Ibrahim Momodu. He was allegedly shot dead on May 27, while on his way home riding on a commercial motor cycle at about 9pm. The Divisional Police Officer, DPO Carol Afegbai, and her men are alleged to have carried out the killing and burying the body without the knowledge of the family. The police have claimed that Ibrahim was stopped for search by the police in the process of which he allegedly drew a gun as a result of which he was shot. The Okada man, the police claim, escaped leaving the unregistered motor bike behind. Items said to have been recovered from a bag alleged to belong to Ibrahim include some live cartridges and two mobile phones.

    Expectedly, the extra judicial murder of has generated an outrage. On Monday, June 3, students of the University of Benin and family members of Ibrahim staged a protest in Benin City to draw attention to the gruesome murder and demand justice. The protest was also carried to the Government House. In the evening of the same day, the police came out with its story but did not offer any explanation as to why the corpse of Ibrahim was hurriedly buried without notice to anyone.

    Official reaction has also come from the authorities of the University of Benin. The University, through its Public Relations Officer, Harrison Osarieren has denied that the deceased was one of its students. Whatever the truth of the studentship status of Ibrahim may be, the fact of his extra judicial murder is not in dispute. Every Nigerian citizen is under the constitution guaranteed his/her right to life which cannot be denied except in exercise or execution of an order of court.

    The police high command has also placed the DPO on suspension ostensibly to ensure proper investigation of the murder. This is a welcome step on the part of the police authorities as it is indicative of its preparedness to ensure that justice is not only done but seen to have been manifestly done.

    Edo State Governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, has promised to set up a panel of enquiry to investigate the killing. This is a welcome development. Many extra judicial killings have occurred in the past which were swept under the carpet. The panel should provide citizens opportunity to confront the police with concrete evidence which will help unravel the motive behind the killing of citizen Ibrahim.

    • Nasamu Jacobson

    Benin City.

  • The sulky Mimiko

    The sulky Mimiko

    Ondo State Governor Olusegun Mimiko is a good example in this democracy of a man whose small mind is getting smaller. Recently, he was one of those who took part in the Nigerian Governors’ Forum election in which Governor Rotimi Amaechi won. Mimiko said he did not lose because he withdrew. Nobody, not Hardball, will believe such fantasy. He was on the side of Jang, and if Jang lost, then he knew he, too, lost.

    Rather than take it in its stride and bite the bullet, he decided to play an empty peacock. He said the election was not free and fair, and later he said he did not believe the video because he was not there. But rather than wrap his tail around his buttocks and keep mum, the Jonathan lackey in the Southwest would not stop talking.

    When the 2007 election took place, and the progressive minded fought on the behalf of his mandate, he forgot that it was not about him. It was about the principle. He does not know that it is not about his big ego and that when a person is called Iroko, it does not mean that he cannot be hewn down.

    Well, he saw that in a little way when his big ego was made little in a little room where he contested and lost an election. It took a little gadget to expose the big ego of his.

    Because the Aregbesola video did not capture him, he felt little. Because he felt little, he decided it was not real. Then he attacked Amaechi by saying that the chairman of the forum had no evidence that he (Mimiko) voted. Is it the duty of Amaechi to show who voted? He should direct that question at the returning officer, Asissana Okauru, who counted the votes. The video showed clearly that all of the 35 governors, including Mimiko, were present in the room when Okauru counted, showing the face of each ballot paper to the men. Why did he not protest and say, look, this is not a ballot paper. This is not where I voted. Neither he nor his 15 other losers raised a finger. Was the super-intelligent, hyper-progressive, agile and defiant Mimiko under a spell? Who so cast the spell of silence on the great Iroko that he could not speak when he was being swindled out of his mandate?

    Hardball believes that Iroko should quietly go to his new master in Aso Rock and explain sincerely that he was outwitted, outplayed, outmaneuvered, outclassed, outvoted, outflanked and in the end, he went out sulking. He has not stopped sulking.

    Democracy is bigger than all of us. If he wants to pay back Jonathan for his work in the last Ondo State polls, this is a tacky way to go about it.

  • Gbogun gboro – 1

    Greetings from Gbogun Gboro. Odidi omo afidi digun. Nwon nlee bo lehin, o nle ara iwaju lo. [Gbogun Gboro., heady and magical child; who pursues others, even when given a hot chase]

    This morning, I woke up laughing – laughing uncontrollably. It was not because I was so happy. It was because I could not believe what I had seen in two or three days of travelling in my homeland, the Yoruba Southwest of Nigeria. Everywhere, I could see that we Yoruba can no longer feed ourselves these days. We have to wait on food brought from other people’s land before we can put any food in our mouths. Lagos housewives cannot put tomatoes and pepper in their soups, Ekiti and Ijesa mothers cannot put pounded yam before their husbands and children, without having to bring lorry loads of crops from the Middle Belt beyond the Niger and Benue.

    I was told that some two years ago, when the trailer trucks from the North had some problem of their own and failed to run for some days, our great city of Lagos soon began to starve. Many Lagos friends of mine told me that they cancelled already scheduled weddings of their sons or daughters or the funerals of their departed parents. Some young friends told me that they had to drive their young families all the way to Cotonou in Benin Republic to go and buy tomatoes, peppers and onions. One related that when he got to Cotonou, the marketplace there was filled with Lagos people, and most items of food had been snatched up –so he and his family had to hurry further on to Lome in Togo.

    I was also told that many months ago, some northerners, because of some political situation, threatened to poison the food, especially the beans, coming from the North to the Southwest. Out of fear, some Lagosians avoided eating beans for some time. But when they could no longer go on avoiding it, they decided on a creative solution. They made it practice to soak the beans in water for a whole day before cooking it – hoping that the poison would have all drained into the water.

    In short, we Yoruba people have trapped ourselves in a very serious food crisis. And it is not because we lack the resources needed for successful farming. We do have such resources plentifully. All experts on the subject say that Yorubaland has most of the best land for agriculture in West Africa. Our land is fertile, well watered, and, thank God, it is free from cataclysmic erosions. The fact that we have variations in vegetation (from our thick southern forests to our northern grasslands) means that we are able to produce many varieties of crops. In fact, our historians now tell us that the natural agricultural assets in our land, and our ancestors’ industrious use of those assets, were the roots of our success in building tropical Africa’s most advanced urban civilization in history.

    Yes, throughout what we know of the history of West Africa, our ancestors were the proud owners of the most advanced and most productive crop farming system in all of West Africa. The story of great farming and rich farmers runs through all our history. Even as far back as Oduduwa’s time and the beginning of our first kingdom, the Ife kingdom, in about the 10th century AD, big farmers were part of the pride of our country. Later, big farming and proud rich farmers were part of the backbone of one of our kingdoms, the Oyo-Ile kingdom, which became so prosperous that it went forward and conquered the largest indigenous empire in the history of West Africa, the great Oyo Empire.

    Later still, when the first European explorers penetrated into the interior of our country in 1825, and travelled from Badagry to Oyo-Ile, the first things that surprised them were the large rich farms which they saw all along their way – and the many large thickly populated towns which they came to after every few miles, and the well-kept and well-protected roads on which they travelled. After writing about “extensive plantations of yams”, “rich plantations of corn”, “endless acres of cotton”, “tens of acres of indigo”, “plantations of coconut palm”, and “farms as far as the eye can see”, these explorers finally concluded that we Yoruba people were truly “an industrious race”.

    In the years that followed this 1825 exploration, and throughout the rest of the 19th century, various explorers and various European Christian missionaries travelled copiously all over Yorubaland – all the way to our farthest eastern territories like Ekiti, Akoko, Iyagba, etc. Everywhere, their records were the same – big farms and proud rich farmers everywhere. The first man who became the highest chief of new bubbling town of Ibadan after it settled down in the early 1830s, Oluyole, saw that his large and constantly increasing town needed a lot of food. So he called on his Ibadan people to rise up and go massively into the enterprise of farming in which Yoruba people had always been masters. He himself became a big and accomplished farmer. We have written records for all this. He developed the practice of establishing a separate farm for each crop – a farm for yams, another for corn, another for okro, another for garden eggs, etc. Ibadan people rose up massively and followed suit. Every single prominent citizen of Ibadan was owner of a huge farm. Most of the common people followed according to their abilities. Even women followed. One Ibadan woman named Efunseyitan Aniwura, a very rich trader, invested heavily in farming. At the peak of her success, more than 2000 workers were employed on her farms. When she went visiting her farms, she and her attendants rode on horses. Agricultural prosperity became one of the strengths that made it possible for Ibadan to become a successful empire builder among us – to become the creator and leader of a movement aimed at unifying our whole homeland into one country under one government. Every one of the warrior chiefs who arose in all other parts of Yorubaland in the century owned, first and foremost, an extensive farm. Many of them became very rich indeed.

    In the 20th century under British rule, a new crop called cocoa was introduced to us – one of the most valuable crops in the world market. We went into the thicker forests of our land and established cocoa plantations. Soon, we became the greatest cocoa exporters in the world, and our cocoa exports became the largest earner of foreign exchange for Nigeria.

    What all these things mean is that the soil of Yorubaland is gold waiting to be won. Our forebears until the 1960s knew this secret, and went out to win the gold – and generally became rich or at least comfortable.

    But since the 1970s, we their descendants have shunned that gold. We now prefer to give our lives to scrambling and begging for, or stealing, shares in the oil wealth of the Niger Delta. We think that because we have been to school, doing this is the real life, and that farming is only for the illiterate, the old or the poor.

    One of my high-school teachers, whenever one of us in his class did shoddy work or neglected homework, used to say,” Oh, you hate yourself”. Yes, a lot of us really hate ourselves these days. And that is why we Yoruba people are now living in a degree of poverty and hopelessness unknown before in our history.

    But we can turn our lives around. By the grace of God, we are still intrinsically what we have always been – a resourceful, enterprising and great nation.

    Look out for Gbogun Gboro’s thoughts on this next week.

  • When Boko Haram’s Shekau is found

    When Boko Haram’s Shekau is found

    The United States Acting Assistant Director of Diplomatic Security Threat Investigations and Analysis Directorate, Ambassador Kurt Rice, has said that wanted Boko Haram leader, Abubakar Shekau, could be tried for terrorism in the United States or in Nigeria where he hails from if caught. To this end, the U.S. on Monday placed $23m bounties on five leaders of terrorist groups in West Africa, including Shekau. The Boko Haram leader alone attracted a highly tempting seven million dollars bounty. News reports pointed out that the U.S. action coincided with the Nigerian government finally determining, after endless waffling and prevarication, that Boko Haram is indeed a terrorist organisation, and its leaders and members liable to be tried for terrorism.

    Nigeria, which is increasingly finding it difficult to define and guard its independence and national pride, has not protested against any suggestion that its homegrown terrorists cannot be dealt with at home and under home rules. Boko Haram has not just attacked home targets; indeed foreigners have also been among its victims. However, except for a brief foray into Cameroun, and perhaps a base and launch pad in Mali, the sect’s attacks have been limited to Nigeria. As Britain showed in the case of Michael Adebolajo, the British terror suspect who was coaxed from feeble Kenyan hands in 2010 in order to be investigated under British rules, nations recognise that their sovereignty is infinitely much more nuanced than first view and ordinary definitions suggest. Nigeria needs all the help it can get to curb terrorism and bring Nigerian terrorists, or any other terrorist who commits crime on Nigerian soil, to trial. But it must be understood very clearly that Shekau is our problem, and except he goes to another country to carry out terror-related activities, he remains strictly our problem, no matter how far-reaching the consequences of his actions.

    Nigeria has never presumptuously attempted to intercept foreign terrorists on foreign soils. Therefore, this generation of Nigerians must never be seen as condoning foreign governments extending their laws creatively or collaterally for the purpose of apprehending and prosecuting Nigerian criminals. It is of course evident that Nigerian governments have been slothful in dealing with their criminals, either because of plain juristic inefficiency or because certain individuals in government connive at crime and criminals. This is, however, not enough reason for other countries to invade our sovereignty under any guise. In fact, it must be emphasized that even if Shekau were to be apprehended in, say, Mali by U.S. forces, it is important that he should be handed over to us for prosecution. Thankfully, Ambassador Rice has herself left a window open for the wanted terrorists to be tried in their home countries. Nigeria must emphasise its unequivocal preference for this option.

    But if Ambassador Rice contemplates the option of subjecting Shekau to the U.S. justice system, it is simply because Nigeria has consistently and enduringly projected a weakness of national character that has made it possible, for example, for Diepreye Alamieyeseigha to be ‘handed’ over remorselessly to British authorities for prosecution, and for our country to quite puzzlingly rejoice that a James Ibori foolishly preferred to wash his dirty linen abroad. If our laws are weak, by all means let us strengthen them. If our courts are inefficient, let us make them more efficient. And if our justice system is too convoluted to competently dispense justice speedily, let us remedy the problem. Let us do anything but display a weakness of national character that makes Nigerians prey to foreigners. Surely we are smart enough to know that prosecuting Shekau abroad, if he is apprehended, would define the country as a people of weak resolve and slow thinking. But if, failing everything, our courts let us down, then let us at least have the common sense and essential practicality to live with our faults.