Category: Commentaries

  • Military and subordination to civilian control

    Military and subordination to civilian control

    SIR: A recent report in the media brought to the public domain the lingering crisis between the leadership of the armed forces and the supervising ministry, the ministry of defence. Even though the authorities of the defence headquarters have denied the said report, but as the popular saying goes, “there is no smoke without fire”.

    Under the current political dispensation, direction of policy and funding for defence, like any other portfolio, rests squarely with the federal government, while the role of the ministry of defence is the management of human and material resources in order to optimize the combat effectiveness of the Nigerian armed forces.

    However, defence ministeries around the world share the basic problem of striking the right balance between centralization and decentralization of authority and process. Therefore the great dilemma rests on low to assert central control while delegating sufficient responsibility to the operational arms i.e the army, navy and the air force. For instance, while procurement of military hardware is often a political decision to be taken by the civil authority, the advice of the military as to type and make is not only desirous but also essential. Sidelining the military or discarding their advice may definitely not be in the nation’s interest on the long run.

    An example will suffice. In the 80’s during Alhaji Shehu Shagari’s presidency, the then government decided to procure military transport aircraft for the Nigerian air force. While the defence ministry preferred the Italian G222 tactical transport aircraft, the air force made a case for American C130 hercules transport aircraft, some of which it already had in its fleet. By way of comparison, the G222 is a twin engine tactical transport aircraft manufactured in Italy. Its first prototype flew in 1970 and since then had been in service in less than 10 countries by then. The aircrafts main drawbacks are its prohibitive cost of maintenance, limited range and lack of operational flexibility.

    The American C130 hercules on the other hand is a four-engined medium and long range combat transport aircraft. It was first produced in 1952 and was being used in almost 60 countries of the world by then. The government however went ahead and procured the Italian G222 aircrafts. Four years later, all the G222 aircrafts were grounded due to prohibitive costs of maintenance. And throughout Babangidas tenure as head of state into the early years of Obasanjo’s presidency, the aircrafts could be seen idling away at the Ilorin aircrafts terminal, probably now disposed off as scraps.

    The Babangida and Abacha regimes not only impoverished the nation, but also the military as an institution through corruption and mismanagement. Apart from the fact that there was no credible effort made to equip the forces there was also a general clampdown on all major military exercises. Consequently the armed forces withdrew into cocoons of impotence. And so at the inception of democratic rule in 1999, what was inherited by the Obasanjo administration was a military hardware that was not only largely unserviceable but almost obsolete.

    We must get away from the corrupt, uneconomical and inefficient practices of the past and bring about major but gradual systemic changes in defence management and procurement.

    And taking into consideration, the fact that available resources will remain limited so that it will not be possible to realize all projects that would be desirable from a military point of view, our second best alternative is the upgrading, retrofitting and modernization of weapon systems that are presently rotting away in the various barracks. Far instance, for the price of purchasing one Main Battle Tank (MBT) a number of existing ones can be upgraded and modernized to increase their lethality. The exercise could also be extended to fighter planes except for those nearing their fuselage fatigue lives.

    In conclusion, the military must accept both individually and institutionally as a profession the principle of civil supremacy. However it is also vital that policy formulators pay attention to opinion of the military and that policies when formulated are in the best interest of the armed forces and the country at large.

    • Lt. Col Oluwole Bright (Rtd)

    Lagos.

     

  • Fourteen years of civil rule

    Fourteen years of civil rule

    In spite of the structural and constitutional imperfections that have become integral to civil rule in Nigeria, there is still much to rejoice about the Fourth Republic. It is of course not yet a democracy in the classical sense, and the executive arm has often behaved with the monarchical temperament of its cultural past, but civil rule has endured for 14 fairly long and surprising years, by far the longest since independence. In the First Republic, civil rule lasted for less than six agonising and desperate years. The Second Republic was even shorter – a mere four years, notwithstanding the advancement in technology, knowledge and political sophistication. Much worse was the giddy and experimental Third Republic, which endured for one crazy year and a few months before it expired under the weight of insincerity, immaturity, presumptions and societal and judicial contradictions. Seeing then that with each succeeding republic, the experiment with civil rule became more convoluted, more demanding and less successful, it was logical to fear the worst for the Fourth Republic.

    That that negative expectation has not been fulfilled is probably a testimony to the people’s resilience, having suffered the indescribable torment of past military governments to the point of preferring anything else but military dictatorships. For as it is well known, the people themselves have not substantially changed either in terms of the discipline required to make a fair constitution workable, or in terms of creating the right atmosphere for the emergence of a leadership with the charisma and character necessary to revivify and redirect the country. In addition, as in the other republics, particularly the Second and the Third, there was never really a constitution properly describable as the people’s constitution. The case of the controversial Third Republic was even worse. Though governors had been sworn in and the National Assembly inaugurated, there was no constitution enacted to guide the democracy it pretended to have brought into being.

    So, in more ways than we care to pay attention to, this republic has done the impossible by surviving for so long. It is not a democracy yet, but it is significant that it is not a democracy because those saddled with that historic responsibility of laying its foundation did a damnable job. This, in fact, is why civil rule is tottering, and democracy remains far-fetched, if not a chimera. By far the most culpable in this wise is of course the irrepresible Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, who still thinks that by merely midwifing a change from one president to another, he had recorded a feat. However, in spite of the weaknesses evident in the constitution, it would still have been possible to nurture real democratic government and change had Chief Obasanjo understood what the concept meant and expected of him, its philosophical and metaphysical significance, and its irreplaceability, not to talk of its proven capacity to mediate and moderate interrelationships and conflicts.

    The story of the past 14 years is, therefore, one frustrating and herculean effort to build a great edifice on a badly constructed foundation. Though the current leadership has made an even worse mess of governing the country than the last two presidents, and the mess is getting even messier with torrents of anti-democratic practices, it is urgent to find the right leadership able and willing to give what it has; for no leader can give what he doesn’t have, no matter how assiduously he is indoctrinated. If the republic is to be saved, and if real democracy is to be instituted, a fundamental change is required to make the republic endure, obviously shorn of the tentativeness that has afflicted the country since independence.

     

  • Why NECO, not JAMB, should go

    Why NECO, not JAMB, should go

    SIR: A recent survey by a national newspaper featured the view of a cross section of Nigerians. The respondents had been asked to comment on the federal government’s rumoured plan to scrap the National Examination Council (NECO) and Joint Admission and Matriculation Board (JAMB), along with many other federal agencies.

    “NECO should be scrapped” snapped one of the respondents. “There is no point using the same mode of examination to test the ability of students, when one of them (GCE, WAEC, and NECO) will do for the same purpose. UTME (conducted by JAMB) should be allowed to stay for testing academic ability”

    Another respondent was no less blunt. “UTME should be left alone”. “The only thing is for the system to be restructured so that when you do well in JAMB, schools will be the ones sending letters of admission to the students. NECO is not necessary. It is a distraction”.

    It is against this backdrop that this writer, like millions of other compatriots out there, strongly feel that the authorities concerned must think deeply before deciding on which national examination body to abolish. Deep, discerning thinking or reasoning is crucial, given our tendency to coat every issue “with so much emotion,” as Dan Agbese’s eloquently stated in NEWSWATCH magazine of September 21, 1987.

    NECO, to be sure, has its advantage. At its conception many Nigerians had reasoned that since the West African Examination Council, WAEC already performs similar functions as NECO, there was no need to establish a new body that would essentially duplicate WAEC’s roles. Even though NECO has benefited a generation of Nigerians in sundry ways since its creation, the fact still remains that it more or less duplicates WAEC’s roles.

    That, however, is a matter for discussion another day. Our primary concern here, like that of the respondents quoted earlier, is the need for officialdom to be cautious vis-a-vis the alleged plan to scrap JAMB or UTME in favour of NECO. Abolishing JAMB, so the argument goes, would let universities admit candidates of their choice directly, apparently using the students’ performance in NECO as a basis.

    Granted, that argument has some basis, but I sincerely believe that this argument raises more posers than it answers. It is like contending, for example, that because we can transact business online, the Naira or Dollar should be abolished. Buying and selling online (and, by extension, making electronic payment) may be beneficial in countless ways, but, pray, does that justify the need to abolish the Naira as a legal tender?

    JAMB, as an institution, is certainly not perfect. Its limitations are well documented. But as even its most unfair critic would concede, this good old examination body has been performing fairly well in recent times, particularly since the advent of electronic mail. For instance, its hitherto cumbersome registration process has been comparatively simplified. Hitherto, checking results had been a nightmare to students, but with the introduction of e – mail, all that has now become history.

    JAMB has despite its limitations, played veritably important, nay significant, roles in the lives of generations of Nigerian students. Scrapping it in one fell swoop would, in my view, amount to throwing away the baby with the bath water. Neither emotion nor ego should be allowed to stampede the authorities concerned into abolishing JAMB. Instead, NECO should go.

    • Macekho Chukwuma

    Lagos.

     

  • Re: There was a Chinua

    Re: There was a Chinua

    SIR: Olakunle Abimbola’s piece in The Nation of May 21, titled “There was a Chinua” characterises Achebe’s work “There was a country” as “more censorious of Nigeria than Things fall apart was of Britain”. Why should that be a big deal? How many people in today’s Nigeria are less censorious of Nigeria and more of Britain?

    What Abimbola describes as “sterile controversy” between Achebe, Wole Soyinka and the Nobel Prize is still a controversy he was willing to indulge in the commentary. Anybody who knew about the comments credited to Achebe and Soyinka on the Prize know that Soyinka’s remarks were not jibes (as Achebe’s was not) but a simple statement that European perspectives cannot diminish Achebe’s contributions to African literature and those of anyone else. The two remained kindred spirits till the end.

    Abimbola also suggests that Achebe alludes to Igbo’s as “meek saints” in the civil strife of the 60’s. What makes war crimes, war crimes or genocide, genocide is not that the victims must be “saints”. If Achebe created Igbo characters in Things fall Apart et al who were all flawed characters who could lie, hate, cheat, be cruel and love etc. what is the logic in suggesting that Achebe alludes to his tribe as “meek saints” in his book written 40 to 50 years plus after he created those flawed but enduring characters?

    Abimbola believes that Achebe “himself died not exactly a nationalist”. Achebe died being what he intended to be all along and that is as “a fearless writer”. In Nigeria’s political vocabulary the expression “nationalist” is a title that has spawn a list of recipients so long and which includes the OBJ’s, IBB’s of this country and a host of politicians and bureaucrats. Achebe in that list is not really in good company. Achebe however shares the company of eternal lights. For example in The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, a canon of the West for the greatest critical essays of greatest thinkers, Achebe enjoys the company there of Plato, Aristotle, Horace etc.

    On the issue of Igbo elites not minding to dominate others one would expect instances (if such is true) so one could see whether there are no parallel experiences of same with the elites of other ethnic groups.

    The commentary portrays Achebe as impotent in the sphere of social activism, more as an Igbo jingoist. Well, all the crises that Achebe was allegedly “muffled” about were mostly if not all rooted in symptoms already diagnosed by Achebe and berated in The Trouble with Nigeria, not to mention his role as erstwhile Deputy National Leader of PRP all before he became paraplegic.

    The commentary is a clear case of a commentator angling for faults with Achebe, someone asking for another book on “pan Nigerian victimhood” from Achebe afterThe Trouble with Nigeria amongst other works. Does it stem from deep-seated chagrin that draws from the perception that Achebe’s work challenges Awo’s legacies? Both Awo’s unforgettable legacies in the old western Nigeria and Achebe’s observations in There was a countryare mutually exclusive (each cannot warrant that the other is invalid).

    I agree with the commentary that Wole Soyinka is a wordsmith. Wole Soyinka (who is presented as being a rival to Achebe) responding to “There was a country” in an interview with the Telegraph of London on October 17, 2012 said the Igbo’s were victims of genocide during the civil war. He also said of the Igbo’s “A people who were abused, who’d undergone genocide and…therefore decided to break away and form a nation of their own”.Soyinka speaks as one, to quote Mr. Abimbola, “that takes no prisoners” not minding who served in the federal war cabinet even Awo.

    • Pete Morah

    Lagos

     

  • Re: There was a Chinua

    Re: There was a Chinua

    SIR: Your ‘Hardball’ of Tuesday, May 28, made a wonderful reading. In addition to General Jonah Jang and Godswill Akpabio who have been unmasked, laid bare and demystified, another person who has lent himself to be used as a cannon fodder in the whole perfidy and treachery is Dr Rahman Mimiko of Ondo State.

    I can’t understand why this individual is crying more than the bereaved. This is not the way of an average Ondo person. An average Ondo person just like his cousin in Ekiti is an epitome of what is just and true. Why can’t this man dignify himself by being neutral in the whole scheme? I hope he won’t have himself to blame much much later.

    A University of Ife (OAU) trained medical doctor behaving this way! He it was who was quoted as saying that they almost exchanged fisticuffs during the voting exercise at the governors’ forum meeting. Many alumni of that great citadel of learning would be scandalized and disappointed.

    It goes to affirm all the negative things being said about him in time past about his serial betrayals and his legendary inclination to side with unjust causes.

    This is a big lesson for us in Ondo State. It’s therefore hoped that Ondo State people are taking notes. In any case, he doesn’t need the peoples’ votes anymore since he’s no longer qualified to stand for election as governor next time. That is why he can now afford to do anything he likes including fighting a cause that doesn’t concern him.

    My appeal to the good people of Ondo State is that next time, they should be discerning enough to know who and which party to vote for;not just anybody and not just any political party.

     

    • Olu Ajayi,

    Akure.

     

  • NGF election as eye-opener

    NGF election as eye-opener

    President Goodluck Jonathan insists he has nothing to do with fracturing the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) or the crisis that attended the election into the chairmanship of the Forum. Nobody believes him. It is doubtful whether he believes himself. Everyone is probably puzzled, wondering how Nigeria declined so precipitously that no one believes the president anymore. President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007) had contempt for the truth; President Umaru Yar’Adua (2007-2009) evaded the truth; and now Jonathan (2009- ) is manipulating the truth. If the country cannot trust its president; and if the president cannot give his word and stand by it, how would the huge edifice called Nigeria stand?

    Thirty-five governors voted in the NGF election on Friday in Abuja. No vote was voided. Nineteen supported Mr Amaechi, and 16 went with Mr Jang, governor of Plateau State. But this extremely simple act of voting and of winning and losing an election became so complicated that the whole country is embarrassed. A returning officer declared the election lost and won. And it was an election in which supposedly the best and the brightest of Nigeria’s politicians, the governors, were involved. They were expected to be the embodiment of truth, correctness and wisdom. None of them was expected to indulge in self-help. But not only did one of the governors swear they had to restrain themselves from exchanging blows on account of some perceived wrongs, those who lost simply ignored the courts and preferred self-help by declaring themselves winners and setting up their own paraphernalia of office. The tragedy they had just enacted was lost on them.

    First, they proved incapable of organising the simplest election, in which the voting population was nothing more than 35 supposedly well-educated and polished political aristocrats. Instead, they turned out to be little better than a riotous bunch from the country’s worst slums. Second, they were supposed to be the embodiment of correct behaviour, of gravitas, of nobility. But they turned out to be so ordinary even schoolboys would be bewildered. And thirdly, in spite of the presidency’s constant protestations of innocence, and consequent upon the defeated governors’ remarks and movements, it is clear the stunned losers are being manipulated by the presidency.

    It is indeed troubling to realise that the Jonathan presidency will not expire until many top Nigerian politicians have been unmasked and demystified. Recall how many otherwise sound and sensible politicians were unmasked in the betrayal of the June 12, 1993 election and under the Gen Sani Abacha military government. The demystification continued under the Obasanjo and Yar’Adua governments, and is now continuing furiously under the Jonathan government. Dr Jonathan, it is well known, is desperate to master the 2015 elections and wishes, among other things, to control the NGF. He will do anything, no matter how demeaning, to accomplish his goals.

    The otherwise soft-spoken Mr Jang propounds a gentle theology of God and elections in which his sudden entrance into the NGF race last Friday was attributable to God, and his loss, by the most amazing sophistry ever, indistinguishably became victory. One of these days, Hardball will discourse upon Mr Jang’s frolics between Einstein’s relativity (God does not play dice with the world) and Cartesian dualism (Cogito ergo sum). That’ll be the day! Governor Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom State, who has lent himself lock, stock and barrel for Dr Jonathan’s capricious use, forsakes reason so joyously that, for him, there is no limit to his self-abnegating commitment to the president’s cause. The cost to his own integrity and principles is nothing compared to his fanatical and imponderable show of loyalty.

    The NGF debacle has done us more good than injury. It is an eye-opener; and we now know where we stand. It has revealed the poor mettle of our governors. It has also more importantly revealed the disdain the president has for his oath of office. He had sworn thus: “I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to the Federal Republic of Nigeria; that as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, I will discharge my duties to the best of my ability, faithfully and in accordance with the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the law, and always in the interest of the sovereignty, integrity, solidarity, well-being and prosperity of the Federal Republic of Nigeria…that I will not allow my personal interest to influence my official conduct or my official decisions; that I will to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria…that in all circumstances, I will do right to all manner of people, according to law, without fear or favour, affection or ill-will…”

    It would be presumptuous of us to remind the president and his colluding governors the weighty oath they took on assumption of office. Apart from the distinct possibility that they have forgotten the wordings or its import in their meaningless struggle for the NGF chairmanship, there is no proof they ever meant a word of it.

     

  • Nigerian Police and peace-keeping mission

    Nigerian Police and peace-keeping mission

    SIR: One of the many ironies of our national life as a country that I have had to grapple with is the accolades that the Nigerian Police Force always coast home with from international keeping missions, where such accolades are juxtaposed with their performance at the domestic front. On various international peace keeping missions that the Nigerian Police participated, it has always been tales of laurels and accolades. Pundits have tried to locate the reason in a number of theories. One of such postulations, usually supported by the police, is that on such missions as the UN Peace keeping, this school of thought holds that our Police are usually exposed to first class facilities that make for their excellent performance.

    The Nigerian Police and some acclaimed experts have always latched in on this testimony to further advance the corollary which, regrettably, they always reduce to the magical effects of cash. Thus, whenever there are critical challenges to policing such as the recent horrendous experience of the massacre of the Nigerian police both in Bama and Nasarawa, one always hears of such cheap argument as the assailant having superior fire power than the Nigerian Police as a result of the more sophisticated arms at the disposal of the assailants.

    That leads us to another irony. How come that the Nigerian Police, 30 years ago, were more efficient in policing with just mainly batons than now when over 90 AK 46-armed police officers would be deployed to arrest just a chief priest of a cult group?

    A calm but critical assessment of the policing system in Nigeria would reveal the absence of a significant component of effective policing, that is, people-oriented policing system, otherwise, tagged community policing, where policing policies directly derive from the social forces that shape the relationship between the police and the citizenry. In order words, the ordinary citizen of Nigeria to whom the platitudes of “the Police is your friend” always refers, is so removed from the utopian dynamics of police/citizen friendship as obtains in other climes as to be of any benefit to the police in the area of intelligence gathering, the sine qua non of acceptable modern policing system. Rather, our policing system, and indeed, the mentality of an average police officer in Nigeria is to conceive all conflict situations requiring police attention as war crisis situation necessitating maximum display of hardware of force at the expense of software of intelligence gathering.

    The perceived excellence of the Nigerian Police in international Peace-keeping missions is traceable to its orientation of militarism, which comes handy in war situations, where, for most times, foul is fair and fair is foul. Until there is a conscious policy formulation to make for a paradigm shift in the mentality and orientation of our policing system in Nigeria, protection of lives and property; peace, order and social justice, the raison d’être of modern police will yet remain a mirage.

    • Chris Edache Agbiti, Esq.,

    Abuja

     

  • North’s long wait for another Sardauna

    SIR: The state of emergency recently declared in the three north eastern states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa States is a manifestation of the open confession by General TY Danjuma earlier this year that the North is the middle of a civil war. The pre-independence and immediate post independence Northern Nigeria of which the late Sardauna, Sir Ahmadu Bello and Alhaji Tafawa Balewa were very visible has since January 15, 1966 evaporated. What remained had been the broken shells of a once monolithic, cohesive edifice whose inheritors are unable to concretely patch together.

    The North has witnessed many sacrileges committed under the cover of some primordial considerations alien to the North of the Gamjis and the Balewas. From the neglect of education to non-appreciation of positive development programmes, the North has seen it all. Now, it is harvesting these sacrileges that are blood chilling, confounding and distracting. There was Maitatsine. Now, there is Boko Haram, the emergence of which a worthy personality like the Sultan of Sokoto, His eminence, Alh. Saad Abubakar linked to the negligence of the Northern leadership sometimes earlier this year. Between the Sultan’s confession on the Northern backwardness and the horrendous attacks being witnessed in the region leading to the declaration of the state of emergence is a thin veil of the tragedy of leadership values decline.

    Many watchers of the Nigerian polity flimsily categorize power distribution in Nigeria into political, commerce and education with its advantages among the three dominant ethnic groups. The south western zone dominated by the Yoruba is said to be the custodian of education and public service. The East, the Igbo stock to be specific, is said to hold sway in commerce while power is said to be in the custody of the North. Unfortunately the trade-offs arising from this categorization have not been converted to national development gains. The North suffers the most. The other segments are also accomplices in the desolation of the nation.

    Now each of the legs on which Nigeria stands is weak and wobbling waiting for other solid trees to replace them. The Gamji was the tree on which the North stood in the first republic. Awolowo was the Iroko that revolutionized the West. Zik of Africa and the Owelle of Onitsha provided the shade in the East. Since these three mighty trees fell in the large compound called Nigeria, the leaves have been withering, their fruits dried, and their roots rotting. Now we wait for the rising of new Gamjis, Iroko and Arabas.

    With the elimination of Sardauna and Tafawa Balewa, the North lost its soul. The Sardauna was not celebrated for his wealth but for his worth and his work as the architect of the modern North. He inspired the establishment of GAMJI Bank, the Northern Nigeria Development Corporation, and New Nigerian newspaper. He worked for the North as an unforgettable icon, because in the politics of the late Premier of Northern Nigeria, he tried to weld the North into one. Under him, the slogan was One North, One destiny. But he also wanted a handshake across the Niger even though it was misconstrued as a subtle northernisation. He was personally responsible for discovering some of future leaders of the North, coaching and mentoring and fixing them where their potentials will be developed to the maximum.

    Many were northerners that the Sardauna personally drafted to the military and the police and the public service from Barewa College. Although the Sardauna had an aristocratic background, he did not despise the lower class, nor did he promote tribal chauvinism within the North. His influence was so strong that most major Northern landmarks are dedicated to his memory, beginning with the Ahmadu Bello University. If this is the esteem with which the Sardauna is held, it is regrettable that not many candidates have emerged to continue in his name.

     

    • Ridhwanullah Abdullah,

    Malumfashi, Katsina State.

     

  • PDP is bane to growth of our democracy

    PDP is bane to growth of our democracy

    SIR: If we are to be frank with ourselves, the main hurdle to the growth of our democracy is PDP. Our democracy is almost 14 years now, and the PDP still believe that they are the reason why our democracy still lives. For how long are we going to continue with this make-believe democracy?

    The reason why our democracy has lived so far is not the success or size of the ruling party but the steadfastness and the struggle of the good people of Nigeria. If Nigeria had been left with the PDP, it would have been a thing of the past.

    PDP has been associated with so many unpleasant and dishonest acts ranging from election manipulation, lack of respect for the rule of law, bad leadership, and false agenda. They have bound our judiciary and even crippled the mass media. They do not pave way for the people to participate in decision making; they make policies that will enrich them and impoverish the masses and thus face incessant criticism by Nigerians.

    Nigerians have not in one day lauded the performance of the PDP since 1999 and this is because they have failed woefully and completely. They have failed in all ramifications. The people are fed up with stories and false manifestoes.

    The truth about PDP is that they have nothing to offer and it is impossible for someone to give what he/she does have. The PDP have not for once accepted the blames for not doing well but rather they blame opposition parties for their non-performance.

    Meanwhile, the crises within the party today is a sign and message to Nigerians that we have missed the road and their nonchalant attitudes towards providing social amenities to raise the standard of living of the people is manifestation of the challenges we are facing now. We can not surmount these challenges, unless we are determined and ready to oust PDP from power.

    • Waziri Mohammed,

    Mokola, Ibadan.

     

  • In dispraise of Achebe

    In dispraise of Achebe

    One of the reasons why Africa’s growth is stunted is what I call – pardon the bombast – the fetishization of the dead. We turn the dead into so great a fetish and canonize them immediately they breathe their last. Evil men a few seconds ago suddenly assume the garb of angels the moment they die, so cloaked because of the age-long aphorism that cautions against speaking ill of the dead. In a great way, this emboldens evil men of today and has made their evil hydra-headed.

    What bigoted hypocrisy this is that has become the refrain on the lips of the living! Why can’t we progressively shame evil doers in their lifetimes and even at their departure, so as to serve as a disincentive to potential evil doers that whenever they exit, society will reserve the hottest scurrilous tongue against their acts and misacts while alive?

    Chinua Achebe, great author, literary scholar, poet and story teller of note comes under reference here. His death has depleted the literary firmament of writers whose works breathed life into the inertia of our intellectual environment. There are seldom as talented writers as Achebe in this part of the world any longer. In the eulogy penned by John Pepper Bekeredemo-Clark and Wole Soyinka, these great authors spoke of the near irreplaceability of Chinua in the literary firmament.

    When you read Things Fall Apart and its suffusion with African proverbs, culture and language, you will almost mythify Chinua as a gnome who hailed from the spirit world but was loaned to humanity by the spirit world; that he took temporary residency on earth.  How could a man, born of a woman, aggregate the thinking and culture of his people into such an unputdownable book for posterity as this? How could a man codify the worldviews, thoughts, philosophy and ways of life of his people in such a way that he colonizes other peoples as prisoners of his people’s ways of life? For before Achebe’s book, many of us were alien to the persona of the Igbo man. But Achebe opened the book of the lives of his people bare, threw the gate open into their historico-societal lifestyle, their weltachuung and upturned them into the lives of the rest of the world. Knowingly or unknowingly, since the 1950s when Chinua emerged as one of the authors of note on the African continent with his Things Fall Apart, the centre has refused to hold for the rest of the world, as we have transferred our centre to the Igbo cosmology; we have become slaves of his Igbo thinking which we drink in intoxicating suffusion.

    We can reel into tomes of Achebe’s literary scholarship, a shuttle of which Wole Soyinka recently made in an interview with SaharaReporters. But, after all that and all that about Achebe’s literary scholarship, full stop! Chinua was an extremely bigoted man who saw the world only from the prism of his Igbo people. For him, humanity ceases to exist outside the locus of Igbo and indeed, the world could go jump inside the Zambesi River once his Igbo people are sequestered inside the safe haven of a decent existence.

    For anyone who was alive to witness the 1966 pogrom and the Nigerian civil war, especially if you were Igbo, you already possess in your being cicatrices that will last you through a life time. The reprehensible massacre of the Igbo in the North, the beheading of Akaluka in Kano and the recent extinguishing of several Igbo in a South-bound bus in Kaduna, are some of the callous vilifications of the Igbo and his unfortunate lot in the Nigerian nation.

    The above could anger anyone and it did gnaw at the pancreas of the great story teller. But Chinua became so paranoid about these ethnic vilifications of the Igbo and refused to forgive any race he presumed had a hand in the suppression of his people. His vituperations were vivid in virtually all the interface he had with the rest of Nigeria in his literary voyage. He amplified most of the character flaws that the Yoruba noticed in Nnamdi Azikiwe and his West African Pilot. Those who were alive during this period would recollect that Pilot over-celebrated Igbo who traveled overseas for the golden-fleece at their departure and arrival in Nigeria. The converse was the case whenever any other ethnic nationality recorded same achievement. Mbonu Ojike, ace Pilot columnist and Zik, with his Weekend Cathecism, did a great job of trumpeting Igbo achievers and relegating any other nationality with same achievement. It was this perceived media projective inequality that led to the establishment of other newspapers and the upturn of Daily Service, the National Youth Movement (NYM) organ, edited by Ernest Sese Okoli, into a converse of Zik’s Pilot which also began to fan ethnic agenda the moment editors like Samuel Ladoke Akintola and Bisi Onabanjo took over the editing suite.

    If the 1966 pogrom bored crevasse of hatred that could never be filled in Chinua’s heart, the civil war even dug a greater cesspit of anger in his subconscious. Everyone who contributed to the failure of the Biafran agenda became object of literary crucifixion and denigration in the hands of Chinua. Administrators on the side of Nigeria who sought every means to return Nigeria to normalcy, he scurrilously disparaged. The archetype of his disdain and vilification, till death, was Obafemi Awolowo whom he disdained in death and even while alive.

    Achebe had shown his disdain for Awo when this man of uncommon sagacity passed on on May 2, 1987. In the defunct Thisweek magazine of June 15,1987, while Nigerians and African political maestros poured encomiums on Awo, Achebe chose to insult the dead. In a rather insipid piece he entitled The Apotheosis of Awolowo, Chinua wrote, “Chief Awolowo was a great Nigerian leader in so far as he was a Nigerian and a leader. But his contribution to Nigerian public affairs of the last 40 years did not qualify him as a great national leader… to turn the burial of a tribal leader to a state funeral with invitations to foreign countries is both absurd and unacceptable”.

    The novelist and poet was not done yet. His words got more pungent and caustic. “It is in the light of this simple fact that the decision of the federal government to accord the status of a Head of State to him in death should be seen as no less than a national swindle”. As a parting short, the former professor of English at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka summarized the bile in his lacerating cudgel: “Despite the clowning circus of ex-politicians and would –be politicians in Ikenne in recent weeks, there is no doubt that serious minded Nigerians are highly critical or even contemptuous of the expensive hocus-pocus which is now being staged in their name”.

    Where Achebe got it wrong was that, at the war front, you are to fight and not to preach morals. The moment Ojukwu declared war against Nigeria, he was no longer the Odumegwu that Awolowo and co visited but an enemy of Nigeria. All his people (unfortunately) became enemies of Nigeria and they could not be treated as friends. Biafrans didn’t treat Nigerians as friends as well. That was why Murtala Muhammed faced his waterloo in Asaba where hundreds of Nigerians were killed by Biafran soldiers and the heavy casualty suffered by Nigeria in the Abaagana disaster, amply romanticized by Achebe in There Was a Country. How then did Achebe expect Nigerians and Awolowo to deal with Igbo as friends when Biafrans were killing Nigerians at every available opportunity? Indeed, only a fool feeds and not starve his enemies!

    Soyinka’s recent interview, where he reasoned that Achebe’s There Was A Country was a poor reading of the ethnically-biased person that Achebe was was too patronizing. Perhaps, the laureate also fell into the African mantra of not speaking ill of the dead. Achebe’s ethnic irredentism did not just start with his last book. It was merely a continuation of the war against Awolowo and his race. If you read the book very well, you would see his profuse eulogies for the Flora Nwapas, the Christopher Okigbos, the Cyprian Ekwensis and none for any other ethnic national. It was as if only the Igbos existed.

     As great as Achebe was as a literary icon of note, his global size was terribly diminished by his consuming tribal inclination. What then is the difference between Achebe the tribal warlord and Joseph Conrad whose Heart of Darkness he vilified for his racist inclination?

    The National Assembly would lose the last ounce of my respect for it if Achebe was ever considered for a state burial. As what and for what? He was a great story teller. Full stop. Any attempt to celebrate him beyond this prism would be irreverence for the Igbonness that he did not disguise while on earth.

    • Mukaiba is an Ibadan-based journalist and newspaper columnist.