Category: Commentaries

  • Dietary implications of climate change on our health

    Dietary implications of climate change on our health

    Sir: Climate change affects practically every aspect of our lives, including our health. It has been implicated in respiratory diseases, cancers, chronic conditions, and vector-borne diseases like malaria and yellow fever. In some parts of the country, diarrheal infections caused by viruses such as cholera and polluted water sources are complicated by the lack of water, sanitation, hygiene and healthcare facilities and result in about 150,000 deaths every year.

    Furthermore, the increasing lack of stability and unpredictability of climate conditions have negatively impacted our diet. Fruits, vegetables and even staple crops like rice, cassava, yams, beans, potatoes and maize have become more expensive. Amidst the unfavourable economic state, proteins such as fish, meat, milk and eggs have also become out of reach of the average Nigerian, putting many households at risk of malnutrition. 

    Farmers are discouraged by harsh weather patterns, high labour costs, infrastructural challenges with processing, storing and transporting farm produce, and low investment in agriculture. While human and industrial activities have further reduced arable land available to farmers for food and livestock production, some are yet to recover from the drought of 2022 and the herdsmen conflicts, displacements and re-settlements that have significantly affected the agricultural sector.

    Climate change affects both the quality and quantity of food production. According to a report by RTI International, High CO2 levels from global warming trapped by trees increase their carbohydrates while reducing their concentration of proteins and essential micronutrients like zinc, potassium, calcium and iron. This could be one of the overlooked causes of fatigue, forgetfulness, mood swings, stunted growth and obesity. As warmer clime and wetter weather conditions encourage the growth and spread of pests, pesticide resistance and disease infestations, heavy storms, flooding and prolonged droughts affect crop yield, thereby increasing farmers’ losses.

    Read Also: Police confirm five dead, one arrested in Edo over food poisoning

    Therefore, we ought to factor in nutrition as we make concerted efforts to mitigate the effects of climate change. Planting trees to reclaim lands or improve their terrain also controls erosion, absorbs excess greenhouse gases, encourages the growth of life forms and wildlife and improves atmospheric conditions. In addition to providing nutritive value, they significantly reduce greenhouse emissions and the world’s carbon burden through photosynthesis, a process that converts CO2 to oxygen. Active restoration of logged trees and afforestation will inevitably reverse the effects of climate change if strictly implemented.

    Although Genetically Modified Foods exhibit resistance to herbicides and pests, there is some controversy about their health risks. More studies are still underway to establish their effects on consumers. Climate change in Nigeria can be effectively combated by investing in agriculture, establishing systems and facilities that reduce productivity costs, providing basic amenities such as portable water, security and electricity, adopting green industrialization and closing the healthcare gap by reviving our primary health centres.

    I will conclude by reiterating Professor Muhammad Ali Pate’s message during the just-concluded Future of Health Conference 2024 in Abuja, “Disruptions to food systems are compounding malnutrition and food insecurity. The implications are not just environmental but extend to our economy and security.”

    •Dr. Angelica Chinecherem Obayi, <angelnechy@gmail.com>

  • Health sector crisis: Open letter to Jigawa governor

    Health sector crisis: Open letter to Jigawa governor

    SIR: Our dear state was inarguably one of the states with the best healthcare system and the highest number of practicing medical doctors in northern Nigeria. It was at some point in time akin to a medical hub that attracts both patients and medical professionals from neighbouring states owing to its subsidized healthcare, efficient services delivery and overall welfare of health workers and patients.

    Since its creation in the early 90s, the state has made giant strides in providing effective and reliable healthcare services to its citizens. Successive administrations have invested heavily in training doctors and other health professionals, within and outside the country, in varying capacities in a bid to ensure effective healthcare delivery to the good people of the state.

    The state has commendably been awarding scholarships with bond agreement to both local and foreign medical students since time immemorial. It has produced medical graduates from various reputable institutions within and outside the country. In addition, it was one of the pioneer states among its peers to implement the sponsorship of medical doctors through postgraduate medical training program to further their studies; a policy that would later be adopted by several other states.

    Unfortunately, things have now taken a turn for the worse. At the moment, our healthcare system is not only ‘underperforming’ by all measures; it is one of the worst in the country. We are now a shadow of our past. With a patient-doctor ratio of 1:35,000 as against the WHO standard of 1:600, Jigawa State sits at the top of the chart of states with poor health system in Nigeria. And this is a sad development.

    Over the past few years, the state has witnessed an unprecedented mass exodus of medical doctors to neighbouring states, owing to poor welfare, overburdening workload, inadequate health facilities in hospitals among other factors. And regrettably this internal Japa syndrome ravaging the state is continuing to overstretch our already fragile healthcare system.

    To put things into perspectives, according to a data obtained from the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) Jigawa State Branch, from 2013 to 2024, of the 264 doctors that reported back to the state for bonding agreement, only 40 doctors stayed after completing their terms. This is to say that more than 220 Medical doctors have left the state to continue their career elsewhere!

    It is worth noting that during the same period, the state produced over 500 medical doctors (both foreign and local trained), but only 214 are now in the state payroll, out of which only 77 are currently manning the state’s primary and secondary institutions and are about to round up their bond agreements by the end of the year; 89 are in training as either house officers or doing national service. The state has less than 10 consultants and only 12 doctors in residency training. Altogether there are fewer than 100 doctors attending to a population of over 7.5 million people.

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    This data suggests that while the state is doing a good job at producing medical doctors (both local and foreign), its retention capacity is however very poor. The state will be left with no doctors in the next coming years if things continue at this pace.

    As a concerned citizen, I would implore you to please declare state of emergency on health in Jigawa State. Engage with relevant stakeholders to find a way to put an end to this worsening Japa syndrome wreaking havoc in our dear state. 

    The most important step to addressing this issue is the urgent need for the improvement of the overall welfare of the few doctors and other healthcare professionals left in the state.  This singular act will not only boost the morale of these weary medical professionals and relieve them of their burden, but will also attract others from various states to compensate for the acute shortage of medical doctors in the state. It will also improve the effectiveness of healthcare services delivered to the people.

    In addition, the government should seriously consider the domestication of the Medical Residency Training Fund (MRTF) program to help in the training of experts in various medical specialties in the state. This will also help address the shortage of registrars and consultants in our tertiary facilities. It will also provide an avenue for a healthy and excellent research environment in the state.

    Other measures include equipping our already existing hospitals with state-of-the-art facilities, subsidizing healthcare services especially to women, young children and those suffering from such chronic debilitating conditions. I believe these are some of the ways that could help put an end to this menace threatening our very existence, help revitalize the state’s healthcare and improve its delivery to the citizens.

    • Dr. Najeeb Maigatari, Dutse, Jigawa State
  • Ikwechegh: Face of unequal society

    Ikwechegh: Face of unequal society

    SIR: An intrepid driver contracted to Bolt, the e-hailing app, was recently reminded of his status by a succession of lightning slaps delivered by the diamond-encrusted fingers of Alex Ikwechegh, member representing Aba North and South Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives.

    The driver, Stephen Abuwatseya, had run foul of the legislator when he delivered an order to his residence in Maitama, but refused to go inside to drop it.

    In the incident captured in a video which has since gone viral, the visibly angry legislator after raining curses and threats on the driver, physically assaulted him.

    In a country pounded by hunger and every other form of social insecurity imaginable, one would think that someone who lives in what is probably the most exclusive area of Nigeria’s capital, while enjoying the financial freedom that his salary as an overpaid but undercooked and underworked Nigerian legislator confers would have enough dignity  to ignore a harried bus driver’s moment of alleged insolence.

    What is more likely is that the driver was simply complying with the conditions of his employment which forbade him from going into the premises of the legislator as a customer, to make a delivery.

    What is obvious is that the alleged provocation was not commensurate with the inhuman and inhumane treatment meted out to Abuwatseya by the legislator, and what if it was?

    Does one’s oath as a legislator not demand good conduct always? Shouldn’t the mere fact that one sits in Nigeria’s premier law-making institution confer enough dignity and discipline to abide the law even in the face of provocation?

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    In a country where blinding poverty and blistering inequality have widened the gulf between the rich and the poor, it is no surprise that many have lost their humanity.

    Nigeria’s steeply unequal society has harmfully configured the society in such a way that many Nigerians run the risk of daily abuse by others who employ them. There is a need for reorientation but also heavy sanctions to remind all those who abuse others here that Nigerians are all equal under the law and no one can be mistreated save in accordance with law.

    Without this education which must be drummed into the rich and the poor with equal ferocity, the dream of realizing a society where people live with dignity will remain a pipe dream.

    The Igbo say that when the gods want to kill a man, they first make him mad. Hon. Ikwechegh is Igbo. The viral video showed a man maddened by power and privilege. What dishonor.

    It is time for hard, impersonal lessons, the kind only the law can teach.

    • Kene Obiezu, keneobiezu@gmail.com
  • Rethinking the protection of national critical assets

    Rethinking the protection of national critical assets

    SIR: In recent times, Nigeria has faced a concerning increase in audacious attacks on its critical national assets and infrastructure. These assaults, carried out by bandits, insurgents, and vandals, threaten the stability and security of the nation. The targeted facilities are essential for the country’s economic growth and public safety.

    On January 14, 2022, the 132 kV Ahoada-Yenagoa transmission line towers belonging to the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) were vandalized.

    On March 28, 2022, the Abuja-Kaduna train was attacked by insurgents. The incident occurred in the evening as the train was en route to Kaduna from Abuja. This attack tragically resulted in casualties and the abduction of several passengers. Train services on the Abuja-Kaduna route were halted for many weeks.

    On September 25, 2022, vandals attacked the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) towers 303 and 304 along the Jos road, disrupting electricity to the entire Northeast for weeks.

    On June 20, the rail fittings installed on the Second Niger Bridge were uprooted and vandalized. On June 11, insurgents attacked TCN towers T193 and T194 along the Damaturu-Maiduguri 330 kV Single Circuit Transmission Line, leaving Maiduguri and its environs in darkness for weeks.

    Also in July, a report published by Thisday newspaper estimated that Nigeria incurred a loss of approximately $3.57 billion in just the first five months of 2024 due to oil theft, largely attributed to pipeline vandalism and militant activities.

    Experts say that improvements have been made in the security measures aimed at protecting oil and related assets, with around N50 billion allocated each year for local security contractors. Furthermore, the Joint Task Force (JTF), known as Operation Delta Safe, comprises all branches of the armed forces, along with members of the Federal Road Safety Corps, to tackle this challenge. The Nigerian Navy has also initiated “Operation Delta Sanity” to bolster maritime surveillance.

    It appears that bandits, vandals, and insurgents are becoming more daring and sophisticated than the strategies implemented to combat and prevent attacks on critical national assets. What needs to be done?

    The government should, in addition to the strategy of having boots on the ground, also consider utilizing technology. For example, Nigeria can deploy advanced SCADA systems for the surveillance of critical national assets and infrastructure, such as power grids, water treatment plants, oil and gas pipelines, transportation networks, and communication systems.

    Secondly, while the National Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) is doing good work in protecting some oil pipelines, they should be retooled, adequately staffed, and better funded. More personnel should be deployed to protect critical power transmission lines and towers, as the core mandate of the Civil Defence is the protection of critical infrastructure—safeguarding government facilities and installations. The Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) should enhance its monitoring systems from manual to high-tech, including the use of drones and real-time surveillance.

    Read Also: Securing critical assets for national development

    Additionally, the TCN’s public relations strategy should be improved; showcasing to the world that insurgents are capable of disrupting the entire northern Nigerian electricity supply was a significant PR blunder. In fact, it provided free publicity for the bandits, insurgents, and vandals.

    Any country that fails to adequately protect its national assets and infrastructure will expose its national security, leading to compromised economic stability, public safety, and resilience to disasters, which may result in social disorder.

    For instance, the current frustration in the north due to nearly 10 days of blackout in the region stems from an attack on critical national assets—the 330 KV Shiroro-Kaduna transmission lines 1 and 2. Nigeria’s international respect and reputation are at stake because the protection of critical national assets and infrastructure is an integral part of global security frameworks.

    • Zayyad I. Muhammad, Abuja
  • The Guardian and the Army

    The Guardian and the Army

    The Guardian newspapers was set up as one of the best media outfits in a generation when it was born in February 1983. 

    In fact, it was the forte of liberals and intellectuals and every seminal mind strove to appear on its brilliant pages. So fervent was it that its founding publisher followed the liberal tradition and squared off against the army. He lost his life because he exercised an integrity that did not yield to a pettifogging military elite and its tyrannical ways.

    So, when the same newspaper wrote a feature piece that read more like an editorial than a news feature, it was understandable that Bayo Onanuga, the president’s spokesman, roared his exception to the piece. Onanuga said the Guardian, by endorsing that piece, and its palpable pretension to a nuanced story was calling for the army to come back.

    The Guardian has said no such thing was reflected in the article, and that it was a balanced piece. The newspaper that claims to pursue truth and conscience seemed, in this regard, to have lost its ability to assess a story worthy of journalistic excellence.

    First, if any reporter wants to write about military intervention against a democratic government, it should at least hear the point of view of that civilian administration. Maybe they made an attempt, but there is no evidence in that long piece of any comment or refusal to make any comment from the government. Is that their view of balance? They definitely did not reach Onanuga or his staff for comment.

    Two, the piece did not document the various views about the anti-democratic protests, especially in the North. Did they interrogate the report from the office of the National Security Adviser that the calls were sponsored by outside forces? No, the paper did not find that worthy of mention. The NSA, Nuhu Ribadu, also said some of the protesters were sponsored by aggrieved politicians. Was that reflected in the reporting? Of course not.

    Read Also: Inciting military intervention unacceptable, Presidency warns The Guardian

    Two politicians who did not feel happy with the government of President Bola Tinubu made comments that implied a call for the end of democracy. The first was former President Goodluck Jonathan, who said so when he commented on his frustration about the judiciary. The second was former Governor of Rivers State and former Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, who in an undisguised tone, said people should protest not only against the government but that they should protest against voting.

    That implied that there was a partisan aspect to the call for the military. Did The Guardian interview politicians from both sides and why some of them seem to be asking for the army to come back? It was a very narrow way of looking at a story as complex as democracy and the army.

    The report also referred to the harsh policies of the Tinubu administration. Did they look at the policies and what was harsh about them? Did they look at his policies aimed at mitigating the situation? This might have been the value of probing the government part of the story.

    They would have spoken about the palliatives, however flawed. They could have referred to the CNG programmes, the student loan, the credit schemes, the agricultural programmes, the oversubscribed bonds, and other facts.

    They could have looked at whether all the candidates of the last elections promised the same policies? These were not part of the story because The Guardian did not do the balancing act, often needed in such a story.

    The story condemned the coming of the military, to be sure, but it was like speaking from both sides of the mouth, and it is a disguised way of trying to dodge culpability. Of course, illustrating the story with pictures of military tanks would not flatter a democrat about that so-called balanced story.

    Hardball does not believe Alex Ibru, its founding publisher, would celebrate in his grave over what some editors and writers in the newspaper have written, especially when they did not suffer in the media or who did not know what journalists went through when the army oppressed Nigeria.

  • Downstream deregulation: Between Obasanjo’s half-measures and Tinubu’s bold leadership

    Downstream deregulation: Between Obasanjo’s half-measures and Tinubu’s bold leadership

    By Temitope Ajayi

    A video of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s interview with News Central Television has been trending on social media platforms for the past week. In the interview, the former President, in a veiled reference to the current administration, said Nigeria has a President who came into office without a plan. Yet, the same ‘planless’ president is implementing a bold economic reform programme that Obasanjo initiated and abandoned mid-way.

    This intervention is essentially about a tale of two leaders and how they both handled fuel subsidy removal, a very touchy issue every president of Nigeria has avoided since 1973 because of its disruptive nature and potential to precipitate a pushback that may lead to civil unrest. This serious matter in itself can make a difference between a bold and courageous leader from one that is pretentious and hesitant.

    It is a fact of history that one of the things former President Obasanjo set out to do, among other reforms his administration embarked upon, was complete deregulation of the downstream oil industry. But hard as he tried, he failed to actualise it. Obasanjo faced so much opposition from organised labour and civil society groups that he abandoned a good policy that would have led to massive economic gains for the country. All he could muster the courage to do was to raise the pump price four times during his two-term tenure.

     Twenty years after Obasanjo failed to implement complete downstream deregulation, President Bola Tinubu had the courage of his conviction to implement the policy, redirect the economy, and ensure efficiency in the management of public finance.

     Despite his foibles and messianic complex, former President Obasanjo is no doubt a remarkable leader. His administration opened the economy and implemented essential reforms that his immediate successor should have continued with. What most critics find offensive about the former president is how he sees himself as the only saviour God created for Nigeria. As far as he is concerned, no other leader before and after him has been good enough. For context and clarity, it is essential to recall the former president’s position on deregulating the downstream oil sector when he was in charge.

     In a national broadcast on October 8, 2003, President Obasanjo expressed his frustration and anger at the Nigeria Labour Congress for its opposition to the deregulation of the downstream sector to the point of accusing labour leaders of sedition thus:

    “As you are aware, my government has embarked on fundamental reforms designed to depart from the waste and unproductive exercises of the past and leave lasting legacies for the prosperity and improved welfare and well-being of all Nigerians. Since 1999, we have gradually but steadily embarked on the programme of liberalisation and deregulation of the Nigerian economy to promote efficiency and effectiveness of service delivery. Most Nigerians and certainly all organised key stakeholders in the Nigerian economy, including the Nigeria Labour Congress, have endorsed the deregulation programme of government.

     “It is a fitting symbol of our administration’s commitment to the welfare of workers and in an effort to cushion the effects of deregulation that the government provided 80 buses to the NLC in 2002. The transliner buses were delivered to the Congress for management without government interference. It is noteworthy that every step taken to deregulate the downstream oil sector has been dogged by, sometimes, irresponsible opposition by the Labour Congress. The result has been that we took too little steps to achieve no meaningful and satisfactory progress. We have tolerated all of these in the interest of promoting popular dialogue and informed dissent.

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     “Let me inform Nigerians that when government first came up with the deregulation programme, it was endorsed by the NLC and other stakeholders. In fact, the NLC had requested that we call it a “liberalisation” programme. It was thus more a matter of label than of substance. If we had been successful in implementing the deregulation or liberalisation of the downstream oil sector as earlier agreed by all stakeholders, including labour, we would not have been worrying about the periodic and unsatisfactory price-fixing which has led no where except to frustration. The failure to fully deregulate or liberalise has also cost Nigerians billions of naira which are currently wasted on millions of man-hours in queues at the petrol stations.

     “The tens of billions of naira currently being lost in money that could have been used to increase capital spending in the universities, fund agriculture, repair and rehabilitate our roads, invest in education and health, improve security with extra police for security of lives and property.

     “Realising that the investment of well over $400 million (excluding pipelines and depots) in the last six years mostly on Turn Around Maintenance (TAM) and repairs had not improved the performance of the refineries significantly, government had decided that it was unwise to put additional money into the repair of the Kaduna and Port Harcourt refineries before privatising them.

     “What most Nigerians must know is that the contracts for the Turn Around Maintenance for the Kaduna and Port Harcourt refineries were awarded with 50% of the cost paid upfront before the advent of this administration in 1999. Allow me to add that two of the three refinery locations in the country today, were built by my administration as military head of state. This means that if for no other reason, I should be interested in keeping them working. Already, 18 private firms have been licensed to build refineries but they have been reluctant to go into the industry because of Government’s price control in the sector.

    “If only 30% of these firms had been able to establish and operate private refineries, thousands of jobs would have been created and Nigeria would have been in a position to even export refined oil products. All these benefits and more have been denied to Nigerians by the stop-go approach to the deregulation or liberalisation programme, and only a few Nigerians are benefiting from the prevailing government-controlled system. In fact, the NLC’s approach has been counter-productive, and inflicted more pains on Nigerian workers. Each time there is a small increase of three naira or more, transporters have used the opportunity to jerk up transportation cost thereby making the ordinary worker poorer.

    “A once-and-for-all total deregulation would have meant a once-and-for-all increase in transport cost and the pump price for petroleum products. Without a doubt, a once-and-for-all total deregulation would have resolved the problem of availability and thus bring down prices for those outside Abuja, Lagos, Port Harcourt and their environs who have always paid much more than the official posted price. Pump prices arising from the present total deregulation would, in reality, amount to a reduction in prices of majority of Nigerians.”

    Interestingly, excerpts from the 2003 national broadcast by President Obasanjo present a contrast between the former leader and President Tinubu. They also showcase two leadership visions. One leader saw the need to fight for the country’s long-term sustainability but chickened out because he lacked the courage to upset the status quo. Two decades later, another leader saw the damage the failure to make the right economic decision had caused the country. He decided to correct it to avert a looming calamity. While former President Obasanjo left the most challenging task of his presidency undone, President Tinubu tackled head-on what has become an existential threat to our collective well-being from his first day in office. He has remained focused on the bigger picture.

    President Tinubu recognises the burden of leadership and responsibility he bears on behalf of Nigerians. In discharging this burden, he knew from day one that he would have to make the right but unpopular decisions that would ultimately serve the best interest of the country and her people.

    It is certainly not correct to say this president came to the office without a plan.  President Tinubu came into the office with a clear plan titled “Renewed Hope 2023: Action Plan for a Better Nigeria.” It was a well-thought-out programme, with which he canvassed for votes across the country and was elected by our people.

     In the past 17 months, he has remained faithful to the document as he implements the distilled eight-point agenda.

    At the heart of President Tinubu’s economic revitalisation is gas development and expansion of gas pipeline infrastructure to enable Nigeria to compete with Russia in the European markets. In fairness to him, former President Obasanjo himself recently lamented he did not pay adequate attention to gas during his term of office.

    Expanding the pool of available talents and human capital through granting of loans to young Nigerians who are the future of the country to enable them acquire tertiary or vocational education is part of the plans that propelled Tinubu into office. Consumer credit initiative that will promote local production and further stimulate the economy is also high on Tinubu’s action plan. To the President’s credit, these two important policy initiatives among several others are being implemented through NELFUND and Nigerian Consumer Credit Corporation (CrediCorp).

    If there is one President of Nigeria that came prepared and well armed with a clear cut plan to reposition the country across sectors for better outcomes, that President, undoubtedly, is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

    •Ajayi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Media and Publicity

  • COP29 and the Role of Climate Literacy in Africa

    COP29 and the Role of Climate Literacy in Africa

    By Oladosu Adebola Oluwaseun

    As climate change intensifies, education is increasingly seen as a powerful tool to equip future generations with the knowledge, skills, and mindset necessary to address this global crisis. COP29, held in 2024, offers a unique opportunity to advance climate literacy, especially in Africa, where communities are disproportionately impacted by climate change but often lack access to comprehensive climate education.

     Although African nations contribute minimally to global emissions, they experience severe climate impacts like droughts, floods, and food insecurity. This analysis explores the significance of climate literacy for Africa’s youth, evaluates the current state of climate education on the continent, and assesses how COP29 could be pivotal in promoting policies and funding to enhance climate literacy for the next generation.

    Africa’s vulnerability to climate change underscores the need for climate literacy across the continent. With agriculture being the backbone of many African economies, accounting for around 23% of sub-Saharan Africa’s GDP and employing about 60% of its population, climate variability threatens livelihoods and food security. According to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), droughts and erratic weather patterns have significantly impacted crop yields, with African countries losing between 1.5% and 3% of their GDP annually to climate-related issues. This highlights the urgency of educating young people in Africa to understand climate science, adaptive strategies, and sustainable practices.

    Climate literacy also empowers youth with the skills to participate in decision-making processes, promote local sustainable practices, and advocate for necessary policy changes. Given that 60% of Africa’s population is under the age of 25, educating this demographic can create a generation of climate-conscious citizens who can lead climate action in their communities. COP29 offers a timely platform to prioritize climate literacy, especially as climate education remains inadequate in many African school curricula.

    Despite the importance of climate literacy, climate education in Africa remains underdeveloped. A study conducted by the Brookings Institution reveals that only a few African countries have integrated climate change into their national curricula. Where climate education exists, it is often limited to urban centers and secondary or tertiary levels, excluding rural students and primary school-age children who represent a significant portion of the population.

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    In 2021, the African Union, in collaboration with the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), launched the “Environmental Education and Sustainability in Africa” framework. However, progress has been slow due to limited resources and a lack of climate-focused teacher training programs. A survey conducted by UNESCO found that fewer than 30% of teachers in Africa feel confident teaching climate-related topics. This lack of teacher preparation undermines efforts to raise climate awareness among young Africans, underscoring the need for enhanced support for teacher training at COP29.

    COP29 provides a platform for African governments to commit to integrating climate literacy into national education policies. Governments can build on existing frameworks, like the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the UNESCO framework, by making climate education a formal part of primary and secondary curricula. National commitments could include mandatory climate science courses, hands-on learning experiences, and the incorporation of local environmental issues to make climate literacy relevant to students’ lives. COP29 could facilitate dialogue and workshops on best practices for incorporating climate literacy into education systems, potentially leading to region-wide standards for climate education.

    One of the significant challenges to climate literacy in Africa is funding. African countries rely heavily on external funding sources for educational reforms, and climate education initiatives often compete with other pressing educational needs. At COP29, developed countries and international organizations could commit to increased financial support for climate literacy programs across Africa. The Green Climate Fund, for instance, could prioritize educational grants for projects that develop climate-focused curricula, teacher training, and student outreach programs. According to a UNESCO report, an estimated $3.2 billion is needed annually to support climate education in low-income countries. An international commitment to funding climate literacy at COP29 could enable Africa to make meaningful strides in preparing future generations for climate challenges.

    Effective climate education must be grounded in local contexts. COP29 could encourage partnerships between governments, local NGOs, and international organizations to create region-specific climate education initiatives. Local NGOs in Africa often work closely with communities and understand their unique needs and challenges. By collaborating with local organizations, policymakers can develop educational programs that are more culturally relevant and accessible to diverse African communities. Additionally, these partnerships could leverage indigenous knowledge, blending traditional wisdom with scientific knowledge to create a more holistic approach to climate literacy.

    To overcome the digital divide, COP29 could support initiatives to develop offline and low-cost climate education resources. For example, solar-powered tablets preloaded with climate education materials could be distributed in remote areas. Additionally, COP29 could promote investment in rural internet infrastructure and partner with technology companies to provide free or subsidized internet access to schools in rural regions. The expansion of digital and remote learning resources is essential for reaching all students, regardless of their geographic location, and for ensuring that climate literacy is not limited to urban areas.

    Teacher training is crucial for effective climate education. At COP29, African nations could commit to developing specialized climate literacy training programs for educators. Such training would provide teachers with the skills to integrate climate concepts into various subjects, from science to social studies. A 2021 report by the Global Partnership for Education indicates that comprehensive teacher training could increase the effectiveness of climate education by over 40%. By empowering educators, COP29 could foster a generation of climate-conscious young people capable of leading environmental change in their communities.

    Improved climate literacy among Africa’s youth could have transformative effects on both a local and global scale. Educated young people are better equipped to make sustainable choices, advocate for policy changes, and innovate climate solutions. For instance, Kenya’s Green Belt Movement, founded by Nobel laureate Wangari Maathai, has shown how environmental education can empower youth to lead reforestation efforts and combat deforestation. By fostering a climate-literate generation, COP29 could enable Africa to strengthen resilience, promote sustainable development, and become a global leader in climate action.

    COP29 represents a critical opportunity to advance climate literacy in Africa, a continent facing some of the world’s most severe climate challenges. Climate literacy equips Africa’s youth with the tools to respond to climate change, adapt to its impacts, and participate in creating a sustainable future. To bridge the climate literacy gap, COP29 must prioritize commitments to integrating climate education into national policies, securing funding, and developing culturally relevant and accessible learning resources. By addressing these areas, COP29 could empower a new generation of African leaders to drive climate action and resilience in their communities, transforming Africa’s future in the face of climate change.

    •Oluwaseun is an environmental journalist and a Post graduate degree holder at the International Institute of Journalism (IIJ).

  • A lacerating lesson for Libya

    A lacerating lesson for Libya

     Sir: The Confederation of African Football (CAF) has finally and heavily descended on Libya for the provocative shambles that turned Africa’s most successful and glamorous team into hostages at a Libyan airport for about 16 hours between October 13 and 14. It is deeply satisfying to know that such scandalous and cowardly acts that stain the face of the beautiful game on the continent will not be tolerated going forward.

    The Libyans have appealed the verdict, but to allow their half-hearted appeal sail through would set African football back many years and endorse the dark arts which have been an especially fearsome feature of North African countries in recent time.

    One easily recalls the tempestuous 2010 World Cup qualifying match between Egypt and Algeria which saw both countries accuse each other of food poisoning before a solitary Antar Yahia strike in Sudan sent Algeria to the World Cup and the expense of Egypt.

    It is not for nothing that football is called the beautiful game. It has helped to remove the ugly moments in many aspects of life and society. After all, it was around football that iconic former Ivorian footballer and captain of the national team, Didier Drogba, united warring factions to end what had been a devastating civil war.

    Having slumped to defeat in the first leg in Uyo  despite some expert time-wasting, the Libyans, rather than concentrate on settling scores on the pitch in Benghazi, decided to do it at an airport, thereby risking the lives of some of the biggest sports stars on the planet.

    It is a great thing that CAF is not allowing Libya set a template for how visiting teams are to be treated in African football. While football sometimes ignores dark arts, those dark arts backfire spectacularly when they are not done with enough smarts.

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     With a single point through six qualifying matches, the Mediterranean Knights of Libya are rooted to the bottom of Group D. That is where they deserve to be for deploying such base tactics against Africa’s most successful team, one which has always treated visiting teams with supreme dignity. Rather than concentrate on matters on the pitch where they had a better chance of grinding out a result, they chose to battle at an airport for which they have been fined heavily.

    Let it be etched somewhere in the local lore of Libya that the Super Eagles of Nigeria went to their country spent 16 excruciating hours at a remote airport and left with three points, three goals while fetching their ungenerous hosts a hefty fine of $50,000.

    Lessons don’t come harder than this, or sweeter, for that matter.

     •Ike Willie-Nwobu,Ikewilly9@gmail.com

  • Urgent need to restore electricity in the North

    Urgent need to restore electricity in the North

    Sir: For more than eight days, Northern Nigeria has been plunged into darkness due to a prolonged electricity outage. The situation requires immediate attention and action from the relevant authorities, as the consequences of continued outage are severe and far-reaching.

    Every passing day without power brings untold suffering to millions of people, widening the gaps in development and threatening the region’s stability. It is imperative for the government and relevant authorities to take swift action to restore electricity and implement measures to prevent such outages in the future. Investments in infrastructure, alternative energy sources, and robust maintenance programs are necessary to build a more resilient power supply system.

     One of the most pressing issues caused by the lack of electricity is its impact on healthcare facilities. Without consistent power, life-saving treatments cannot be administered, and surgeries are delayed or cancelled. Even storing blood, vaccines, and other perishable medical supplies becomes impossible, putting countless lives at risk. For patients suffering from chronic conditions or those requiring emergency care, these eight days have been a period of dire uncertainty. Restoring electricity is critical to prevent further loss of life and ensure that the health sector can function effectively.

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    The extended power outage has also crippled the economy of Northern Nigeria. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) that depend on electricity for production and services have been forced to shut down, resulting in significant financial losses. For a region already grappling with high unemployment rates, this situation is a severe blow to economic stability. Businesses involved in food processing, welding, tailoring, and ICT services, among others, are paralyzed, and many families are losing their sole source of income.

    Restoring power is not just about bringing back lights; it is about reviving livelihoods, sustaining local economies, and preventing poverty from deepening its roots in this already vulnerable region.

    The region is a major agricultural hub, with many farmers relying on electricity for irrigation, processing, and storage. Without electricity, cold storage facilities for crops, dairy products, and other perishable goods have been unable to function, leading to massive spoilage. This has not only resulted in economic losses for farmers but also threatens food security across the region. Additionally, without power for irrigation systems, agricultural productivity is significantly hampered. Restoring electricity would help mitigate these losses, ensuring food security and supporting the agricultural sector.

    The absence of electricity has also exacerbated security challenges. In a region already dealing with conflicts and insurgency, the darkness has provided cover for criminal activities, increasing the frequency of thefts, kidnappings, and other violent crimes. Streetlights and security systems are vital for maintaining public safety, and their absence has left many communities vulnerable. Additionally, the lack of communication due to disrupted networks and reduced access to information has hindered the ability of law enforcement to respond effectively to emergencies. Restoring electricity is, therefore, a matter of national security, as it will help maintain order and protect citizens from harm.

    The prolonged power outage has forced many businesses and households to resort to alternative power sources such as diesel and petrol generators. While this may provide a temporary solution, it comes at a significant environmental cost. The use of generators has led to increased air and noise pollution, which poses health risks to residents and contributes to environmental degradation. Immediate restoration of electricity would reduce the dependence on generators, promoting cleaner and more sustainable energy consumption.

    The current electricity crisis demands urgent attention. Northern Nigeria cannot afford to be left in the dark. The restoration of electricity is not just a matter of convenience; it is a matter of life and death, of sustaining livelihoods, and of ensuring the progress and prosperity of an entire region. The time to act is now, and every effort must be made to bring light back to Northern Nigeria.

    •Ismail Rabiu, Kaohsiung city, China.

  • VAPP repeal bill: A demand for transparency

    VAPP repeal bill: A demand for transparency

    Sir: The need for stringent laws and a better support system for survivors have always dominated the conversation about the rampant sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in Nigeria. In 2015, Nigeria’s Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (VAPP), was hailed as a critical tool in fighting gender justice. After a decade of advocacy, the VAPP Act proved to be a pivotal turning point in the criminalisation of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), expansion of the definition of rape, and victim compensation. Despite diverse challenges, the VAPP Act was adopted by over 34 states.

    However, a new Bill by Senator Jibrin Isah which passed a second reading in the Senate in September now seeks to repeal and replace it with what is termed “more robust” legislation. Activists worry that this may reverse the gains of grassroots efforts to mitigate gender-based violence (GBV) and have particularly decried the lack of transparency and consultation in the process of developing this new bill.

    Nguvu Collective, a women’s leadership organisation, has led a collaborative action with 15 civil society organisations in Nigeria to bring together the concerns of gender rights activists in an open letter to Senator Jibrin Isah, the sponsor of the VAPP Repeal and Enactment Bill, 2024.

    These organisations include YIAGA Africa, Dorothy Njemanze Foundation, WILAN, Connected Development (CODE), Gender Mobile, TechHerNG, 16 Stories, ASVIOL Support Initiative, Fembud NG, Devatop Centre for Africa Development, Chafhein, The Public Policy Shapers, Help The Woman Campaign, AdvoKC, and Youth Be Involved (YBI).

    The letter calls for an inclusive and well-publicised public hearing to enable the broad and meaningful participation of key stakeholders and the public in a comprehensive review process. It expresses deep concern over the delay in organising a public consultation on this important Bill because the current VAPP Act “stands as a monumental legal safeguard against violence, especially for women, children, and marginalized groups.”

    Any changes to the VAPP Act must be developed with the voices of civil society, human rights defenders, gender-based violence experts, and survivors at the forefront. Transparent, inclusive consultations will ensure that the amendments reflect the real needs of those whom the Act seeks to protect.

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    Nguvu Change Leader Priye Diri, who launched an online campaign against the Bill to Repeal the VAPP Act says, “It is essential to engage in thorough consultation with all stakeholders to ensure comprehensive input on the bill. The consortium of 16 civil society organisations came together to jointly urge for Public Consultation because we cannot afford to work in silos; only through collective effort can we achieve a truly impactful and inclusive outcome.”

    The open letter reminds us that the VAPP Act is the only piece of legislation in Nigeria today that shields and caters to the needs of countless Nigerians facing SGBV across different socio-economic, religious, and ethnic backgrounds. “The prevalence of SGBV in Nigeria is influenced by cultural norms, gender inequality, poverty, and weak legal enforcement. In many states where the Act has been domesticated, the culture of silence has been broken due to the VAPP Act,” the letter says.

    The signatories also make the following recommendations to strengthen the proposed re-enactment Bill:

    a. Substitute the word “victim” for “survivor” in the Bill.

    b. Include Online Gender-Based Violence in the interpretation of harassment and not simply cyberstalking.

    c. The age segregation in the offence of defilement of a child in clause 2 of the Bill should be harmonised. It should be one offence for defilement of a girl under the age of 18 years.

    d. Replace the proposed “mental disorder” in the Bill which is introduced to replace the derogatory term in the Act “mentally retarded” with “mental disabilities” in clause 29 (4) (b) of the proposed Bill.

    e. Penalties in the Bill should be stated in the minimum. In that case, the judge would only exercise discretion regarding the maximum penalty imposed upon conviction.

    f. The schedule for the Bill should be attached, as there is none at the moment.

    Nigeria has pledged to protect women’s rights, and a holistic reform of this legislation would enhance those obligations while also restating our leadership on human rights.

    •Nguvu Collective,info@nguvucollective.org