The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Atiku vs George

    Atiku vs George

    It’s not the best of times for PDP, the embattled prime opposition party, with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and ex-Navy Commodore Bode George snapping at each other’s heels. 

    It’s such a far cry from their halcyon power days when Atiku pulled the strings from Aso Rock Villa as No. 2 and George held court as the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) Board chair at the Lagos Inner Marina.  It’s all so blighted right now!

    Which is why it’s hard to believe that the two old men — the one old political warhorse hardly tired, the other a rippling old soldier — would face off and teach each other the ABC of political gumption!  It’s strange they still belong to the same PDP!

    Nevertheless, George would appear the more principled in this current fray.   That is why one of his opening big bombs must have gored Atiku.

    If Atiku still wants to gun for the presidency — and Pa George is a soldier, he sure knows a thing or two about devastating gunning! — he should wait till 2031 “because that is the reality of our country, the PDP constitution, and our polity.”

    Now, that must have touched a raw nerve!  It was Atiku’s intransigence to run for president in 2023, despite that President Muhammadu Buhari would have just completed an eight-year northern slot, which thrust hot jackknife into PDP’s spine.

    Three “demons” emerged: Atiku, the self-named “northern” candidate; Peter Obi,  the “Christian” and “youth” champion, making an opportunistic dash on the Labour Party platform; and, well, George himself: irrevocably committed to a southern candidate for PDP and scorning Atiku for making that a mission impossible.  Suffice to say the three demons cancelled out one another, granting PDP four more years in the power wilderness.

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    But even old man George — the old soldier must be enjoying himself — raised the ante by flaunting the Biden option before the man from Adamawa, forever foreclosing his never-ever presidential dream.

    “We all saw what American President Joe Biden did recently when he stepped down for Kamala Harris to contest the November presidential election,” he said, “That is the hallmark of a statesman.  Alhaji Abubakar should do the same so that in 2027, the PDP will field a southerner as presidential candidate.” 

    By 2031, Atiku would be 85 — and it would have been game-over!  So, Chief George had better keep his advice to himself!  By the way, much earlier in the verbal slugfest, George had told Atiku to quit whining for, given the grim circumstances, he wouldn’t have done better job aa president.

    Atiku’s response, via Paul Ibe, was a rather lame, subversive sympathy for the poor: “The average citizen, and indeed all Nigerians, need to survive … It is insensitive to talk about 2027 now, when the 2023 mandate has not yielded any tangible benefits to Nigerians.”  Then, a no less subversive emotional clincher: “Bode George himself should also turn his attention to counselling Tinubu … instead of prioritizing the politics of 2027.” Toh!

    From the sidelines, the Tinubu camp must really be bemused.  When your two sworn “foes” are busy falling upon each other, I guess you need not lift a finger!

  • True story of the road to judicial salary review

    True story of the road to judicial salary review

    By Ayo Joseph

    When a priest engages in divination for a client, who is hard of hearing, the job ethic demands of him to repeat the instructions as often as possible until it settles in the subconscious of the client. Hence, the Yoruba proverb, kokoko làá ráfá adití. 

    Lawyers and non-lawyers have been inundated with claims and “reclaims” by outgoing President of Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Mr. Y.C. Maikyau (SAN), of championing the process that birthed review of salary of judicial officers. At no opportunity had he hesitated to sound his trumpet through addresses, speeches and interviews. For him, it is more about protecting what he considers his “proprietary right” over ideas that birthed the legislation and presidential assent than any other thing.

    A few days ago, lawyers again woke up to emails, one from Maikyau and another from the association’s publicity secretary on the same subject. Though worded in the manner of an acknowledgment page in one of Agatha Christie’s bestsellers, the email was not pretentious about its aim of shoving it down everyone’s throat, in case it was yet to digest, that it was Maikyau and his team (and not anyone else), who initiated review of judicial officers’ salaries. In the email which was circulated to all lawyers, Maikyau said: “By the grace of God Almighty, and without any intention of sounding immodest, we undertook this task, which culminated into enactment of the Judicial Office Holders (Salaries and Allowances, Etc) Act, 2024, which was a product of constructive engagement with all arms of government.”

    Just like the phrase “with due respect”, when you hear a man say: “without any intention of sounding immodest”, you are advised to brace yourself for a fabricated model of “immodesty.” But is Maikyau actually the “brain-father” of the Judicial Office Holders (Salaries and Allowances, Etc) Act, 2024? I need no preface to pointedly answer this in the negative, as the idea far precedes his ascension to the presidency of NBA. Being one who is far from the scene of leadership in the legal profession, I recall that reports of an ongoing process had been in the news long before Maikyau became president. By this lead, I was constrained to ask questions from credible sources to augment my commonplace knowledge, and my discoveries align with my answer above. To mimic Maikyau, let me also say “without any intention of sounding like a telltale”, I shall remind everyone of events from the not-too-distant past.

    Body of Benchers’ intervention

    The road to the review of remuneration of judicial officers has been a torturous one, with many harrowing bends and bumpy stretch. Only a few would understand the extent of investments, engagements and brainstorming that went into what emerged as the final result in the nature of a legislature. As far back as 2018, under the government of Muhammadu Buhari, there had been a report, proposing a review of judicial salaries and conditions of service. While the report continued to gather dust on the president’s shelf, a rare diatribe emerged from Justices of the Supreme Court, about June, 2022, with bitter complaints about the conditions of service of the court and the nation’s judiciary. The first regulatory body in the legal profession to react to this, was the Body of Benchers, then chaired by Mr. Wole Olanipekun, who wrote to all justices of the Supreme Court, urging them to exercise patience while the body engages with relevant stakeholders to address their complaints. Body of Benchers’ sources has it that Olanipekun set up a Judicial Advisory Committee, headed by former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Mahmud Mohammed, with representatives from NBA and the Judiciary. The same sources also said the then chairman of Body of Benchers engaged the consulting firm of Ernst & Young to do a comparative analysis of salaries and emoluments of judicial officers across Commonwealth countries, with a view to achieving an internationally acceptable scale.

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    It was in the news that in July, 2022, Olanipekun led other Benchers to Buhari to register their concerns and to “parley” with the then President, towards addressing the issue. It was in furtherance of this engagement that the President directed the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RAMFC) to begin the process of implementation of the 2018 report, pending conclusion of the Ernst & Young report commissioned by the then Body of Benchers leadership. Mr. Mohammed Shehu, chairman of RAMFC, was reported by the media as saying: “We have received the directive by Mr. President on salary of judges, and as you are aware, there has been a big uproar over the years on the salary of judges.”

    While the engagements with Buhari and his commitment took place about July, 2022, Maikyau did not become president of NBA until August 26, 2022. At the inauguration of the Body of Benchers Complex on September, 29, 2022, Buhari acknowledged efforts of the Body of Benchers and its leadership, in his address: “I am not unaware of the passion and commitment of Olanipekun in championing the cause of welfare of judicial officers, as well as commitment of the body of this goal. May I restate my commitment towards this ideal and to reiterate our administration’s willingness to implement the 2018 Report of the Committee on Review of Judicial Salaries and Conditions of Service. In similar vein, I have been intimated on the engagement of consultants by the body, through its Advisory Judicial Committee to, among other things, come up with a peer review of the conditions of service of judicial officers with other countries and jurisdictions, in and outside Africa. I look forward to completion of this peer review and submission of recommendation, as this will assist us in our review of the welfare package.”

    To think that the above statements by Buhari were made at a function where Maikyau was not just in attendance, but occupied a front row, leaves one more taken aback, by his display. Ernst & Young’s findings were documented in a report, which was submitted to the President,  RAMFC, National Assembly and other stakeholders in the value chain. It would later be discovered that the N15 million professional fee of Ernst & Young were borne by the duo of Olanipekun and the current Attorney-General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi at a ratio of 10:5. The report presented a basis and resources for the legislative processes that followed, before enactment of the Act.

    Efforts of SANs and judicial staff

    As earlier hinted, the birth of the child, upon which Maikyau now imposes his fatherhood, was not without complications and protracted labour hours, with physicians and surgical blades at play. Long before intervention of Body of Benchers, Mr. Olisa Agbakoba (SAN), in two separate actions: Suit FHC/ABJ/CS/63/2013 and Suit NAD/56/2013, against governmental stakeholders, including Federal Government, National Judicial Council, National Assembly, Ekiti State, etc., obtained judgments granting financial autonomy to the judiciary. More recently in 2022, Mr. Sebastain Hon (SAN), supported by over 100 members of the Inner Bar and 30 members of the Outer Bar, appearing as counsel, made another attempt through an action against National Assembly, Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), National Judicial Council (NJC) and Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), over poor salary of judges. The irony is that though this action predates Maikyau’s assumption of office as NBA president, he was no where to be found on the long roll call, even when gray hairs like Solomon Awomolo (SAN), J.B. Daudu (SAN), OCJ Okocha (SAN), Kanu Agabi (SAN) and E.C. Ukala (SAN) registered their support, both in court appearance and preparation of processes. Or what do you say of efforts by Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria, which, in January, 2014, obtained judgment against National Judicial Council the 36 governors in court over the same issue?

     Against Maikyau’s claim

    Therefore, even before the coming of Maikyau, men had committed their voices, goodwill, efforts, intellect and resources to the cause which culminated in this result. So, it is extremely political for Maikyau to shut his eyes to these efforts and resources. No doubt, the story may not be complete without a mention of Maikyau’s name, as his voice was very loud in support of a review of salary review for judicial officers. However, he is not the champion as he only arrived at the racecourse at a time the horse had bolted.

    While every kind-hearted individual should naturally sympathise with Maikyau concerning the anticlimax of goodwill experienced in his NBA stint, he, however, lacks exclusive title in this regard. In fact, he is at best, a joint tenant with other tenants, owning limited interest in the pool.

    This attitude is reflective of a typical African politician, who would rather have it to himself than come clean. This bears a counterproductive effect on office holders, who are incentivised to adopt the sit-tight syndrome since leaders after them may probably not accord them any credit for their efforts while they held sway. Be that as it may, if my opinion is anything tradeable on the floor of opinion exchange, then all contributors to the hike in the salary of judicial officers still alive should jettison conventional modesty by blowing their trumpet. After all, as the late Sir Ahmadu Bello said: “If you do not learn to blow your trumpet, there may be no one who will do it for you.”

    •Joseph is a legal enthusiast and public affairs commentator

  • A note to Justice Kekere-Ekun, CJN

    A note to Justice Kekere-Ekun, CJN

    Sir: Your journey to the pinnacle of the judiciary is a source of inspiration and a testament to your unwavering dedication, integrity, and excellence. However, as you step into this role, you inherit a judiciary that is beset with challenges.

    There is widespread loss of confidence in the judiciary, with many Nigerians viewing the courts as instruments of oppression rather than avenues for justice. The system is further weakened by chronic delays in the dispensation of justice. Cases drag on for years, with endless adjournments and appeals that serve no purpose other than to frustrate litigants and deny them timely justice.

    The backlog of cases is overwhelming, and the courts are under-resourced, lacking the necessary infrastructure and personnel to function efficiently. Additionally, the perceived lack of independence is a critical issue that cannot be overlooked.

    There is no doubt that the consequences of these challenges are far-reaching. The corruption within the judiciary means that the rich and powerful often manipulate the system to their advantage, while the poor and vulnerable are left without recourse. The delay in justice delivery has led to a situation where many Nigerians have lost faith in the legal process altogether. For the average citizen, seeking justice through the courts is a daunting and often fruitless endeavour. Moreover, the lack of public awareness about legal rights and the judicial process exacerbates the problem. This ignorance, coupled with a corrupt and inefficient system, leaves countless individuals without access to justice.

    Therefore, there is a pressing need to address these issues head-on. This requires not only the implementation of strict anti-corruption measures but also a commitment to holding judges and judicial officers accountable for their actions. By promoting a culture of integrity and transparency, you can begin to rebuild public trust in the judiciary. Judicial reform must also be a priority.

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    This includes improving the efficiency of the courts, reducing case backlogs, and ensuring that justice is delivered in a timely manner. Expanding access to legal aid and enhancing public awareness of legal rights are crucial steps in making the justice system more accessible to all Nigerians, regardless of their socio-economic status.

    Furthermore, it is essential to safeguard the independence of the judiciary. Judges must be empowered to make decisions based solely on the law and the facts of each case, without fear of reprisal or external influence. Strengthening the autonomy of the judiciary will help ensure that justice is administered fairly and impartially.

    Let this new chapter of your CJN-ship be one in which every Nigerian, regardless of status, finds equal access to justice and the assurance that the law is truly on their side.

    •Aremu Ebunoluwa Toluwani, PRNigeria, Abuja.

  • Re-evaluating the 18-year limit

    Re-evaluating the 18-year limit

    Sir: Last week, Minister of Education, Professor Tahir, announced the federal government’s decision to enforce the 18-year age limit for the West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASCE) and the National Examination Council (NECO) due to various concerns about academic integrity and the preparedness of younger students. By setting an age limit, the government hopes to create a more level playing field where students are academically and emotionally mature enough to handle the pressures of these critical exams that chart a path for access to tertiary education.

    While the policy aims to curb examination malpractice and ensure that students are mature enough to go through the academic rigors of these exams, it also raises concerns about its broader implications, particularly for out-of-school children and access to global opportunities for Nigerians.

    Nigeria has one of the highest rates of out-of-school children globally, with approximately 10.5 million children involved. Many of these children come from marginalized communities where access to education is limited by poverty, conflict, or cultural norms.

    For these children, the opportunity to sit for WASCE or NECO exams represents a potential pathway out of poverty. The age limit policy also has significant implications for students’ access to global opportunities, such as scholarships, international programs, and prestigious fellowships offered by institutions like the World Bank and UNESCO. Many of these opportunities are age-sensitive, with specific eligibility criteria for completing tertiary education. Therefore, when there is a delay in completing secondary education, students will be held ransom while pursuing tertiary education at a much older age.

    By delaying students’ ability to sit for their final exams, the policy could inadvertently disqualify them from these opportunities, particularly if they cannot complete their exams before reaching the age limit for certain programs. This could further widen the gap between Nigeria and other countries regarding access to global educational and economic opportunities, ultimately hindering the country’s development goals.

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    To mitigate the negative impacts of the 18-year age limit policy, the Nigerian government should consider the introduction of a flexible age policy which considers individual circumstances rather than enforcing a strict age limit. For instance, students who demonstrate academic readiness and emotional maturity could be allowed to sit for the exams, regardless of age. This approach would ensure that students capable of passing the exams are not unnecessarily delayed.

    Secondly, the government should invest in programs that help out-of-school children catch up on their education, such as accelerated learning programs or alternative schooling models. By providing these students with the resources they need to succeed, the government can help ensure the new policy does not leave them behind.

    Rather than relying solely on age limits to curb exam malpractice, the government should invest in more robust security measures, such as biometric verification and digital monitoring. These measures would address the root causes of exam malpractice without penalizing students who are ready to take the exams at a younger age.

     In collaboration with civil society organizations, the government should launch awareness campaigns to educate parents and students about the importance of academic integrity and the risks associated with exam malpractice. By fostering a culture of honesty and responsibility, the government can reduce the reliance on age limits as a deterrent.

    While the 18-year age limit for WASCE and NECO exams is a well-intentioned policy, it risks exacerbating existing inequalities in Nigeria’s education system, particularly for out-of-school children. By adopting a more flexible approach and investing in supportive measures, the Nigerian government can achieve its academic integrity and preparedness goals without compromising access to education and global opportunities for the nation’s youth.

    By critically assessing and adjusting this policy, Nigeria can better align its educational system with its broader developmental goals, ensuring that all students have the opportunity to succeed both locally and on the global stage.

    •Jacob O Sule,George Washington University, Washington, DC, United States.

  • SSCE/NECO 18 years limit: No, Prof Mamman, No

    SSCE/NECO 18 years limit: No, Prof Mamman, No

    Sir: Professor Tahir Mamman, Nigeria’s Minister of Education, recently announced a policy setting the minimum age for writing the Senior Secondary School Certificate Examinations (SSCE) at 18 years, starting from 2025. This decision has sparked widespread criticism from education stakeholders. The new age limit, rather than enhancing educational outcomes, risks stifling student progress and diminishing the quality of education in Nigeria.

    Setting the minimum age for SSCE at 18 years is out of step with the global trend toward encouraging early academic achievement. Nigeria’s 6-3-3-4 educational system, which anticipates students finishing secondary school by age 18, does not account for the diverse academic paths students might take. Many students, particularly those who are gifted or started school early, complete secondary education well before turning 18. Imposing an age limit would unfairly penalize these students, forcing them to wait unnecessarily, which is both a waste of time and an impediment to their academic and professional growth.

    Maintaining the minimum age for SSCE at 16 years, as has been the practice, is a more balanced and sustainable approach. It allows academically ready students to progress to tertiary education without delay while ensuring those who need more time can take it without undue pressure.

    Many 16-year-olds are mature enough to handle the demands of higher education, and the current policy of allowing SSCE at 16 has produced generations of successful graduates who have excelled in various fields. There is no evidence raising the age limit would lead to better outcomes; on the contrary, it could increase student frustration and dropout rates.

    The policy is particularly problematic for gifted children, who often progress through school at an accelerated pace. Forcing them to wait until 18 years to take the SSCE disregards their unique needs and potential, stifling their intellectual growth. Professor Mamman’s dismissal of gifted children as a minority is troubling. Gifted children are a vital part of the nation’s future, and their needs should not be ignored.

    Moreover, the policy raises concerns about what students will do during the two years they must wait before writing the SSCE. The Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT) rightly warns that “the devil finds work for idle hands.” Forcing students to remain idle for two years is not only wasteful but potentially dangerous, increasing the likelihood of disengagement from education and negative behaviours.

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    A significant issue with the policy is the lack of consultation with key stakeholders in the education sector. A major decision like this should not be made unilaterally. The minister’s failure to engage with bodies like the National Council on Education (NCE), the NUT, and other relevant organisations is a serious oversight. Education policy should reflect the input and concerns of those directly involved in educating Nigerian students.

    Professor Mamman’s justification for the policy—that students are not mature enough for tertiary education until they are 18—is flawed. The minister appears too keen on fixing what is not broken. How is age an issue at this time when millions of school-age children are out of school? While 18 is the legal age of adulthood, maturity is not solely determined by age. Many students can handle the challenges of higher education at 16, especially in today’s fast-paced, information-rich world. Maturity is a function of age and experience, and students who have been well-prepared through secondary education are more likely to succeed in higher education, regardless of whether they are 16 or 18.

    Instead of implementing a blanket age limit, the government should focus on creating a more flexible and inclusive education system that caters to the diverse needs of Nigerian students.

    Education is the cornerstone of national development. The policies governing it should be based on evidence, not assumptions. Setting the minimum age for the SSCE at 18 years is a regressive step that could do more harm than good. By maintaining the current age limit of 16 years and implementing sustainable solutions, the government can ensure Nigerian students have the best chance to succeed in their academic and professional lives.

    It is imperative that stakeholders—including the National Assembly, parents, educators, and civil society—resist this policy and advocate for a more flexible, inclusive, and forward-looking approach to education in Nigeria. The future of the nation’s youth, and indeed the future of Nigeria itself, depends on it.

    •Elvis Eromosele,elviseroms@gmail.com

  • Oil snaps, foggy narrative

    Oil snaps, foggy narrative

    Recent explanations on challenges of Nigeria’s oil sector by the supervising minister would leave you wondering if solutions are in sight, much less on hand.

    Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, (Oil), Heineken Lokpobiri, said the country couldn’t yet optimise its output capacity because evacuation pipelines were outdated and the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) did not have the funds to rebuild them. He was reported saying that even if the country could produce more than 1.7million barrels of crude per day, the problem was how to evacuate that output to the terminal.

    Speaking at the Energy and Labour Summit 2024 organised by the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria, the minister said government had resolved to adopt the public-private partnership model to fix the old pipelines and was building the confidence of investors as had been lacking for the past 12 years so to attract investment for that purpose. That much is understood. What isn’t understood are solutions being contemplated to periodic local fuel supply snaps that currently bedevils the country.

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    The oil minister said smuggling of fuel to neighbouring countries was because NNPC imports and sells below the landing cost. He sounded like Nigeria is helpless because security operatives who are expected to stop the menace aren’t up to the task. “When smugglers are taking the products outside the country, even if you put all the policemen on the road, they are Nigerians, you and I know the answer. If you put all the Customs men on the road, they are Nigerians, you and I know what the problem is. And that is why I’m saying that for Africa to attain energy security, Nigeria has to play a very strategic role,” he remarked. So we could ask: how is the smuggling menace being addressed in immediate terms, or will NNPC keep jacking up prices on Nigerians just to dissuade smuggling?

    Another issue touched on by the minister is local refining capacity. He said government’s decision to sell crude to Dangote and other local refineries could be stalled unless production got ramped up. “We resolved at the Federal Executive Council to sell crude to local refineries… But the bigger challenge is whether we have enough quantity to be able to supply them because of certain things that happened before we came,” he stated, adding inter alia: “We are committed to ensuring we support local refineries with all the feed-stock. If you must supply refineries in Nigeria and you don’t have the crude to supply, it remains something that is written beautifully in a law.”

    The question to ask is: even if government conceivably boosts oil output for supply to local refiners, how will it be conveyed with the old pipelines already said to be hampering evacuation to the terminals? Hazy outlook!   

  • A road no longer to be travelled

    A road no longer to be travelled

    Ancient wisdom teaches that you do not go revisiting a path on which you had pulled the curtains for lack of prospects therein. If it was tried before and was abandoned because it didn’t work, it doesn’t make much sense contemplating a revisitation. That is the challenge Hardball has with a recent proposal by the Nigerian Senate that government should explore the prospects of negotiating with bandits.

    Concerned about escalating insecurity in the Northwest and Northcentral zones, the Senate requested President Bola Tinubu to raise a task force that will evaluate the effectiveness and implications of negotiating with bandits. The task force, according to the red chamber, will analyse short-term gains against long-term consequences of such option. The Senate adopted the resolution following a motion by Senator Nasiru Zangon Daura (APC, Katsina North) on urgent need to review security approach to dealing with banditry menace in Northwest and Northcentral states.

    The lawmakers, of course, proposed other measures including reintroduction of patrol spots across affected states to deter bandit incursions, review of operational methods of security agencies, deployment of additional security personnel and special task forces to identified hotspots to ensure safety and protection of lives and property, and collaboration among the relevant security agencies, state governments, local communities, traditional leaders and stakeholders towards gathering intelligence that will enhance security operations in affected areas. The Senate also urged security agencies to adopt proactive and innovative strategies to secure farmlands, so that farmers can safely return to their farms in affected areas.

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    Governors of states in the Northwest had about mid-last year served notice of their toeing a new path in dealing with the menace of terrorism and banditry in the zone. Kaduna’s Uba Sani said governors currently in the saddle in the zone had resolved to “have a common approach to the issue, and we have to move away from the mistakes made by some previous governors that decided to compromise the operation in the past when they started giving money to the bandits and negotiating with them.” He spoke against the backdrop of previous governors like Katsina State’s Aminu Masari and Zamfara State’s Bello Matawalle having voiced frustration with their own efforts to bring bandits to reason through negotiation; and Kaduna’s Nasir el-Rufai’s advocacy of a hard hand against the criminals including carpet-bombing their forest hideouts. Only in March, Katsina State Governor Dikko Radda said negotiating with bandits was a doomed approach to addressing the menace of banditry because of multiplicity of layers of their operational command and diversity of their objectives.

    Negotiating with bandits is so proven to be a dead end that senators needn’t contemplate exploring its potential application, much less recommending it.

    •This article was first published on July 14, 2024

  • Daily Trust and the Tinubu Administration

    Daily Trust and the Tinubu Administration

    • By Bishir Dauda Sabuwar

    Sir: In her editorial, published, Tuesday, August 27, Daily Trust rehashed the issue of the newly acquired presidential jet. The piece is so boring because so much has already been said on the matter by both the presidency and the armchair critics. The editorial did not reveal anything new or underscore an overlooked point. It is just a repetition. Those of us who have read the paper for a long time are bewildered by the sudden change in pattern and narrative the paper employs these days. What is even more baffling is that it seems the paper uses two narratives: for governments at the sub-national level, it is cool. No scandal is exposed. No deep investigative report.

    But when it comes to President Tinubu, things take a different dimension, including the published one-sided imbalanced report. In short, the paper is hysterical when it comes to amplifying a story that portrays PBAT administration in a bad light.

    I wonder why the paper failed to ask the National Assembly or even the chairman of the Appropriation Committee or an official from the presidency before they claimed that the National Assembly did not appropriate the money used to purchase the jet.

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    They also insinuated that the National Assembly returned favour to PBAT, whom the paper alleged had given NASS billions. Is this ‘billions’ a bribe from the president or the appropriated money for the assembly?

    The Daily Trust owes its readers a duty to accurately and objectively report news as it is.

    Also, the purchase of the presidential jet is twisted as if the jet is a personal property of PBAT.

    Another rehash point is on hunger. The paper lamented seriously and even quoted the World Food Programme (WFP) and Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). But at the same time, the paper ignored all the interventions of the federal government to address the issue.

    For example, distribution of 42,000 tonnes of grains, N110 billion for youth empowerment, N10 billion shared with states, N50,000 to one hundred thousand households in each state of the federation, exemption of import duty on food stuff for five months, etc.

    •Comrade Bishir Dauda Sabuwar,

     Unguwa Katsina.

  • Case for urgent reform of Land Use Act

    Case for urgent reform of Land Use Act

    • By Mujib Dada-Kadri

    Sir: Land Use Act of 1978 which has been instrumental in formalizing and redefining Nigeria’s land administration for over 35 years has been battered with different judicial interpretations complicating land acquisitions and property ownerships which have continuously threaten Nigeria’s investment climate.

    For example, Section 1 of the Act stipulates that all land in the territory of a state is vested in the governor of the state and held in trust for the benefit of Nigerians. Section 22 further provides that “It shall not be lawful for the holder of a statutory right of occupancy granted by the governor to alienate his right of occupancy or any part thereof by assignment, mortgage, transfer of possession, sublease or otherwise howsoever without the consent of the governor first had and obtained”.

    The complexity commences with bouquet of judicial interpretations. In the case of Asheik v Borno State Government (2012) 9NWLR, Pt 1304, the court held that a certificate of occupancy is only a prima facie evidence of title or right of occupancy in favour of the person whose name is on the certificate of occupancy. It is not conclusive proof of title to land it relates to.”  In Bassey Vs Bassey, it was held that the Land Use Act did not absolutely abolish customary tenure over lands in urban areas. Regarding root of title, in Madu Vs Madu, it was held that Certificate of Occupancy (CofO) confirms that the holder is a valid owner of a land in dispute but such ownership can be challenged by someone with better root of title.

    Similar decision upheld in Chinye A.A Ezeanah Vs Alhaji Muhammed Attah (2004). Hence, an unending rivalry between root of title and perfect title inspiring avoidable property litigations and disputes at the expense of economic development.

    Interestingly, a Supreme Court judgement of 2017 further contributed to the complexities of land administration when it held in Yakubu Ibrahim & Ors Vs Simon Obaje that Land Use Act provision on governor’s consent regarding alienation of land does not apply when land transactions involve private individuals except there is overriding public interest or conflict between parties, citing the preamble of the Land Use Act as a justification for such interpretation.

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    Given the above, one is forced to question the essence of “Governor’s Consent/Certificate of Occupancy”. Hence, the need for amendment of the Land Use Act vis-a-vis urban planning aspirations and economic investments.

    Chairman of the Presidential Technical Committee on Land Reform (PTCLR), Prof. Peter Adeniyi, opined that only 2.5 per cent of the land in Nigeria is registered. This reveals how inefficient and unambitious our land administration and urban policies are. It also explains why land disputes, land title frauds, unapproved buildings and poor revenue generation are so prevalent in Nigeria. How do governors enforce sanity in urban planning or policy when they lack detailed supervision on property transactions going on in the urban areas?

    Only the federal capital territory, Abuja, has exhibited fairly progressive and ambitious strides in land administration vis-a-vis urban planning. The commercial nerve of the country which is Lagos has been lucky with boom in the island part of the city but has been less efficient with land administration/urban planning or seamless real property documentations coupled with needless land disputes and land grabbing.

    The importance and urgency for the need of reformation of land administration in Nigeria cannot be overemphasized especially when considering the need for improved business climate, investment friendliness, advanced city planning and improved property tax/levy collection.

    •Mujib Dada-Kadri Esq,

     Abuja.

  • Sokoto monarch’s murder; a call to action

    Sokoto monarch’s murder; a call to action

    • By Kabir Fagge Ali

    Sir: The tragic and brutal murder of the Emir of Gobir, Alhaji Isa Bawa, by daredevil bandits has added yet another chapter to the annals of security woes in Nigeria recently.

    Recall that Bawa was abducted and subsequently killed in cold blood inside a remote forest where he was held captive. This heinous event occurred despite attempts to secure his release through ransom negotiations, which ultimately failed. This incident starkly illustrates the intensifying violence in the Northwest. This region remains severely affected by insecurity despite two defence ministers from the north-western region, Muhammad Badaru Abubakar and Bello Matawalle, the Minister of Defence and  Minister of State for Defence respectively.

    Both figures were expected to leverage their understanding of local issues to effectively combat the growing threat of banditry. However, their efforts appear to have had a minimal impact, prompting widespread frustration and concern among the residents of the Northwest and Nigeria as a whole.

    The murder of Emir Bawa is not an isolated event. It is part of a broader, horrifying trend of violence that has gripped the Northwest, leaving a trail of devastation in its wake. Communities that once thrived are now under siege, with countless lives lost and many more disrupted by the relentless onslaught of banditry. This region, which boasts of producing the two incumbent defence ministers, is ironically the same region that continues to suffer the most from insecurity.

    Badaru and Matawalle were expected to be the region’s champions in tackling insecurity, with their roots deep in the Northwest. Meanwhile, their appointments to the defence ministry were met with a widespread and palpable mix of reactions from pundits, analysts, experts, and the nationwide general public.

    Part of the expectation was that their intimate knowledge of the region’s complexities would drive a more effective response to the banditry that has plagued the area for years. However, the reality has been starkly different. Instead of declining violence, the region has seen an uptick, with bandits growing bolder and more ruthless.

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    The complication of local politics is undoubtedly a significant factor in their struggles. Both Badaru and Matawalle are deeply entrenched in a political landscape that is as treacherous as it is complex. Local politicians, traditional rulers, and even some security personnel are alleged to have ties to the very bandits they are supposed to combat. This creates a tangled web of alliances and enmities that makes decisive action difficult, if not impossible. Yet, this cannot be an excuse. The people of the Northwest deserve leaders who can cut through this complexity and deliver the security they desperately need.

    Time is not on their side, and the clock is ticking. The people of the Northwest need action now, not later. Every day without a significant shift in strategy is another day that the bandits tighten their grip on the region.

    While the situation’s urgency cannot be overstated, it is also crucial to recognise that the bandits are not discriminating against their targets. They are willing to attack anyone, regardless of status or position. No one is safe from their wrath, children to students, farmers to traditional rulers. This relentless campaign of violence seems to be spreading unchecked, and there is a growing fear that it may soon target even higher-profile individuals.

    The people of the Northwest are running out of patience, and understandably so. The murder of Emir Bawa should serve as a wake-up call to both Badaru and Matawalle. The Northwest cannot afford to lose any more lives to banditry. Comprehensive and objective security reforms are not just necessary; they are urgent. These reforms must address the root causes of banditry, including poverty, unemployment, and the proliferation of arms. They must also hold accountable those within the political and security establishments who have allowed this violence to continue unchecked.

    The two ministers have the power to make a difference, and must act quickly and decisively. Their legacies and the future of their region depend on it. The people of the Northwest deserve leaders who will not just hold office but will take bold and practical actions to secure their lives and properties. It is hoped that just as the ministers vowed, justice would be served on the perpetrators who continue to disturb the peace of law-abiding citizens.

    •Kabir Fagge Ali, (NYSC)

    faggekabir29@gmail.com