The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Beyond local governments’ autonomy

    Beyond local governments’ autonomy

    • By Ibrahim Mustapha

    Sir: For the 774 local governments in Nigeria, succour came to them on Thursday July 11, when Supreme Court ruled that the federal government should henceforth pay allocations directly to them from federation account. A seven-member panel of the apex court held that state governments have continued to abuse their powers by retaining and using the funds meant for LGAs. The court also ordered the federal government to withhold allocations of local governments governed by unelected officials.

    Nigerians have hailed the judgement and described it as timely. The judgement has rekindled the hopes of many Nigerians and advocates of local government autonomy. Prior to this development, local government exists only in name. They have become mere appendages of state governors who control and pocket their funds with impunity. The result is poor services delivery at the level of communities they were created to serve.

    Meanwhile, the much talked about local government autonomy cannot be complete without good and credible local government elections. While the Supreme Court ruling has outstripped state governors of the power to stop appointing caretakers to overseer the local government councils, elections being conducted by State Independent Electorate Commission (SIECs), are nothing to write home about. The political party which controls power at the state ensures it wins all the seats from chairmen to councillors. Unless state electoral bodies are reformed and free and fair elections conducted, unqualified leaders will continue to emerge to pilot the affairs of the local governments. This will invariably hamper the delivery of democracy dividends.

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    Another fear being expressed is, with the financial autonomy granted to the local governments, are the governors not likely to impose or support their lackeys as candidates during elections? What about the powerful governors striking a deal with their favourite candidates as condition to get support to win elections?

    The Tinubu administration deserves a pat on the back for ensuring that the long-awaited financial autonomy materialised. As the president stated after the historical judgement, “the chairmen of local governments should be ready to give an account of the allocations they will be receiving from the federation account”.  Beyond that, the chairmen should be ready for more scrutiny from Nigerians.

    •Ibrahim Mustapha,

     Pambegua, Kaduna State.

  • Pathways to sustainability of Nigeria’s ICT industry

    Pathways to sustainability of Nigeria’s ICT industry

    • By Don Pedro Aganbi

    Sir: Nigeria’s Information and Communications Technology (ICT) industry has witnessed significant growth over the past two decades, establishing itself as a pivotal sector for the nation’s economy. The rapid expansion of mobile telephony, internet connectivity, and digital services has spurred economic development, innovation, and job creation. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), “Activities in ICT contributed 16.66 per cent to Nigeria’s real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in Q4 2023.”

     The industry is, however, fraught with perennial challenges threatening its sustainability and long-term viability. Key among these challenges include issues of right of way (RoW), multiple taxation, rising electricity costs, and the inflation-eroded consumer spending power all of which threaten to impede the industry’s progress. Addressing these obstacles is crucial for ensuring the continued growth of the ICT sector and its contribution to Nigeria’s economic future.

    The right of way (RoW) issue is one of the most significant impediments to the expansion of ICT infrastructure in Nigeria. RoW refers to the legal right to pass through property another party owns. For telecom operators, obtaining RoW is essential for laying fibre optic cables and other critical infrastructure. However, exorbitant fees and bureaucratic delays imposed by various state and local governments and private landowners have hampered progress. Adding to the challenge are unofficial demands by local strongmen in some states, making it hard to predict the total cost. This delays network expansion and increases costs, hindering service accessibility and affordability.

    To mitigate this, a unified national policy on RoW charges is imperative. The federal government’s recent efforts to harmonize RoW charges and reduce fees are steps in the right direction, but consistent implementation across all states is essential. Collaboration between federal and state governments can facilitate smoother processes, lower costs, and accelerate the deployment of broadband infrastructure, ultimately enhancing connectivity across the country.

    Clear and standardized guidelines can expedite approvals and incentivize infrastructure development in underserved areas.

    Multiple taxation is another significant challenge that stifles growth in Nigeria’s ICT sector. Telecom operators and ICT companies often face an array of taxes and levies from different levels of government, from federal to local. This fragmented tax system creates an uneven playing field and increases the operational costs for businesses, discouraging investment and expansion.

     Streamlining the tax regime is crucial for creating a conducive business environment. Implementing a standardized tax framework that minimizes redundancies and promotes transparency can alleviate the financial burden on ICT companies. Additionally, tax incentives for investments in rural and underserved areas (universal access) can encourage broader infrastructure development, bridging the digital divide and fostering inclusive growth.

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     Electricity costs in Nigeria remain prohibitively high, with service notoriously unavailable, posing a significant challenge to the ICT industry. Reliable and affordable power is essential for operating data centres, telecom towers, and other critical infrastructure. However, the inconsistent power supply and high costs have forced many ICT companies to rely on diesel generators, further inflating operational expenses.

     Investing in renewable energy solutions, such as solar power, can offer a sustainable alternative. Government policies that support the adoption of renewable energy technologies, coupled with incentives for ICT companies to transition to green energy, can reduce reliance on costly and environmentally damaging diesel generators. Public-private partnerships in the energy sector can also drive investments in infrastructure, ensuring a more stable and cost-effective power supply for the ICT industry.

    The impact of inflation on consumer income is another critical factor affecting the sustainability of Nigeria’s ICT sector. As inflation erodes purchasing power, consumers have less disposable income to spend on digital services and products. This decline in consumer spending can limit the growth of ICT companies and stifle innovation.

    To address this, ICT companies need to adopt innovative pricing strategies that cater to the economic realities of their customers. Offering flexible payment plans, affordable data bundles and value-added services can attract and retain customers even in challenging economic times. Additionally, investing in digital literacy programs can empower more Nigerians to participate in the digital economy, expanding the customer base and driving demand for ICT services.

    A sustainable ICT industry in Nigeria hinges on a collaborative effort between the government, private sector, and civil society. Nigeria can unlock the full potential of its ICT sector by addressing the existing challenges and fostering an enabling environment. This will not only drive economic growth but also empower its citizens, bridge the digital divide, and position Nigeria as a leader in the global digital age.

    •Don Pedro Aganbi,

    getdonpedro@gmail.com

  • For Wole Soyinka @ 90

    For Wole Soyinka @ 90

    • By Professor Ladipo Adamolekun

    Sir: Hearty congratulations on your 90th.  “Your mental and physical energy at 80 hint that Nigeria and humanity will continue to benefit from your contributions for another two decades, at least!” I am delighted that the hope that I expressed in my brief message to you 10 years ago became reality. Your on-going annual teaching and mentoring stint for New York University (NYU) in Abu Dhabi is a highly commendable intergenerational knowledge transfer at the international level.  May Nigeria and humanity continue to benefit from your contributions for another decade! 

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    I first met you on your hospital bed in UCH in October or November 1965 in the company of two or three Ibadan student activists. I no longer remember how your message reached us. You charged us to disrupt the November 1965 University’s Convocation that Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa had committed to attend.  You correctly considered him responsible for the prevailing chaos in Western Nigeria at the time.

    You’ve maintained your passionate crusade for social justice over the decades. Our phone conversation on September 25th 2010 is unforgettable:  

    “Diary entry, September 26th 2010: In a phone conversation of September 25th, WS explained his continued political activism (convention of his political party was held on that day) as follows: “Ki won le wi nipa t’emi pe mo se won ti mo le se,”

    I salute your courage and humanity.

    •Professor Ladipo Adamolekun,

    Fairfax, Virginia, USA.

  • Re: ‘Nigeria needs new military doctrine’

    Re: ‘Nigeria needs new military doctrine’

    By Mike Kebonkwu

    In the opening paragraph of the piece, “Nigeria needs a new Military Doctrine” on the back page of The Nation Newspaper on Sunday, 2nd June 2024, the writer observed among other things, “… that there is a depressing disconnection between Nigerians and their military, a disconnection that has accentuated the crises of underdevelopment and stymied the effectiveness of the military in its numerous counterinsurgency wars in the Northeast, costly efforts to pacify the Northwest, and other internal peacekeeping duties”. 

     At the small right corner inset is the quotable quote: “Accordingly, it is absolutely imperative that the military retaliate against this dastardly act against troops.  The military would be fierce in its response.  We would bring overwhelming military pressure on the group to ensure their total defeat”.  The above statement was credited to the Director of Defence Media Operations (DMO), Major General Edward Buba in reaction to the killing of soldiers in Aba in Abia State by alleged IPOB militants.  The writer equally isolated three recent incidents to buttress his point and argument, such as the shutting down of Banex Plaza in Abuja over a dispute between a phone seller and a soldier; the Okuama killings in Delta State where 17 military personnel were killed in an ambush by militants, and the last being the killing of five soldiers by alleged IPOB militants in Aba, Abia State resulting in ongoing skirmishes to fish out the killers. 

    I find the conclusion depressing where Palladium likened the military to militants and insurgents.  He introduced some precepts like, ‘the people’s army’ and a ‘new doctrine’ as well as the disconnection between Nigerians and their military.  His treatment of these precepts was an oversimplification. I will talk about this presently.  To understand his point of view from the article, one expected the writer to have enunciated the existing doctrine of the military, pointing out its inadequacies to justify his position and demand for a new doctrine.  What therefore is the doctrine of the Nigerian military known to him? 

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    The military should protect Nigerian citizens as the guardian sentinel of our liberty, freedom and democracy and should not be seen to turn its weapons against the civil populace.  The people are not enemies of the state and the military cannot win a war against the people because it exists for the people.  In the same way, the military and its personnel deserve some measure of protection from hooligans who are mostly engaged and hired by some individuals to protect their business premises or pursue some political agenda.

    Palladium further used the Arise television interview with the former CDS, General Lucky Irabor on the Banex incident, and response of the Nigerian Army Spokesman, Major general Onyema Nwachukwu as baseline for his analysis.  The writer did not omit to refer to other encounters in the past between the military and the civil populace in Odi in Bayelsa State and Zaki Biam in Benue State after the killing of 19 soldiers.  In concluding, he stated among other things that “…For when they respond fiercely  and indiscriminately to provocations like militants and insurgents, talking about retaliation and vengeance instead of calmly and forcefully saying they would bring the attackers to justice, how can they prove they are different from those animals who unfeelingly leave destruction in their wake”.  This is a summary dismissal of the military as not being different from the militants and insurgents in any way.

    When the writer talks about the people’s army, he does not as much as state what a people’s army means.  Glossing over it therefore makes the analysis superficial. Is a people’s army about just civil/military relations; one is afraid there is a yawning gap in that article as it was full of bile, as if the writer had an axe to grind with the military, and given the way he concluded that  the military sees itself as superior to the polity. Furthermore, one was unable to see the disconnection between the military and the civil populace that the writer referred to.  His narrative was replete with unsubstantiated assumptions; for it cannot be said that the reason the military is not able to defeat or rein in insurgency or criminality in the country is as a result of any disconnection or occasional friction between the civil populace and the military.  The article failed to meet the threshold of good analysis when the writer talked about peacekeeping in internal security operations in aid of civil authority; that is a misleading concept. The Nigerian military could not have been involved in any peacekeeping operation within its own territory and geographical boundaries.

    It is true that there have been frictions and clashes between some gangsters and hooligans who launch attacks on the military and other uniformed personnel or law enforcement agents in their course of duty, but not the civil populace as that would be misleading; otherwise it would be using the media space to create disaffection between the military and civil populace which does not really exit. The festering insecurity in the northeast and elsewhere is real and the reason we are at a dead end is the vexed issue of ethnicity, religion and bad politics conveyed through media distortions.    Nigeria is the only country I know where people support crime and criminality because it is perpetrated by someone from our ethnic nationality or religious persuasion. The campaign against the military will only leave us at the mercy of criminal gangs and hooligans. 

    We do not expect the military or the army to turn its weapons against the civil populace or undermine the rule of law in its internal security operations; we expect the soldiers to be disciplined and law abiding. They are not superior to the polity but for the general good of the state.  

    It is also true to observe that the language and responses from the military may not have been elegant and civil, using a word like retaliation. The military needs to overhaul and fine-tune their language when relating with members of the public and avoid command regimental language while the same message can be passed differently. The Nigerian military should not stand as a spectre of fear to the society.  At the same time, hooligans and gangsters should not be allowed to weaken the state by attacking the coercive force of the state and putting the rest of us in apprehension, as we already are with Boko Haram, IPOB, herdsmen, bandits and kidnappers that now negotiate with government on even terms.  While we blame the hawk, we should also blame the chicken that exposes its chicks.

    The Nigerian military remains in my perception a people’s army (Nigerian Army), and any disconnection with the Nigerian people is a figment of the imagination of the observer, regardless of our misgivings about some isolated incidents. The military uniform is similar to our national flag and symbol of our collective safety and security. When criminals attack our military, one should expect a strong response without media hype.

    • Mike Kebonkwu Esq – mikekebonkwu@yahoo.com

  • Tribute to WS at 90

    Tribute to WS at 90

    By Kayode Fayemi

    The name Wole Soyinka aka WS evokes sundry emotions across the spectrum. Regardless of where one stands on the spectrum, we can all agree that Wole Soyinka  is one of Nigeria’s most celebrated personalities, certainly Africa’s most iconic literary maestro and one of the world’s most influential citizens. Even though I know him to treat public celebrations of his birthdays with studied indifference and a hunter’s disdain, it is still almost unbelievable that WS is 90, given his frenetic pace of work and travels. And whether he likes it or not, this is one celebration he cannot stop!

    For me, WS is not the unfathomable mystery that many perceive from a distance and he is not the mythological pantheon that exists in the realm of the gods in the imagination of many. He is a mentor, a role model, a father figure and a thought-leader with whom I have had the rare privilege of communing and sharing  great moments of significant historic importance in my life.

    My first physical encounter with Professor Wole Soyinka was in 1994 in the course of the struggle to return Nigeria to democratic order. My familiarity with WS however preceded our opportune encounter. My first interaction with him was in his prison notes, The Man Died which I first struggled to grasp in 1975. While the motif of the book was a seductive topic of interest, the inscrutably elevated language and discursive point of view of the book made it a hard nut for me to crack at such a young age. Since then, I have not only read all his other writings I have come across – particularly the autobiographical series – Ake, Isara, Ibadan: the Penkelemes Years and You Must Set Forth at Dawn, I have gobbled them with obsessive enthusiasm. His writings and public advocacy for good governance, social justice, democracy and freedom had always made him a godfather and mentor whose association I had deeply coveted.

    Consequently, when the opportunity to meet Prof happily came my way through his son, Olaokun in 1994, it was a dream come true. Professor Soyinka (who was already familiar with my work as a democracy activist in the UK through the activities of the New Nigeria Forum and its journal, Nigeria Now which I edited and regularly sent to him in Nigeria), seized the opportunity of our meeting to invite me to be part of his newly established National Liberation Council of Nigeria (NALICON) as Director of Communications.

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    Without giving it much thought, I enthusiastically jumped at the rare opportunity to work closely with Africa’s first Nobel Laureate in literature. I had reasoned that his international reputation, connection and clout would greatly enhance our struggle for the return of democratic order in Nigeria. And I reasoned right!  As I indicated in my memoir of the exile years, “I came close to being labelled a passionate enthusiast and defender of the Soyinka mystique, especially having shared his worldview of the Nigerian struggle as one between authoritarianism and democracy, and not purely an ideological fixation between socialism and capitalism” (Fayemi, 2005:210).  Throughout his time in exile in the 1990s, I worked closely with him on numerous projects in NALICON and the United Democratic Front of Nigeria(UDFN) along with several other patriots – the most popular of which was the underground opposition radio – Radio Freedom, later Radio Kudirat.

    There is no doubt that I have always shared an ecumenical ideology and kindred spirit with Kongi. His natural spur to resist oppression, instinctive spontaneity to defy authoritarianism and his impregnable commitment to civil liberty makes him a natural inspirational mentor. In both the youthful and sagely Soyinka, has been a consistent resurgence against brutality and inordinate absolutism. As he often opines, “justice is the first condition of humanity”. His resentment against state terror and abuse of power burns like the inferno of the mythical Hades.

    For WS, humanity and its happiness are the tunnels through which he travels his mind in the visualisation of social problems. Anything that denies man his inalienable rights, is for Soyinka, an abhorrent act that must be condemned in the strongest terms. He is predictably obdurate and conscientiously unapologetic for his repetitive fidelity to the triumph of human freedom, primacy of his liberty and elevation of his essence as the sole creed that all gods must serve.

    His temperament rejects every iota of practices that suborn human happiness. Even in his old age, he continues to prick the conscience of the nation with penetrating homilies that poke a revelatory finger in the nose of public decadence.  WS is that bitter remedy that purges a poisoned belly of its troubling constipation. His corrective words are like the surgical knife that cuts out the malignancy of a petulant lesion. He refuses to suffer fools gladly and would rather be misunderstood by people too thick to decode his angst against all governmental decadence.

    He is classical in all aspects of his artistry. For some and for his obscurantism, he is the African Homer; some others say he is the ultimate Aristophanes; some even think he is the rebirth of Socrates and not just for the accident of initials, WS is our own William Shakespeare and John Milton rolled into one. He is the agglutination of literary reincarnation of the best that history can recall.

    Like his ancestral forebears, WS untiringly rages against the foibles of governmental chieftains and their foreboding delinquencies.  He has spoken vehemently against the cowardice of intellectual ambiguity that continues to indulge venal characters in public places. For him, no space must be yielded to the debauchers who gorge the nation’s wealth and fritter its assets in the realisation of their gluttonous hedonism. 

    Soyinka is impatient with the loud silence that punctuates clear cases that should strike a thunder of a mass anger. For him, until the obscurity of silence gives way to visibility of voices, any unexplained figuration about the existence of Nigeria will remain an empty indoctrination that serves the hypocritical cowardice of the nation’s power barons.

    Soyinka is a patriot who has used his innate talent to serve humanity at every opportunity. His radical posture has come handy in dangerous times when only persons of sterner stuff could stand. In 1967, he was imprisoned because of his audacious antagonism to the genocidal assault that the civil-war represented. Before then, he had intruded a radio station in Ibadan in 1965 to frustrate the broadcast of an electoral heist that was meant to entrench an unpopular government. The “Man” lives in Soyinka like the ageless Olumo Rock. His stout courage, broad repository and undeniable conviction radiates his writing in plays, fictions, poetry, essays and public interventions. He uses the power of words to carry out corrective surgery and as a righting atonement for the transgressed. When he chooses his object for critical scrutiny, he deploys the elegance of humour and the pettiness of satire to disrobe the social psychopaths wherever they might be.

    Soyinka is spiritual but not religious, ideological but not bigoted; for, he could not submit his intellect to the whimsical machinations of another being. He acknowledges, as he found out through his teacher, Bonany Dombree, that all spirituality sprouts from the relationship between nature and man and that the quest to create a meaning for its inscrutable foundation gave expression to the concept of deity.  Thus, Soyinka’s spirituality is in the primacy of humanity and the pursuit of universal egalitarianism; this, I think, is the basis upon which his ideas of the ideal is anchored.  No wonder he remains a respectable voice for human advancement in the global arena.

    Even though Professor Soyinka has been an “unsuccessful” politician in the narrow manner success in politics is defined in our clime, his contribution to the political development of Nigeria is undeniable and inspiring. Apart from constantly being in the trenches for the enthronement of democracy and rule of law, he has floated a political party in the past to advocate a set of political ideas that he believed could provide an alternative answer to Nigeria’s predicament. More importantly, Professor Soyinka has been one of the moral giants who continue to point the nation to the path of rectitude in politics, constitutionalism, justice, equality and good governance. His life has been a watershed and a blessing in every aspect. 

    I have been a beneficiary of WS’s generosity in innumerable ways for which I owe him a great deal of gratitude, not just for writing a rare Foreword to my 2005 exile memoirs, Out of the Shadows but also for his unflinching support when I chose the partisan political route. He kept a regular watch on my political journey and was quick to commend my edifying strides in office  whilst also upbraiding me whenever he found any untoward development difficult to fathom. He honoured me with the commissioning of the iconic Ekiti Government House in  2014.

    At 90, WS reminds me of those unforgettable lines in Alfred Tennyson’s Ulysses:

    Old age hath yet his honour and his toil;

    Death closes all: but something ere the end,

    Some work of noble note, may yet be done,

    Not unbecoming men that strove with Gods.

    The lights begin to twinkle from the rocks:

    The long day wanes: the slow moon climbs: the deep

    Moans round with many voices. Come, my friends,

    ‘T is not too late to seek a newer world.

    Push off, and sitting well in order smite

    The sounding furrows; for my purpose holds

    To sail beyond the sunset, and the baths

    Of all the western stars, until I die.

    It may be that the gulfs will wash us down:

    It may be we shall touch the Happy Isles,

    And see the great Achilles, whom we knew.

    Tho’ much is taken, much abides; and tho’

    We are not now that strength which in old days

    Moved earth and heaven, that which we are, we are;

    One equal temper of heroic hearts,

    Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will

    To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.

    On behalf of myself and my wife – Bisi who adores him, here is wishing our timeless Nobel Laureate, an esteemed mentor and a humanist extraordinaire, a happy 90th birthday. Long live, Eniogun!

  • Police reforms, improved service and campaign of calumny

    Police reforms, improved service and campaign of calumny

    By Muyiwa Adejobi

    The ongoing debate surrounding the proposed amendment to the Nigeria Police Act, which aims to extend the retirement age of police officers from 60 to 65 years and service tenure from 35 to 40 years, has ignited considerable controversy and deliberation among stakeholders. This legislative proposal has significant implications for the future of policing in Nigeria, touching upon issues of governance, operational efficiency, and public trust. Understanding the importance of this debate requires a nuanced exploration of its potential impacts and the broader context within which it unfolds. This requires eliminating all sentiments associated with the current police leadership, and getting a bird’s eye view of the Bill.

    The Bill represents a crucial moment in the evolution of policing policies in Nigeria, addressing critical issues such as personnel management, institutional memory retention, and operational effectiveness. At its coPolice Force (NPF) to better align with contemporary challenges and global standards of policing.

    As stakeholders engage in rigorous discourse and analysis, it becomes evident that the outcomes of this legislative endeavour will not only shape the future trajectory of the NPF but also influence public perception and confidence in the police. Thus, the debate transcends mere legislative amendments, resonating deeply with issues of governance, public safety, and the overall socio-political landscape of Nigeria.

    Historical Context

    The proposal to amend the Nigeria Police Act originated in the 8th Assembly which held power between 2015 and 2019. This evidentially shows that the long-standing concerns about the structure and operation of the Nigeria Police Force has been on for a while. Initially, the bill aimed to address issues of experience retention and the mentoring of junior officers by senior personnel to ensure the maintenance of traditions and customs within the Force. Although it did not reach the final reading before the dissolution of that Assembly, the bill laid the groundwork for current discussions and showed a commitment to reform and modernization within the NPF.

    Overview of Existing Nigeria Police Act Provisions

    The Nigeria Police Act 2020 established several key guidelines, including a four-year tenure for the Inspector General of Police. Specifically, Section 7, subsection (6), dictates that the IGP serves a four-year term, with removal only possible through presidential action, based on advice from the Police Council, aiming to ensure stability in leadership and continuity in policing strategies.

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    Under the current law, the retirement age for police officers is set at 60 years, with a maximum of 35 years of service. These parameters have been identified as areas for potential reform to enhance operational effectiveness and personnel management.

    The proposed amendment seeks to extend the retirement age from 60 to 65 years and the service tenure from 35 to 40 years aiming to leverage the vast experience of senior officers, retaining institutional memory and enhancing mentorship opportunities for younger personnel. Moreover, it addresses the need for strategic leadership in the face of contemporary policing challenges, where experience and historical knowledge play crucial roles in crime management.

    The Rationale Behind the Bill

    The proposed amendment to the Nigeria Police Act 2020, which seeks to extend the retirement age of police officers from 60 to 65 years and their tenure of service from 35 to 40 years, has sparked significant debate and controversy. Understanding the rationale behind this bill requires a careful examination of its intended benefits and implications for the Nigeria Police Force.

    One of the primary motivations behind the bill is to address the chronic shortage of skilled personnel within the NPF. Over the years, the government has faced significant challenges in recruiting and retaining qualified officers, leading to understaffing and increased workload on existing personnel. This has put the NPF far behind on meeting up with the United Nations approved 1 police officer to 460 citizens ratio. By extending the retirement age and tenure of service, the Bill aims to mitigate these shortages by allowing experienced officers to remain in active service longer to maintain operational continuity and effectiveness, especially in the face of evolving security threats across the country.

    The retention of experienced police officers is another critical objective of the proposed amendment. Experienced officers bring valuable skills, judgment, and institutional knowledge acquired over decades of service. Their continued presence in the Force ensures continuity in leadership, mentoring of junior officers, and effective management of complex policing challenges. Retaining such expertise is essential for enhancing the overall professionalism and efficiency of the NPF, ultimately contributing to improved public safety and security.

    Institutional memory is another vital rationale. This refers to the collective knowledge, experience, and historical perspective that senior officers possess within the NPF. This accumulated wisdom plays a pivotal role in guiding strategic decisions, shaping policies, and adapting to changing socio-political dynamics and criminal trends. By retaining senior officers beyond the traditional retirement age, the bill seeks to preserve this institutional memory within the Force. This continuity not only enhances organizational stability but also facilitates smoother transitions and succession planning at leadership levels, thereby bolstering the NPF’s long-term effectiveness and resilience.

    IGP Egbetokun’s Perspective

    On the issues raised, the Inspector-General of Police, IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun initially expressed reservations about extending the service years for police officers by an additional five years. However, following a comprehensive presentation by police pension experts, he was convinced that this extension would significantly enhance the pensionable earnings of police officers, a critical aspect of his commitment to improving the welfare of retired officers.

    Similarly, regarding the proposal for a four-year single tenure for the IGP, IGP Egbetokun believes that this duration is excessively long. He has variously advocated for a renewable two-year term, contingent upon the effective performance of the appointee, an approach that would promote accountability and allow for regular assessments of leadership effectiveness.

    It is also very important to note that by the time this bill undergoes the legislative process and receives presidential assent, the current IGP may no longer be in office. Therefore, he is not necessarily a direct beneficiary of the bill, contrary to the claims of some propagandists.

    Misconceptions and Opposition

    The recent debate surrounding the proposed amendments to the Nigeria Police Act, particularly the extension of retirement age and tenure of service for police officers, has been fraught with misconceptions and opposition. Key among these are mis-attributions regarding the role of IGP Kayode Adeolu Egbetokun and the perceived motivations behind the proposed changes.

    Contrary to recent publications suggesting otherwise particularly by Sahara Reporters in its usual sensational manner, IGP Egbetokun is not the originator of the amendments to the Nigeria Police Act 2020. The proposal to increase the retirement age of police officers from 60 to 65 years and extend their tenure of service from 35 to 40 years was first introduced as a private member bill by Hon. Gaza Gbefwi in the House of Representatives on October 3, 2023.

    The misconception that IGP Egbetokun is driving this initiative stems from a misunderstanding of the legislative process and the roles played by various stakeholders in lawmaking. As stipulated by the Police Act 2020, the tenure of the Inspector General of Police is fixed at four years, with provisions for removal by the President on the advice of the Police Council. Therefore, IGP Egbetokun, whose tenure is slated to end in October 2027, does not stand to benefit personally from the proposed amendments.

    Critics have raised concerns about potential conflicts of interest and self-serving agendas behind the proposed amendments. However, it is crucial to recognize that the objective of extending the retirement age and tenure of service is primarily aimed at improving the operational efficiency and institutional memory of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF). By retaining experienced senior officers for a longer period, the NPF can benefit from their wealth of knowledge and expertise in crime management, strategic planning, and operational leadership.

    Moreover, similar extensions in retirement age have been implemented in other sectors, such as the judiciary and the education sector, reflecting a broader trend towards maximizing the contributions of experienced professionals. A prime instance is the recent legislation extending the retirement age of teachers to 65 years in Nigeria.

    Opponents of the proposed amendments also argue that extending the retirement age and tenure of service could set a precedent for other agencies, potentially leading to a bloated bureaucracy and stagnation in career progression. However, it is essential to differentiate between strategic retention of expertise and administrative inefficiencies.

    Furthermore, the broader implications for public sector governance should be evaluated within the context of improving service delivery and organizational effectiveness. By maintaining a balance between continuity of leadership and opportunities for career advancement, the proposed amendments aim to create a sustainable framework for professional development within the NPF.

    Global Comparisons: Extending Retirement Age and Service Tenure for Police Personnel

    In the ongoing debate over the proposed amendment to extend the retirement age and service tenure of police officers in Nigeria, global comparisons offer valuable insights into similar reforms enacted in other countries. Countries like the United States, Canada, Australia, and Brazil have all adjusted the retirement age and service tenure for their law enforcement personnel, citing various benefits and considerations. Understanding these global examples can shed light on potential outcome and benefits for Nigeria.

    In the United States of America for example, the retirement age for police officers varies across states and jurisdictions. Many states have extended the mandatory retirement age beyond 60 years, recognizing the value of retaining experienced officers. For instance, California and Texas have the retirement age set for 67 and 65 years respectively. Some states allow officers to continue serving until they reach 70 years of age, provided they pass physical and cognitive fitness assessments. This approach aims to leverage the expertise and institutional knowledge of senior officers while maintaining public safety standards.

    In Canada, the retirement age for police officers also varies by province and territory. Several provinces have extended the retirement age to 65 years, aligning with changes in life expectancy and the evolving nature of policing challenges. The rationale includes reducing turnover costs, preserving experienced leadership, and enhancing the effectiveness of law enforcement operations. Like in the United States, these reforms aim to balance operational needs with the welfare and capabilities of aging officers.

    Australia has implemented reforms to extend the service tenure and retirement age for its Federal Police members. Recognizing the benefits of retaining skilled personnel, Australian jurisdictions have adjusted retirement policies to allow officers to serve until 65 years and 61 years of age for males and females respectively. This extension is part of broader efforts to manage workforce demographics, ensure continuity in leadership, and optimize resource allocation within law enforcement agencies.

    Benefits Observed in These Nations

    Retention of Institutional Knowledge: Extending retirement age allows police forces to retain experienced officers who possess invaluable institutional knowledge and expertise. This knowledge is crucial for training new recruits, improving operational strategies, and navigating complex law enforcement challenges.

    Cost Efficiency: By reducing turnover and recruitment costs associated with replacing retiring officers, extending retirement age can yield significant savings for police budgets. This includes savings on training, recruitment campaigns, and the logistical expenses of integrating new personnel into the force.

    Enhanced Public Safety: Experienced officers contribute to enhanced public safety outcomes through effective crime prevention strategies, community engagement, and crisis response. Their seasoned judgment and familiarity with local contexts can lead to more informed decision-making and better outcomes in critical incidents.

    Workforce Resilience: A diverse age range within the police force promotes workforce resilience, ensuring a mix of experience and vitality. This diversity allows police agencies to adapt to evolving threats, technological advancements, and community expectations effectively.

  • LG autonomy: Implications of Apex Court verdict

    LG autonomy: Implications of Apex Court verdict

    It was victory at last for many local government chairmen and stakeholders. Yesterday’s Supreme Court pronouncements in a suit by the Federal Government against the 36 states will elicit definitive developments that will greatly define the political space and temperature of the nation for years to come.

    The seven-man panel of the Supreme Court, in the judgment delivered by Justice Emmanuel Agim, declared that the 774 local government councils in the Federation should manage their funds without interference or deduction from any quarter.

    The  Court also declared that it is unconstitutional for states to hold funds allocated for local government administration.

    The apex court held that the power of the government is portioned into three tiers  comprising the federal,  state and  local government.

    The court further declared that a state  has no power to appoint a caretaker committee, while it is mandatory for a local government council to be democratically  governed.

    “A democratically elected local government is sacrosanct and non-negotiable , ‘’ it said emphatically.

    The court ruled that states  were perpetuating a dangerous trend by refusing to allow democratically-elected local government councils to function, but rather appointing their loyalists who can only be removed by them.

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    The Attorney-General of the Federation, Lateef Fagbemi (SAN), filed a lawsuit on behalf of the Federal Government, seeking to grant full autonomy and direct funding to all 774 local government councils in the country.

    The pronouncements were direct and definitive, making many observers point out that the nation’s political firmament won’t be the same again. For sure, the pronouncements have serious implications for governors , council chairmen and councillors,  and local government councils.

    Here are a few of them:

    · Added impetus for true federalism: Many political analysts have identified the absence of true federalism as a major bane of Nigeria’s democracy. The verdict reinforces the nation’s push towards true federalism. The three tiers of government can now function like they should in a truly federal nation.

    · Massive boost for local government autonomy: The Supreme Court ruling is a big, massive boost for local government autonomy. For decades, local governments have suffered under the suffocating grip of governors who not only allegedly divert their funds but also impose chief executives on them. Without the all-conquering powers of governors, council bosses can settle down to work without fear of intimidation and interference.

    · Financial autonomy for councils: Many local governments across Nigeria have been deprived of allocations and financial resources required for development. With the verdict, the councils can deploy enough resources for the benefit of rural dwellers and stakeholders. 

    · Stronger grassroots democratic culture: Owing to decades of imposition through transitional arrangements and caretaker committees, democratic culture has been at the lowest ebb in many local governments. By declaring that governors cannot dissolve democratically-elected local government councils , there would be deeper democratic activities at the grassroots.  Councillors, in many local governments, constituting the legislative arm, have been docile, mainly drawing allowances without much to do. With the decision, they will become potent tools to checkmate the excesses of council chairmen, holding them accountable for actions and inactions like they should in a real democratic setting. 

    · Fully competitive council polls: With governors unable to arbitrarily sack elected local government chairmen, competitions during local government polls would be tougher with many parties emboldened to fight the status quo. They can hold on to their strongholds and give ruling parties a big run for their money. The voters would be the automatic winners with their increased ability to determine their chairmen as against the prevalent culture of imposition and clean sweep by ruling parties.

    · Respect for local government chairmen: For years, local government bosses have been seen as disposable political items existing only at the whims and caprices of governors. With this ruling, they can truly hold their heads high and deliver good governance without threat of political persecution and extinction.

    · Greater accountability at council levels: Many council bosses have got away with many infractions in the past under the guise of being controlled by states.  The new lease of freedom means that people can truly hold them responsible for their actions and inactions. With the ‘culture of favouritism ’ out of the way, local government stakeholders can truly determine helmsmen who perform and those due for replacement at the next electoral cycle.

    · Improved democratic dividends at the grassroots: With the most potent, visible ‘excuse’ for non-performance taken care of, observers believe there should be no reason why council chairmen won’t deliver democratic dividends to residents. With Federal allocation directly paid and threat of sack out of the way, council bosses with ingenious political moves should be able to deliver good governance marked with developmental strides.

    · Boost for judicial clarity: The Supreme Court pronouncements were neither ambiguous nor ambivalent. They were very concise, precise and direct ; easy  to understand. The apex court has  shown  the lower courts the way to go on cases with significant impact as against ambivalent rulings and judgments ,  thus leaving  room for misinterpretations by counsel and interested parties .

    Some political watchers however believe that the apex court went beyond the law in addressing the vexed issue. They contend that the states are empowered by the Constitution to have a say in local government allocation, citing Section 162 (5) and (6) thereof to support their claim.

    The above subsections read:

    (5): The amount standing to the credit of local government councils in the Federation Account shall also be allocated to the states for the benefit of their local government councils on such terms and in such manner as may be prescribed by the National Assembly

    (6): Each state shall maintain a special account to be called ‘State Joint Local Government Account’ into which shall be paid all allocations to the local government councils of the state from the Federation Account and from the government of the state

    An observer said last night: “These provisions speak for themselves. If some states are abusing the provisions, the government knows what to do. It is not for the Supreme Court to remove a right granted the states by the Constitution just like that. It is not fair to the states”.

    Is there still a remedy for the states? They can go back and ask for a review. Will the court grant it ?

    This is indeed the end of impunity,  lawlessness and vindictiveness by governors in local government administration.  Caretaker committees for local government’s are illegal.  Elections must be conducted before the expiration of the tenure of Council chiefs.

  • Ridiculous spin

    Ridiculous spin

    What a spin! Or is there another word for the response of the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) to the multiple suicide bombings in Gwoza, Borno State, on June 29, which killed more than 30 people and wounded more than 40 others?

    Female suicide bombers had struck at a wedding, a hospital, and a funeral in the town. The bomb attacks at three different spots on the same day, by different attackers, brought back terrible memories, and triggered fears that suicide bombings, which happened frequently in the country some years ago, seemed to be returning.

    For instance, between June 2014 and February 2018, about 468 women and girls were deployed or arrested in 240 suicide attacks linked to Boko Haram, according to a report by the Counterterrorism Centre. In the period, about 1,200 people were killed and about 3,000 others injured.

    Curiously, Director of Defence Media Operations Maj.-Gen. Edward Buba was reported saying, “what happened in Gwoza is what happens at the ending cycle of terrorism.” Really? It looked more like a possible resurgence of suicide bombing, and continuation of terrorism, not a so-called ending.  

    He also said: “At this phase, the terrorists are carrying out their acts to attract attention, bolster relevance, mobilise support and to reduce support for the Armed Forces and the government at large.”

    But he missed the point. The terrorists should not be allowed to carry out their activities, whatever their objectives.

    None of the main terrorist groups in the country, Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), claimed responsibility for the latest suicide bombings. But the bomb attacks were a familiar signature of terrorism.   Boko Haram terrorists had seized the town in 2014, but were dislodged by the Nigerian military in 2015.

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     The anti-terrorism war demands community vigilance as well as the alertness of protectors, which were lacking in this case. The bombings exposed a failure of intelligence. The locals and security agents must cooperate, particularly concerning intelligence sharing, towards putting a stop to the activities of terrorists.

    Tragically, terrorism continues to claim the lives of many innocent people in the country, with the authorities seeming unable to do anything about it.  The authorities have failed to put an end to terrorism, since 2009 when it became an issue in the country. After its beginning in the North-East, where Borno State is located, it spread dangerously to the North-West and other parts of the country. It was estimated that between 2009 and 2023, Nigeria suffered no less than 35,000 terrorism-related casualties.

    The military’s attempt to put a spin on the Gwoza bombings was plainly ridiculous.

  • TASUED tragedy and need to enhance campus security

    TASUED tragedy and need to enhance campus security

    SIR: On Wednesday July 10, in a shocking and tragic incident, a final-year student of Tai Solarin University of Education, TASUED, Ijagun, Ijebu-Ode, Ogun State, was brutally murdered by suspected cultists on campus.

    Hammed Fabiyi, a 400 level final year student of History and Diplomatic Studies, was, outside the institution’s examination hall, brutalised and bludgeoned to death. This heinous act has sent shockwaves throughout the state, highlighting the urgent need for improved security on all Ogun State campuses.

    The university management while confirming the incident in a statement explained that Fabiyi was targeted by cultists who pretended to be celebrating his birthday with other colleagues. Despite prompt intervention by security personnel, the assailants escaped, leaving Fabiyi severely injured. He later succumbed to his injuries while being transported to the hospital.

    This senseless killing has sparked outrage and calls for action. The Students’ Union has condemned the attack, decrying the state of security on campuses nationwide. The Ogun State Police Command has launched an investigation, raiding suspected cultist hideouts and vowing to apprehend those responsible.

    It is important to urge the Ogun State Government to conduct a thorough probe into this incident, ensuring that justice is served and measures are taken to prevent such tragedies in future. The state government must prioritize campus security, provide adequate resources and support to protect students and staff.

    In fact, to forestall such occurrences on campuses the government and various institutions must look into installing gates, metal detectors, fences and doors with electronic access control systems, including biometric scanners and smart cards. CCTV surveillance cameras must be installed in strategic locations including classrooms, corridors and parking areas, while trained security guards are hired to patrol the campus and respond to incidents. Panic buttons, sirens and public address systems as well as encourage anonymous reporting of suspicious activities or threats by students among other security measures must be embraced.

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    The killing of Hammed Fabiyi is a stark reminder of the dangers posed by cultism and criminal activities in our educational institutions. Engaging in violent activities puts perpetrators lives at risk, as well as the lives of those around them, it can distract from academic goals, leading to poor performance and missed opportunities, it can lead to expulsion, making it hard to continue education or find employment, the act is a waste of potentials, talents and skills, which could be used for positive impact.

    By avoiding involvement in killings and cult activities, youths can protect their future, relationships, and personal growth, while contributing to a safer and more positive community.

    We cannot afford to let our guard down. It is time for decisive action to safeguard our campuses and ensure a secure environment for learning.

    We call on the government, university management, and security agencies to work together to conduct a comprehensive investigation into the killing of Hammed Fabiyi and ensure deterrence. Security measures must as a matter of urgency be enhanced on all Ogun campuses, including increased surveillance, patrols, and emergency response systems. Effective strategies must be implemented to combat cultism and criminal activities in educational institutions. Support and counselling services must be provided for students and staff affected by this tragedy.

    Let us unite to ensure that our campuses are safe havens for knowledge and growth, where students can pursue their dreams without fear of violence or harm.

    My heartfelt condolences go to the family of Hammed Fabiyi, the bright and promising young life brutally cut short by senseless violence. Here’s praying that the family find the strength and courage to navigate this difficult time.

    • Dayo DaSilva (arpa, amncs) dsvmediaoutfitltd@yahoo.com
  • Minimum wage: Time for expedited action

    Minimum wage: Time for expedited action

    SIR: President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, during his speech on Democracy Day, June 12, mentioned that the bill on the new national minimum wage would soon be forwarded to the National Assembly. One would have thought that by now it would have been resolved. However, to the dismay and frustration of many, the matter still lingers. The matter was stepped down at the Federal Executive Council to allow the government further consult with stakeholders. Critics have begun to question the federal government’s commitment.

    State governors have requested to be allowed to negotiate minimum wages with labour unions in their states using the cost of living in each state and the financial capacity of each state as parameters. This approach is used in some countries as financial strengths vary across states. This request was not well-received by the organised labour; they argued that the governors don’t have the power to negotiate the minimum wage. It is public knowledge that some state governments did not pay the N30,000 minimum wage for years; citing an inability to pay. The Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) of many states is low; a situation worsened by the increasing insecurity.

    Nonetheless, while the federal government continues to tackle the country’s security challenges, state governments should work on improving their IGR, eliminating, waste, and prioritizing workers’ welfare.

    One would wonder when Nigerian workers will begin to receive the new national minimum wage, given that an amount has yet to be agreed upon. Any amount agreed still requires approval by the Federal Executive Council, passage by the National Assembly, and finally, assent by the president. Only then can the new minimum wage be implemented. Where adequate provision was not made in the budget, a supplementary budget will be required. The timeline for this process remains uncertain.

    An increase in the minimum wage would be beneficial to the nation as it would boost workers morale, reduce brain drain and stimulate economic activities. Many businesses are struggling as household consumption has dropped drastically due to low purchasing power of workers. Skilled professionals have left Nigeria in drones in search for greener pastures. Better wages would also reduce financial pressure, which sometimes pushes people into criminal activities, and motivate workers to be more productive, which include our security agents. Therefore it will aid in reducing insecurity and increasing the Gross Domestic Product in the long run.

    The organized private sector should also recognize that a wage hike would positively impact them by increasing innovation and productivity, reducing staff turnover, and decreasing the temptation for staff to commit fraud. Multinational companies understand the benefits of paying employees well. To get the best from employees, they need to feel cared for, and there needs to be an alignment between the strategic goals of the organization and the personal goals/needs of the employees for organizational success.

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    The welfare of the citizens is one of the core responsibilities of the government. The federal government, which is at the driver’s seat in the minimum wage negotiation, should expedite the negotiation process as workers are frustrated and struggling to survive; unable to cater their basic needs like food, rent, hospital bills, and school fees.

    While striving for a living wage, organised labour should also be reasonable in its demands and acknowledge the financial capacity of the organized private sector and federal, state, and local governments. The Nigerian economy is not at its best, and thus government and business finances are constrained. The goal should be to achieve the best affordable and sustainable wage.

    A hike in the minimum wage will benefit workers, the government, the organized private sector, and the nation at large. The welfare of the citizens is a critical role of the government. The federal government should therefore match its words with action. The time is now.

    • Kenechukwu Aguolu  FCA, Abuja.