The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Where is Yobe’s Hon. Fatima Talba?

    Where is Yobe’s Hon. Fatima Talba?

    • By Kasim Isa Muhammad

    Sir: Since her inauguration into the House of Representatives, the people of Nangere and Potiskum have been left wondering what exactly has become of Hon. Fatima Talba, their representative. Almost three years into her tenure, there is very little to show, and the silence surrounding her supposed legislative efforts speaks volumes.

    The truth is that the people of Nangere and Potiskum feel abandoned. They elected Hon. Talba to be their voice in Abuja, but that voice has gone missing. Instead of championing the cause of her people, she has vanished into the comfort of political invisibility. Since taking office, there has been no serious engagement with constituents, no town hall meetings, and no efforts to connect with the communities she represents. Her physical absence has become symbolic of a much deeper problem: the complete disconnect between elected officials and the people who put them in power.

    Read Also: Education budget has risen by N1.98tr under Tinubu, says Vice President Shettima

    Worse still, it is being said that in two whole years at the National Assembly, Hon. Talba has not sponsored a single bill or motion. In a legislative chamber where performance is measured by impact, she has left behind no legislative footprint. Her record so far is an empty slate. For a representative who swore an oath to serve, this is nothing short of disgraceful. The House of Representatives is not a tourist attraction where members come to sightsee or take selfies. It is a place for hard work, ideas, debate, and action. Hon. Talba’s silence is not only embarrassing but also insulting to the people who believed in her potential to bring change.

    Representation is not about attending a few sessions and hiding in the crowd of legislators. It is about standing up, speaking out, and making the struggles of one’s people impossible to ignore. To neglect this duty is to betray the confidence of the electorate.

    Poverty and unemployment have become a way of life for many in the constituency. The absence of empowerment programs or constituency projects has left people hopeless. No skills training, no youth engagement, and no visible attempts to improve livelihoods. The roads are in terrible shape, electricity is unreliable, and clean water is still a luxury in many communities. These are not new problems, but what makes them worse now is that the representative who should be pushing for solutions is nowhere to be found.

    It is not too late for her to redeem herself, but time is running out fast. Two years remain in her tenure, and she must decide how she wants to be remembered.

    She owes her people more than silence. She owes them action, visibility, and results. History is already watching, and it will not be kind to those who squandered their mandate on inaction.

    •Kasim Isa Muhammad,

    Potiskum, Yobe State.

  • Final sunset for Biafra agitation?

    Final sunset for Biafra agitation?

    • By Ezinwanne Onwuka

    Sir: The Biafran struggle has suffered yet another devastating blow. And many sympathisers are struggling to come in terms with this latest roadblock since the secessionist struggle began in 1967.

    Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, the military governor of the Eastern Region, declared the region as an independent sovereign state named the Republic of Biafra on May 30, 1967. On July 6, 1967, the federal government launched a ‘police action’ to repress the secession. This escalated into a civil war, which lasted 30 months, to preserve the sovereignty of Nigeria as one ‘indissoluble and indivisible state’ and to reintegrate Biafra as part of Nigeria. That period remains one of the darkest chapters of Nigeria’s history. Millions of lives were lost – many fell to bullets and others to starvation.

    Decades after Yakubu Gowon nipped the secessionist attempt in the bud, the struggle for Biafra still lingers. A radical rebirth of the struggle was championed by Nnamdi Kanu with the creation of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) in 2012. Before the establishment of IPOB, Kanu spread his separatist gospel through Radio Biafra, an iteration of the broadcast network established by the defunct Biafran government in 1967. Beyond advocating for the independence of Biafra from Nigeria, he used the radio station to push inflammatory and often incendiary rhetoric that emboldened his loyalists to resort to violence in the name of Biafran struggle.

    Kanu was arrested in 2015. After spending a year in detention, he was granted bail on health grounds, but later went into hiding following a military raid on his home in Umuahia. He was rearrested in 2021 in Kenya and was extradited to Nigeria to resume trial on multiple counts of terrorism related to his separatist campaign. The trial came to an end on November 20, with his conviction on all seven counts and sentencing to life imprisonment as against the death penalty prescribed by law. His IPOB had been proscribed as a terrorist organisation by the government in 2017.

    Meanwhile, during Kanu’s incarceration, the agitation for secession did not cease. Simon Ekpa, a Finnish citizen of Nigerian descent, assumed de facto leadership of the movement and continued spreading the Biafran gospel. Just like Kanu, he portrayed violent resistance as a necessary tool for the liberation of the Igbos from the ‘zoo’. Ekpa, using social media, declared sit-at-home lockdowns in the southeast to protest the detention of Kanu and to press for the actualisation of the Republic of Biafra. He was picked up by Finnish authorities in November 2024 on allegations of sponsoring terrorist activities in Nigeria. In September, the Päijät-Häme District Court in Finland sentenced him to six years in prison after convicting him of terrorism-related offences, including inciting the public to commit crime for terrorist purposes.

    Read Also: NAF: why our aircraft made precautionary landing in Burkina Faso

    With these emotion-provoking developments that are only two months apart, Gowon’s words: “The ‘rising sun of Biafra’ is set forever” readily comes to mind. Once again, we witness the Biafran struggle brought to its knees. Though there is a difference between struggle of 1970 and that of today: in Ojukwu’s time, the Republic of Biafra was a reality though it was short-lived; in contrast, the twenty-first-century agitation never materialised into something tangible. For years, strife, anarchy, chaos, violence, and mayhem were deployed by the now-jailed separatist leaders all in the name of fighting for self-determination. Yet, nothing was achieved. The only visible results were the bloodshed and economic ruin that became the order of the day across the south-eastern states.

    It is important to state that self-determination is indeed a legally recognised right under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, domesticated in Nigeria. Article 20 describes the right as “unquestionable and inalienable.” But this right does not legitimise violence, coercion, or terror. The usual sit-at-home orders primarily affect his own people. The killings of people who disobey the order are his own people. Ordering of closure of churches, schools, as well as markets also affects his own people. They are unable to trade, go to school, farm, or even worship on such days. The threats of violence and death have prevented the people from going about their legitimate business. Are these acts…consistent with agitation for self-determination?

    As the dust from Kanu’s conviction has yet to settle and his supporters continue to cry foul, some questions hang heavily in the air: What is the future of the Biafran struggle? Has the ‘rising sun of Biafra’ finally set as Gowon triumphantly declared in 1970? Or will this be a case of silencing the messenger but not the message?

    •Ezinwanne Onwuka,

    ezinwanne.dominion@gmail.com.

  • Russia’s shadow and West Africa’s democratic unravelling

    Russia’s shadow and West Africa’s democratic unravelling

    • By Oumarou Sanou

    Sir: The failed coup in Benin lasted barely a few hours, but it has exposed a dangerous trend across West Africa. What unfolded in Cotonou on December 7 was not just a clumsy mutiny by a handful of soldiers—it was a reminder of how fragile our democracies have become, and how eagerly foreign actors and their local proxies are exploiting public frustration to rewrite the political map of the region.

    By 7:30 a.m., shots were ringing around President Patrice Talon’s residence. Minutes later, a ragtag group of mutineers stormed the national broadcaster, declared the president “removed,” and presented an unknown artillery officer as leader of a so-called “Committee for Military Refoundation.” They looked startled, disorganised, and unconvincing. By midday, they had been flushed out, arrested, or had fled. Benin’s institutions held firm. The coup failed—and quickly.

    But the real story began online. Even before the first verified reports emerged, the usual chorus of self-styled “pan-African revolutionaries”—the same characters who cheerlead every military takeover from Niamey and Bamako to Ouagadougou—were already celebrating. The speed of their reaction raises serious questions. Kémi Seba, who has mastered the art of performative radicalism, hailed the mutiny as a “liberation day” before hastily deleting his post once the coup collapsed. Nathalie Yamb, Egountchi Behanzin, and other loud anti-Western voices recycled old protest videos, fabricated stories of “millions” marching, and claimed government statements were issued from “fake studios.” AES-linked accounts joined in, flooding the information space with lies. It was carefully coordinated and deliberate, intended to mislead.

    These people call themselves “pan-Africanists,” but their behaviour betrays something else entirely. Their activism is increasingly indistinguishable from geopolitical propaganda—loud when coups align with their sponsors, silent when repression occurs in their preferred authoritarian states. They do not defend Africa; they manipulate Africans.

    Read Also: Education budget has risen by N1.98tr under Tinubu, says Vice President Shettima

    Then came the most troubling detail: at the height of the coup attempt, two Russian vessels appeared near the port of Cotonou, only to withdraw once it became clear the mutineers had failed. Perhaps a coincidence—but the timing is too convenient, too familiar. Russia and its proxies have mastered the art of filling the cracks in fragile democracies, using information warfare, opportunistic “solidarity,” and covert support to reshape alliances. West Africa, battered by poor governance and eroding public trust, has become fertile ground for corruption.

    If there is comfort, it lies in the maturity shown by Benin’s institutions. The armed forces refused to splinter. The public rejected the mutiny unequivocally. Côte d’Ivoire and others signalled readiness to intervene. For once, democratic states in the region acted like they understood the stakes. And yet, the fact that such a small, ill-prepared group even attempted a coup underscores the depth of the political decay around us.

    Let’s be honest: West Africa is sitting on a democratic fault line. Elections are increasingly contentious. Institutions are underperforming. Citizens feel abandoned. Leaders behave with impunity. In such an environment, coups stop being unthinkable. They become tempting. And foreign actors—whether Moscow or any other power—are more than happy to exploit that vacuum. The danger is not just the coups themselves, but also the erosion of democratic norms that makes coups possible.

    ECOWAS and the African Union can no longer wait for crises to erupt before reacting. They need a standing peer-review mechanism for democratic governance—not the stale, symbolic reviews of the past, but real political diagnostics that confront uncomfortable truths. Countries must be assessed on press freedom, electoral integrity, judicial independence, civil-military relations, and public trust. Anything less is wishful thinking.

    The alarm bells are ringing. West Africa can still pull back from the brink—but only if its leaders choose courage over complacency.

    •Oumarou Sanou,

    sanououmarou386@gmail.com

  • Mental health of inmates

    Mental health of inmates

    Incarceration should not be an impediment to proper healthcare for inmates with mental health issues. However, many people who are incarcerated in the country lack access to mental health professionals because they are in short supply.    

    “We have 8,246 inmates with mental health conditions in our custodial centres,” according to the Assistant Controller General of Corrections in charge of medical services, Dr Glory Essien. She gave this figure during the third public hearing of the Independent Investigative Panel on Alleged Corruption, Abuse of Power, Torture, and Other Inhumane Treatment by the Nigerian Correctional Service (NCoS), held in Abuja, on August 12.

    From her explanation, the mental health of these inmates had been impacted by their incarceration. She said: “From the moment someone is brought in—those who have seen a custodial centre know what I mean—the police escort them to the gate, it’s opened, they’re admitted, and then that gate locks behind them.

    “That instant loss of freedom can trigger something. Some begin to show signs of disturbed behaviour almost immediately, as if something in their mind has shifted.”

    Read Also: ‘We have recorded 860 terrorism convictions since 2017,’ says AGF Fagbemi

     When this happens, the shortage of mental health workers complicates the problem.  “If you’re in a facility housing 500 to 1,000 inmates, and you’re the only attending doctor, nurse, or psychologist, it’s simply not possible to monitor everyone individually,” she observed.

    The prison system, therefore, trains some inmates to assist the staff in identifying those showing signs of poor mental health, she added. According to her, they are “trained to alert the staff when they notice concerning behaviour. They might say, ‘This inmate seems dazed, hasn’t eaten, hasn’t spoken to anyone.’  Such observations help the staff to “intervene early,” she said. But she noted that these efforts are inadequate in dealing with the scale of the problem.

    Two other speakers at the event gave further insights into the issue. The Assistant Controller General of Corrections in charge of pharmaceutical services, Mohammed Bashir, said there were 81,122 inmates in 256 correctional facilities nationwide, adding that specialised consultants “usually go to about 12 designated custodial centres that have a large number of these cases.” This is concerning.  Correctional centres with a small number of such cases also deserve attention.

    The Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Interior, Dr Magdalene Ajani, noted the maldistribution of mental health professionals, saying, “Let them not only be centred in Abuja and Lagos; we need them to go out to the fields. Because if we even put two in the states, it will help them.”

    The authorities need to address this aspect of conditions in the country’s correctional centres.

     Abuja doctor reveals a unique way to permanently cure weak erection, small and shameful manhood, and infertility issues without side effects within a short period. Click now to see!!

    Breaking News: Nigerians in Nigeria and those in diaspora can now constantly earn US Dollars by acquiring ultra-premium domains for as low as $3000 and profit as much as $36,000. Ideal for Bankers, Public/Civil servants, Entrepreneurs, IT E

    •This article was first published on October 22, 2025

  • Why Edo State’s forest reserve claim doesn’t add up

    Why Edo State’s forest reserve claim doesn’t add up

    Sir: The recent declaration by the Deputy Governor of Edo State that the territories around Ajakurama and Abére fall within government-owned forest reserves has generated widespread confusion and unease. For many of us who know the history, the geography, and the lived realities of these communities, the claim is not only surprising but deeply troubling. Land disputes anywhere can inflame tensions, but when they involve centuries-old ancestral spaces, the stakes become even higher. It is therefore essential that matters of such gravity be handled with clarity, accuracy, and respect for historical truth.

    The people of Ajakurama and Abére have inhabited their lands for generations. These are not makeshift settlements carved out in recent years; they are communities with cultural identities rooted in these very spaces. Elders pass down stories of their origins, festivals are tied to specific locations within the landscape, and family histories are etched into the soil. Across Edo State, the concept of ancestral land is not a sentimental notion—it is a lived reality that shapes identity, economy, and tradition. That is why the sudden assertion that these same lands are state-owned forest reserve lands with such force and bewilderment.

    Within Ovia South-West LGA, it has always been common knowledge that the officially designated forest reserves lie far from the Ajakurama–Abére corridor. Past administrations have operated with this understanding; community records reflect it, and even routine field knowledge—known to hunters, farmers, surveyors, and local administrators—reinforces this fact. At no point in history were these communities listed, gazetted, or legally designated as part of any forest reserve. No notices were issued, no compensation was paid, and no boundary adjustments were ever announced by the state. To claim otherwise today requires clear, verifiable documentation, not vague assertions.

    The Edo State government has, over the years, made commendable efforts to govern transparently and uphold due process. This makes the current situation all the more puzzling. When government statements contradict historical and geographical facts known to the communities, they create an atmosphere of distrust that benefits no one. The deputy governor’s pronouncement has already triggered anxiety among residents who fear that their ancestral rights are being quietly rewritten without consultation or evidence. Such a sensitive matter cannot be left hanging in ambiguity.

    For the sake of peace, clarity, and justice, it is both reasonable and necessary to request that the state government act with openness. If documents exist showing that Ajakurama and Abére were at any time absorbed into forest reserves, these should be made public. Maps, gazettes, acquisition notices, and boundary delineations must be shared so that the truth can stand on its own.

    Conversely, if such records do not exist—as community knowledge strongly suggests—then the state should openly correct its position to avoid further misunderstanding.

    In resolving this dispute, it is equally important that the government clearly define the current boundaries of all forest reserves within Ovia South-West LGA. Boundary certainty reduces conflict, prevents administrative errors, and protects both government assets and community land rights. Moreover, direct engagement with leaders of Ajakurama and Abére is essential. These are peaceful, law-abiding communities that recognise the authority of the state. They are willing to dialogue, willing to cooperate, and willing to listen. What they cannot do—and should never be expected to do—is surrender their ancestral heritage to a claim they know to be inaccurate.

    Read Also: Akpabio’s visionary leadership resonates across Nigeria, says Reps Deputy Speaker

    It bears repeating that the people’s demand is simple: truth. Their loyalty to Edo State remains intact, but loyalty does not cancel history. It does not erase community memory, nor does it negate legal and customary rights that predate modern governance systems. As the state continues to pursue development, investment, and modernisation, it must ensure that these aspirations do not come at the expense of the very communities whose cooperation is essential to progress.

    This is not the first time that land designation issues have surfaced in Nigeria, and history shows that transparency always produces better outcomes than unilateral declarations. The Ajakurama and Abére situation should be no different. The state government now has an opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to fairness by clarifying its position, sharing its evidence, and engaging the affected communities constructively.

    In the end, what is at stake is not just land but trust. And trust, once strained, requires deliberate effort to restore. The government must rise to this responsibility by ensuring that official statements reflect documented facts, not assumptions.

    The people of Ajakurama and Abére seek only justice, clarity, and respect for their heritage. No more, no less.

    •John Amabolou Elekun, Iju-Ajuwon, Lagos.

  • Sharia, sovereignty, and Nigeria’s constitution

    Sharia, sovereignty, and Nigeria’s constitution

    Sir: Recent commentary from foreign circles, particularly from the United States, has once again put Nigeria’s implementation of Sharia law under global scrutiny. In the rush to judge, many external observers overlook a crucial fact: Nigeria is a sovereign republic with a constitution that fully protects religious autonomy and diversity. Any criticism that ignores this reality is not only misinformed but also risks intruding into matters that Nigerian people have already resolved through democratic consensus.

    Nigeria is not a religious battlefield; it is a federation of diverse cultures, faiths, and traditions, united by a constitution that guarantees freedom of worship. Section 38 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) clearly states that every Nigerian has the right to believe or not believe, to worship, to teach, and to practice their religion without fear. This is not a privilege granted by the state; it is a fundamental right.

    This constitutional protection is precisely why Sharia law exists in Muslim-majority states across the North. Sharia is not a national imposition; it is not forced upon Christians or adherents of other faiths. It applies only to Muslims who voluntarily adhere to its principles. Just as Christians organize their internal doctrines without interference, Muslims also have the constitutional space to govern their personal religious affairs. This is how religious coexistence works in Nigeria, not just in theory, but in daily life.

    Those who accuse northern states of violating Nigeria’s secular nature often fail to look beyond the headlines. Section 10 of the constitution firmly states that no government, federal or state, may adopt a religion as the state religion. This safeguard is what allows Nigeria to remain a secular political entity while permitting cultural and religious expressions at the state level. Therefore, Sharia is not a challenge to national unity; it is a recognized reflection of Nigeria’s federal identity.

    Read Also: TikTok restricts late-live access in Nigeria amid safety probe

    Foreign governments need to appreciate this delicate balance. Nigeria’s constitutional order was not drafted in Washington, London, or Brussels. It was negotiated by Nigerians who lived through military rule, political tension, and religious misunderstanding. The result is a framework that respects differences while insisting on equality before the law. To dismiss that achievement is to assume that Nigerians cannot manage their own affairs.

    Nigeria values its partnerships, including with the United States, but such partnerships must be grounded in respect, not condescending lectures about a system that many critics hardly understand. The United States would never tolerate foreign interference in its internal policies; Nigeria should expect the same courtesy. While dialogue is welcome, it must acknowledge that Nigeria’s sovereignty is not up for debate.

    The implementation of Sharia law does not weaken Nigeria’s democracy; it demonstrates its maturity. It shows that different regions can express their identities without tearing the nation apart. Those who speak of religious conflict should visit the North and see for themselves Christians attending church freely, Muslims observing their faith, and markets bustling with both communities trading side by side. That lived reality is more powerful than any foreign report.

    Nigeria’s Constitution is a shield that protects every believer, every non-believer, and every minority. Any conversation about Sharia must begin there, not in the pages of foreign think tanks or the assumptions of distant commentators.

    A nation that understands its laws should never hesitate to defend them. Likewise, a friend who respects Nigeria must take the time to understand it.

    •Ishaq Adam Magama, Magama, Toro, Bauchi State.

  • Ebonyi Cement plant and industrialization

    Ebonyi Cement plant and industrialization

    Sir: Domestic cement manufacturing has helped turn Nigeria from net importer decades ago to now among Africa’s leading producers, particularly with companies like Dangote, Lafarge Africa and BUA Cement that have invested in large-scale local plants, ensuring a consistent supply of quality cement and driving down import dependency.

    Yet, Nigeria faces a persistent gap between demand and actual supply. While the combined installed production capacity is substantial at around 65.6 million tonnes annually, actual production often falls short due to operational challenges and infrastructure limitation. With Nigeria facing a significant housing deficit, estimated at 17 million units in urban areas, there is an urgent need for new, structured and well governed market entrants. Experts suggest that Nigeria requires as much as $5 billion in further investments to fully meet local demand.

    With vast deposits of limestone, gypsum, and clay, which are key raw materials required for cement production, the proposal by the Ebonyi State for a strategic investment in a cement plant as a successor to the defunct NIGERCEM, creates a market opportunity for bridging existing market gaps. At a time when the national economy is rebalancing away from oil and toward non-oil sectors, such subnational ventures deserve sustained support to start and survive in supplying one of the most essential building blocks – literally – for infrastructure, housing, roads, bridges, industrial facilities, and urban expansion.

    Read Also: Akpabio’s visionary leadership resonates across Nigeria, says Reps Deputy Speaker

    A properly managed cement plant in Ebonyi, within a broader industrial-city vision already being pursued by the state government promises to deliver transformational impacts in job creation and poverty reduction. The cement plant will absorb large numbers of workers – from skilled and semi-skilled labour in construction, operations, logistics, transport, to support services – helping to lift meaningful portions of the population out of poverty, and reducing pressure on men and women forced into precarious informal work. It will have industrial linkages and multiplier effects, as cement production spawns demand for quarrying, logistics, transport, packaging, maintenance services -creating a ripple of economic activity across sectors.

    If executed with political will, technical competence, and social and environmental responsibility, it will be a people’s project and a foundational investment in dignity, growth, and intergenerational progress. The future of Nigeria’s industrialization may well be decided not in Abuja or Lagos alone, but in frontier states like Ebonyi.

    If the plant is completed in record time, managed transparently, and sustained beyond electoral cycles – offering jobs, growth, environmental stewardship, and hope, then Ebonyi’s cement plant will not be just a factory: it will be a symbol that industrialization rooted in subnational vision, executed with integrity and partnership, remains our most transformative path forward.

    •Ekpa Stanley Ekpa Esq; ekpastanleyekpa@gmail.com

  • Assessing NNPC’s transparency, accountability

    Assessing NNPC’s transparency, accountability

    By Enam Obioso

    For decades, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited sat at the centre of public suspicion.

    Every spike in oil prices sparked a new round of accusation, every dip opened the door to speculation, and every audit prompted arguments about what was paid, what was deducted, and what was truly missing.

    The latest claim, a supposed N210 trillion gap in NNPC’s accounts, followed the same pattern.

    It swept through the public space quickly, but analysts were blunt in their response: the allegation belonged more to myth than to mathematics.

    What stands out today is not the noise around the numbers, but the way the new NNPC Limited is choosing to confront it. There is a marked shift toward openness, documented reporting, and a willingness to let auditors, analysts, and even critics examine the books. In many ways, this is the quiet revolution shaping Nigeria’s most strategic company.

    The phantom trillions and the new clarity

    When lawmakers raised the N210 trillion claim, some analysts, such as Professor Uche Uwaleke, an authority in accounting and capital market, Mr. Victor Eromosele, former chief financial officer at Nigerian top companies, dismissed it as “an accounting impossibility that reveals a fundamental misunderstanding of national cash flows.” They explained that the figure was larger than the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) and far beyond what decades of crude oil sales could produce.

    More importantly, they said the allegation stems from treating gross revenue as if it belonged to NNPC to lose. In the words of one them, “the total sales value was never NNPC’s money. It was always subject to first-line charges: funding joint venture (JV) cash calls, paying for petrol subsidies, and covering operational costs before anything could be remitted to the Federation Account.”

    This was the structural flaw of the old system. NNPC served as both operator and collector. It deducted costs first, remitted later, and battled constant suspicion over the balance.

    The analyst noted that this confusion is exactly what the Petroleum Industry Act was designed to end. The new framework “makes NNPC a taxed and dividend-paying entity, separating its commercial finances from state revenue in a clear, auditable way.”

    Cash calls and the shift to discipline

    The transformation is also evident in how NNPC now handles joint venture funding. Under the old structure, cash call delays were routine. They stalled investment, caused mounting arrears, and froze new projects. But the expert describes the issue as structural, not ethical. “The JV cash call system was historically the Achilles heel of the sector. Government budgets simply could not keep up.”

    The new incorporated joint venture model changed that. “This means the JVs are now standalone legal entities with their own financing, moving liabilities off NNPC’s balance sheet,” he said. The company’s claim that it no longer owes cash calls holds true under this new system. Legacy arrears are being resolved in a controlled process, while new projects are funded on schedule. International partners have responded by approving multi-billion-dollar investments that previously sat on hold.

    Profit, performance, and the question of sustainability

    NNPC’s N5.4 trillion profit in the 2024 financial year raised eyebrows, but analysts warn against seeing it as a fluke. Yes, the removal of the petrol subsidy removed a major financial burden. Yet the analyst pointed to deeper changes within the company. “Look beyond the top line. Operating expenses per barrel are falling, and refinery utilisation is rising. This shows structural improvement, not just a policy-driven windfall.”

    The next test, he said, is capital discipline. “If this profit is used to fund high-return, low-cost projects and gas infrastructure, it creates a virtuous cycle. If it is pulled into quasi-fiscal duties, the gains will evaporate.”

    So far, the company’s strategy signals the former. There is an emphasis on upstream reinvestment, gas expansion, and long-term, revenue-generating assets.

    The transparency model that never existed before

    Critics often point to opacity in past remittances, but the analyst stresses that those issues belonged to another era. “The old model was inherently opaque because NNPC was both a commercial operator and a revenue collector. The new model is fundamentally cleaner.”

    Under the current structure, NNPC sells its crude, pays its taxes, pays royalties, and then pays dividends. Each of these is a distinct, auditable line item.

    Read Also: ‘Provide evidence of corruption among judges,’ Appeal Court’s president tasks Nigerians

    “This makes tracking and verification infinitely easier,” he said, adding that IFRS-compliant reporting and external audits give the public something they rarely had in the past: verifiable numbers.

    Gas, the transition, and the long game

    Some observers have questioned the heavy investment in gas infrastructure like the AKK pipeline, suggesting it might become a stranded asset. The analyst strongly disagrees.

    “That view misunderstands both the global transition and Nigeria’s context. Gas will remain in demand until at least 2050. For Nigeria, this is not just about transition but about industrialisation.”

    He explained that the AKK pipeline is designed to replace diesel use, reduce emissions, power industry, and strengthen the non-oil economy. “These pipelines can even be retrofitted for hydrogen. This is a strategically sound investment in national infrastructure.”

    The strongest evidence: voluntary transparency

    Perhaps the most telling sign of change lies not in numbers but behaviour. The analyst said the real proof of transformation is the company’s willingness to subject itself to scrutiny. “By holding an earnings call, they are inviting analysts to scrutinise every claim.

    By publishing IFRS-compliant accounts audited by a major firm, they are creating a legally binding record of their performance. By talking about an IPO, they are signalling an intention to be valued by global investors.”

    His conclusion was blunt: “You cannot fake this for long. The market will punish any regression.”

    A turning point built on openness

    In a sector where suspicion once overshadowed facts, the new NNPC Limited is betting on transparency as a strategy. The numbers are clearer, the obligations are cleaner, and the company’s operations are more visible than at any time in its history. Nigeria’s energy future still carries uncertainties, but the shift from opacity to accountability proves to be the most important reform yet.

    •Obioso, a veteran journalist, writes from Abuja

  • CCTV dreams die first

    CCTV dreams die first

    Lawmakers in the House of Representatives have exhumed the controversy over the closed-circuit television project in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) that has failed to work, despite government securing a $460million loan from China to fund it. The chamber raised an ad-hoc panel to probe evident collapse of the CCTV project touted to boost security, amidst rising insecurity in the territory.

    The probe followed from a motion moved earlier by a House member, Amobi Ogah, by which the lawmakers decried repayment of the loan for a security infrastructure that has remained largely non-functional. After a robust debate, the chamber resolved to interrogate the failed project and how the loan was utilised, and determine the roles played by ministries, departments, agencies and contractors.

    At the inauguration of the ad-hoc panel, House Speaker Tajudeen Abbas described mounting cases of kidnappings and armed attacks in the FCT as “intolerable and deeply troubling.” He lamented that a city once rated among West Africa’s safest capitals has become infested by criminal gangs who “daily harass and abduct residents, almost without restraint.” He questioned why a multi-million-dollar surveillance project designed to strengthen security operations had failed to function.

    Represented by House member, Julius Pondi, Abbas said the green chamber owed Nigerians clear answers on whether the project was properly implemented, abandoned midway or compromised through poor management. The panel, according to him, will undertake forensic review of the scheme, assess its current status and interrogate how well it was integrated into the national security architecture. The probe will also identify lapses, acts of negligence or possible sabotage, and recommend measures for reviving or overhauling the system.

    Read Also: ‘Provide evidence of corruption among judges,’ Appeal Court’s president tasks Nigerians

    Panel chairman, Ojogo Donald, described the failed CCTV project as a “national embarrassment,” noting that an investment of such scale should have offered substantial protection to the capital. “What elevates this situation from mere tragedy to a scandal of immense proportions is the glaring contradiction before us,” he added, alluding to rampant security breaches in the FCT.

    Ojogo was right. The CCTV project was conceived under former President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration as part of a broader initiative to bolster security, help security agencies monitor key areas and provide real-time surveillance in the FCT. The contract was awarded in 2010 to a Chinese firm, ZTE Communications, after a Memorandum of Understanding was signed in Beijing, China; and the project was funded through a $600million soft-credit facility from China‑EXIM Bank, under which $460 million was dedicated to the CCTV project. Under the loan terms, Nigeria enjoyed a 10-year grace period, followed by a 10-year repayment schedule. Only that the project has never delivered on its promise years after the loan deal. Some installed cameras and allied equipment were vandalised or stolen, while others were simply abandoned.

    Corruption and mismanagement were speculated as major factors in the project’s failure, with funds meant for its operation allegedly misappropriated. So, the probe should go beyond lawmakers, it should also involve anti-graft agencies.

  • Our age of jangled nerves breeding complex problems

    Our age of jangled nerves breeding complex problems

    • By Obiotika Wilfred Toochukwu

    Sir: Christmas is a season traditionally associated with love, reflection, and goodwill. Yet each year, as the yuletide approaches, the tension and impatience in our society become more obvious. In Nigeria, December exposes the cracks that have widened from January to November: unmet expectations, financial frustration, dashed dreams, and the widening gulf between the privileged and the ordinary citizen. What should be a time of communal warmth increasingly becomes a mirror reflecting the agitation, exhaustion, and moral strain of our age.

    These stresses become most visible during the Christmas season. In the Southeast, what should be heartfelt charity—sharing rice, tomatoes, palm oil, yams, or wrappers with widows—often becomes riddled with politics, favoritism, and suspicion. Acts of kindness lose their purity. Gifts are shared not out of compassion, but as tools for influence or manipulation. Even benevolence becomes tainted, turning a beautiful tradition into a display of inequality and competition. The implications of this high-tension age on the common man are far-reaching.

    First, the pressure creates complex personal and social problems. When people feel trapped, unheard, or hopeless, they begin to respond in desperate ways. Petty conflicts escalate. Road rage becomes common. Minor misunderstandings turn into violence. The psychological strain of living in an unpredictable country produces a new kind of citizen—one who is perpetually defensive, easily triggered, and distrustful.

    Read Also: Ribadu in talks with U.S. fact-finding Congressional delegation

    Second, morality suffers. When society normalizes shortcuts, dishonesty becomes the currency for survival. Young people observe that those who succeed often do so through dubious means. When ethical behavior is punished while corruption is rewarded, moral clarity disappears. A generation raised in such confusion inevitably struggles to uphold integrity.

    Third, our nerve-racked age contributes to broken homes. Financial strain, emotional fatigue, and social pressure create toxic environments within families. Many homes fracture not because love is absent, but because stress overwhelms patience. Parents work endlessly to make ends meet, leaving little time for bonding. Marriages collapse under the weight of unmet expectations. Children grow up witness to conflict instead of stability, and the dysfunction multiplies into the next generation.

    Fourth, prolonged stress manifests physically—stomach ulcers, migraines, hypertension, and unexplained illness. Doctors increasingly report stress-related conditions among people who are not yet middle-aged. The body, weary of constant alertness, begins to fail.

    Until we restore calm to our hearts and conscience to our institutions, our age will remain neurotic and troubled. But if even a few choose a better path, renewal is still possible—one heart, one home, one community at a time.

    •Obiotika Wilfred Toochukwu

    Nkono-Ekwulobia, Anambra State.