The Nation Newspaper

Category: Commentaries

  • Anambra: Candidates should sheathe their swords 

    Anambra: Candidates should sheathe their swords 

    • Emeka Asinugo, PhD

    Sir: The recent public spat between Senator Uche Ekwunife, Governor Charles Chukwuma Soludo, and by extension the governor’s wife, has once again brought to attention how easily politicking can derail from constructive engagement to become a theatre of mockery. It is a sad and unhealthy development that does not serve the interest of the Igbo nation well, by any stretch of the imagination. The spectacle of respected Igbo leaders exchanging personal insults, questioning family life, marital fidelity and educational qualifications in the marketplace of political discourse is most unbecoming.

    The November governorship election is a serious matter. It comes at a time the state is grappling with issues that go far beyond personalities. The people of Anambra are looking for solutions to insecurity, especially the menace of unknown gunmen and kidnappers that has devastated communities, thrown families into mourning and slowed the pace of economic growth. They are concerned about unemployment, about how to create opportunities for the young people who are daily streaming out of the state in search of greener pasture. They are asking questions about infrastructure, about how to ensure that roads, hospitals, and schools in Anambra measure up to twenty-first century standards. They are worried about the state’s economy, about how to strengthen small and medium scale enterprises that are the heartbeat of Igbo commerce. These are the issues that politicians should concentrate on in their campaigns.

    The role of Governor Soludo in this saga cannot be overlooked or swept under the carpet. As the sitting leader of Anambra State, he carries the responsibility not only of governance but also of setting the tone for political discourse. When the exchanges between him and Ekwunife began to slide into the realm of the personal and the petty, he had the opportunity to steer the ship of state in the direction that would halt the drift. He could have de-escalated the rhetoric, re-centred the conversation on issues, and reminded his supporters that the eyes of the nation are watching. Unfortunately, he failed to do so.

    It is not the first time that Nigerian politics has seen spouses drawn into the battlefield, but the Anambra example was particularly troubling because it came at a time when the Igbo quest for national relevance requires discipline and focus, not distraction and scandal. The people of Anambra deserve better. 

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    As the November elections draw close, it is imperative that state politicians campaign with a sense of decorum. They must recognize that their conduct sets the pace for the wider Igbo political agenda. They must rise above insults and pettiness. They must demonstrate that politics can be a noble calling, one that puts the people at the centre. A campaign conducted with dignity will not only inspire confidence among Anambra citizens, it will also send a strong message to the rest of Nigeria that the Igbo are ready for leadership at the highest level. For more than six decades since independence, Ndigbo have been denied the opportunity to produce an executive president. If that aspiration is ever to be realised, then every political contest in Igboland, especially in a strategic state like Anambra, must be conducted with the highest sense of responsibility.

    The incidents of the last few weeks have set the eyes of Nigeria and the international community on Anambra State. The insults traded in public are not just damaging to the individuals involved; they are damaging to the collective image of Ndigbo. They could create doubt about whether the Igbo can unite around serious leadership and present a credible front in national politics. That doubt must be immediately dispelled, not confirmed. And the only way to dispel it is for candidates to change course immediately, abandon the politics of mudslinging, and embrace the politics of ideas.

    It is time to end the washing of dirty linens in public. It is time to restore dignity to Igbo politics. It is time to respect Igbo for who they are and what they represent. It is time for Governor Soludo to call for peace in his state.

    •Emeka Asinugo, PhD.

     <emekaasinugo@gmail.com>

  • Obi goes to Obasanjo, Ladoja

    Obi goes to Obasanjo, Ladoja

    Hooray!  Peter Obi just visited former President Olusegun Obasanjo and Olubadan-elect Oba Rashidi Ladoja, former elected governor of Oyo State (2003-2007)!

    But what do these visits add to his political profile — the penetration of a key demographic, en route to 2017?

    Well, not an illegitimate prospect, though a tad dreamy.  Obi’s clatter on X has been a regular fare now: joy to his Obidient zealots — who unflattering Obi foes call zombies. But plain irritation to the Obi-sceptic, who wince at his many infantile hyperboles and sweeping generalizations: to project his personal distemper, and keep droning about his preferred bad news!

    Well, again, that’s hardly a crime.  Obi is in opposition.  Like many in his clan, in these climes, they haven’t developed the ability to distil problems and come out with clinical solutions.  So, all forms of bogeys and jeremiads would do to veil a lack of penetrative thinking.

    Still, what Obi wants folks to draw with visits to Obasanjo and Ladoja is not clear. Okay, perhaps he is still super-grateful to Obasanjo over services rendered in 2023?

    Didn’t Obasanjo call on the late President Muhammadu Buhari to cancel the election, just because Obi, who he backed, was losing, or had lost? 

    For the one that kids himself as the father of modern Nigeria, the irony of another annulment, after the tragedy of June 12, 1993, was totally lost on him.  PMB ignored him — and just as well!

    But that futile call showed Obasanjo’s near-absolute lack of soft power: beyond his periodic mischief to pull down others.  So, a sortie to Baba Iyabo adds nothing to Obi’s political relevance, beyond the already converted.  But from the 2023 results, those converts are still painfully short.

    Oba Ladoja?  Interesting!  If tomorrow the former president prostrates full length, in glorious “idobale” before the new Olubadan, know it’s the “Seriki monafiki” in him having a ball!  The new Oba would, of course, take that, with fulsome thanks.

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    Indeed, Oba Ladoja, as Olubadan, seems one of the many spectacles the Almighty appears to have kept the former president alive to see, as divine caution to anyone never to play God!  Did President Obasanjo not reduce Governor Ladoja, elected as himself, to nothing!

    The imperial president gruffly ordered Ladoja to obey his Oyo garrison commander, the late Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu — or go jump (and get drowned) in the nearby Ogunpa River —  even if that was untrammelled political corruption! 

    For that, the garrison-commander staged one of the many Obasanjo-era “simple minority” impeachments! Of course, the judiciary would throw out that nonsense and restored Governor Ladoja — the very first in Nigerian history —  though the PDP froze him from second term.

    But it’s great the Obi visits remind us all of the bare-faced recklessness of Obasanjo’s PDP, in this day of political revisionists.  Obi too was governor then, though under APGA.  But after his Anambra tenure, it was to this same seedy PDP that Obi ran, to run for Vice President.

    So next time Obi starts his old wives’ tale that he is new, and different from the class he has striven so hard to discredit, just point to this link — a priceless umbilical cord he just gifted the polity. 

    There’s certainly a limit to being clever by half!

  • Education: From budget size to learning impact

    Education: From budget size to learning impact

    • By Lekan Olayiwola

    Sir: The deeper problem of Nigeria’s education crisis is not simply “too little money,” but a funding architecture that fails to match regional realities. These realities include conflict, displacement, floods, urban crowding, language gaps and a system that rewards spending inputs over learning.

    The education sector needs money that moves where the harm is, spends as conditions demand, and pays for results households can feel.

    World Bank data shows that 72.6% of children aged 7–14 cannot read with full comprehension, while 17.1 million children remain out of school. With pupil-to-classroom ratios nearing 64:1 and public spending at just 10% of the national budget (roughly $23 per capita, far below global benchmarks), the system is underfunded and overstretched.

    But national averages obscure sharper regional disparities: the Northwest and Northeast suffer concentrated learning deprivation, coastal states face flood-induced disruptions, and urban centres grapple with overcrowding and rising costs.

    A uniform federal budget cannot address this fragmented reality; what’s needed is a conflict-sensitive, regionally adaptive approach that reflects the true geography of harm.

    Spend follows payroll, not pedagogy. Most federal and state education budgets are absorbed by salaries and recurrent costs—necessary, but insufficient. Classrooms stay congested, toilets broken, labs unfunded, and connectivity absent.

    Funds stall on the way to the classroom. States routinely fail to provide counterpart funding to access available federal grants. Since 2023, over N45.7 billion in UBEC grants earmarked for classrooms remained stuck in fiscal purgatory.

    In the Northwest, banditry and abductions have hollowed schools. The binding constraint is safety. Budgets should fund community vigilance compacts, trauma counselling, secure perimeters, flexible farming-season timetables, and contingency disbursements that activate immediately after attacks. Nigeria’s N144.8 billion Safe Schools Plan (2023–2026) is a legal anchor, but states must localise it into real protection and attendance recovery.

    The Northeast’s protracted displacement requires accelerated learning to compress lost years, Hausa/mother-tongue bridging, and stipends that keep girls in class. Hardship allowances, secure housing, and rotational deployment are essential to retain teachers. Federal transfers should be weighted for displacement and verified catch-up, not just budget lines.

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    In the North-central, farmer–herder violence demands mobility: conflict-season calendars, mobile classrooms, and mediation cells linking school heads with local peace actors. Attendance continuity plans, transport vouchers, safe temporary sites, remedial modules must be pre-funded.

    The South-south’s 2022 floods proved schooling can vanish overnight. Budgets should include flood-risk triggers releasing funds for raised classrooms, canoe/bus routes, and 30-day catch-up cycles.

    In the South-east, economic fragility pulls children out of class. Solutions lie in micro-credit for caregivers, evening schools, and police–community pacts to secure routes.

    In the Southwest, overcrowding demands double shifts, para-teacher coaching, and real Technical and Vocational Education and Training–employer pipelines. Price constraints, meals and transport, are the fastest levers to stabilize attendance.

    With design set, unblock the bottlenecks that keep funds from classrooms. Reform UBEC matching rules so states that can’t post the full cash match can still access a minimum grant by meeting governance conditions (procurement transparency, school-based management committees, open data).

    Convert the remaining match into in-kind milestones, e.g., verified teacher postings to rural schools. Given that N45.7 billion recently sat idle for years, unlocking even half would be transformational.

    Tie cash to children, not ledgers. Fund contact time and learning checks rather than line-item inputs. If a school can verify 180 days of instruction and measured reading gains for JSS1, it gets the tranche regardless of whether the ceiling was painted in Q2 or Q4.

    Publish a national “Learning and Safety” dashboard. Put attendance, closures, teacher vacancies, and short literacy/numeracy checks online, school by school. Let parents see what the money bought. The point isn’t to shame; it’s to steer.

    This is not a blank-cheque appeal. It is a reprogramming of existing flows to track Nigeria’s real risk map. The Safe Schools financing plan already exists; use it as the crisis window. The World Bank’s deprivation profile identifies where learning losses are deepest; use it to weight transfers.

    UN benchmarks and UNICEF finance guidance establish why Nigeria’s envelope must rise over time; use them to justify a medium-term glide path toward the 15–20% share, but only if each extra naira buys measurable gains.

    Above all, resist the easy false choice between “more money” and “better governance.” Nigeria needs both, but the sequencing matters: fix the pipes while you fill the tank.

    Money must track where children are missing, where violence or floods close gates, where classrooms suffocate. The past five years proved that “more” is not enough.

    The next five must prove that smarter, faster, fairer spending keeps children in school, keeps them safe, and helps them learn. Until then, rising line items will keep buying falling futures and families will know government failed the test.

    •Lekan Olayiwola,

    lekanolayiwola@gmail.com

  • Still on the clamour for state police

    Still on the clamour for state police

    • By Francis Onyema

    Sir: The recent declaration by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu on the creation of state police demands serious and critical national discourse, especially in light of previous policies that have exacerbated hardship for millions of Nigerians.

    While the growing insecurity across the nation is a grave concern, establishing state police is a potentially dangerous solution that fails to address the root causes of the problem. The notion that simply placing a police force under a state governor’s command will end crime is a fallacy, as demonstrated by the statement from the governor of Zamfara State, Dauda Lawal.

    The fundamental issue plaguing our current security apparatus is not structure, but chronic underfunding. The lack of manpower, poor equipment, inadequate training facilities, and low morale within the Nigeria Police Force are all direct consequences of insufficient financial investment.

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    Proponents often cite the United States as a model, but this comparison is fundamentally flawed. The annual budget of a state like Florida is over 317 times larger than that of Zamfara State. This stark financial disparity raises critical questions: Can state governors truly afford to fund a professional police force? Would state officers receive better pay, training, and equipment? Or would this new structure simply create 36 underfunded and politicized security outfits?

    Opposition to the establishment of state police is grounded in the following critical points:

    It ignores the root cause: State police does not address the fundamental driver of insecurity: the proliferation of illegal arms. Vesting control of police in governors, many of whom have shown disregard for the rule of law, invites the weaponization of security agencies against political opponents. Moreover, states are already struggling to meet obligations like the new minimum wage and capital projects. Adding the immense financial burden of a police force is untenable. Creating multiple police forces risks deepening ethnic and regional divisions, while fostering mutual distrust among federating units.

    Instead of creating a new layer of policing, the government should focus on reforming and properly funding the existing system. A good way to start is to recruit 60,000 new officers annually to achieve a 1:200 officer-to-citizen ratio within three years, invest heavily in modern technology for intelligence-led policing; strengthen borders to staunch the flood of illegal weapons, while reinforcing the state’s monopoly on the use of force.

    Also, state governors should work with the federal government to oversee police activities without direct control to ensure accountability, implement a system to record all arrests in real-time to prevent illegal detention.

    The debate must shift from “should we create state police?” to “how can we properly fund and reform the policing system we already have?”

    • Francis Onyema,

    Abuja.

  • Let’s support CDS Musa

    Let’s support CDS Musa

    By Kennedy Elaigwu Awodi

    Sir: In the face of persistent and multifaceted security challenges, Nigeria is at a critical juncture. The calls to dismiss key security personnel, particularly Chief of Defence Staff General Christopher Musa, are not only counterproductive but also misguided. President Bola Tinubu must stand firm in his support for a leader whose record demonstrates a clear and effective strategy for national security. This is a time for patience and pragmatism, not for bowing to pressures that seek to undermine tangible progress.

    A campaign such as to reshuffle Nigeria’s security architecture is one such misguided and ill-informed demand. It is a call that President Tinubu must, and should, ignore, for the records are clear. For instance, the Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa, has done a remarkable job, and his leadership is a bulwark against the forces of instability.

    Since his appointment, General Musa has moved beyond a reactive defense posture to a proactive, intelligence-driven approach. His leadership has yielded concrete and verifiable results across all theaters of operation, signaling a significant shift in Nigeria’s fight against instability.

    Under his command, the armed forces have neutralized over 6,260 terrorists and arrested 14,138 others. These are not just statistics; they represent a significant blow to the criminal networks that have held the nation ransom.

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    A staggering 5,365 kidnapped victims have been rescued, restoring hope to countless families and demonstrating the military’s renewed effectiveness. Musa’s focus on inter-agency collaboration has been instrumental in disrupting logistics networks. This has led to the recovery of large caches of arms and ammunition, the deactivation of over 808 illegal refining sites, and the recovery of stolen crude oil valued at approximately N29.5 billion.

     He has championed strategic rebranding, such as the transition from “Operation Safe Haven” to “Operation Enduring Peace” in the North-central region. This reflects a shift in mindset from merely containing conflict to building lasting peace.

    While some groups, like the Northern Ethnic Nationality Forum (NENF), advocate for the removal of security chiefs, others, such as the Concerned Hausa Ethnic Stakeholders Forum (HESFO), argue that such demands are a distraction from the root causes of insecurity. HESFO asserts that a cosmetic reshuffle is insufficient and calls for accountability, justice, and recognition of the systematic terror against their people.

    According to HESFO, the Hausa people have endured one of the most devastating humanitarian crises in recent history. The group claims that in 2024 alone, over 614,937 lives were lost, primarily Hausa individuals in Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina, and Kaduna. Furthermore, they state that more than 2.2 million abductions occurred in the same year, with trillions extorted in ransom. HESFO argues that this is not mere insecurity but rather a “genocide in slow motion” that has been largely ignored.

    According to HESFO, if the call to remove General Musa is truly because of his statement on confronting bandits, then it is even more urgent to demand the removal of others whose loyalties have proven compromised.

    It is worthy of note that, constant reshuffling of security leadership creates instability and prevents the consolidation of gains. It is time for President Tinubu to recognize these attempts as potential distractions fueled by political, personal, and ethnic agendas rather than a genuine desire for a safer Nigeria. History will judge those who prioritize personal gain over the nation’s well-being.

    By trusting the proven record of his appointees and allowing General Musa and his team to continue their critical work, President Tinubu can demonstrate a commitment to a stable and secure Nigeria for all its citizens.

    •Kennedy Elaigwu Awodi,

     North Carolina, USA.

  • ‘Monarch’ without a kingdom

    ‘Monarch’ without a kingdom

    Ancient lore teaches that the glory of a king is in the strength of his army. In modern terms, this translates to saying the status of a leader is measured by the size of the followership he controls. In Lagos, however, there’ve be title peddlers who arrogate themselves imperial status that no one but few fellow-conspirators recognise.

    A self-styled ‘Obi of Lagos,’ Chibuike Azubike, is presently cooling his heels in police cell along with three accomplices pending their arraignment for alleged fraud and attempted disruption of public peace, according to the state police command. The 65-year-old, an indigene of Obodoukwu in Ideato North council area of Imo State, was recently arrested along with Chibuzor Ani (57), Martins Nwaodika (65) and Ikechukwu Franklin Nnadi (41) after the announcement of plans to install Azubike as ‘Obi of Lagos,’ unveil a prototype of a purported N1.5billion Palace of Obi of Lagos State and celebrate the Ofala/New Yam festival on Saturday, 13th September, at Apple Hall, Amuwo Odofin. The police said the venue was swiftly sealed off by security operatives to prevent public disturbance and protect unsuspecting members of the public from being misled.

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    In a statement, Commissioner of Police Olohundare Jimoh said the arrested persons’ plans were illegal under the Obas and Chiefs Law of Lagos State (2015) and capable of disrupting public peace. He urged residents to be vigilant against impostors who exploit revered cultural institutions for personal gain.

    Providing further details, Lagos command’s deputy spokesperson Babasaye Oluseyi, a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), said preliminary investigations showed the aborted 13th September events were a ploy to defraud unsuspecting Nigerians. His statement read: “Further findings revealed that the planned unveiling of the ‘Obi of Lagos Palace’ was fraudulently designed as a ploy to swindle unsuspecting personalities and other Nigerians of their hard-earned money… It was also established that the principal suspect acted alone, without the backing or recognition of any legitimate chieftaincy authority.” The spokesperson added that investigations were ongoing and all suspects will be arraigned in court once concluded. Meanwhile, according to him, Azubike has confessed to being merely a supplier of building materials and not a certified engineer as earlier advertised.

    It isn’t that unrecognized titles are a new thing in Lagos. In April 2023, Frederick Nwajagu, a self-proclaimed Eze Ndigbo of Ajao Estate, was arrested and later arraigned on terrorism charges after threatening to invite members of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) to protect the properties of Igbo residents in Lagos. The thing with Azubike is the upscaled temerity of his impersonation. The official title of the traditional ruler of Lagos is ‘Oba of Lagos,’ and here’s an impostor assaying to be the ‘Obi of Lagos.’ Just how more daring could dare get?

  • Are protests against Women Affairs minister justified?

    Are protests against Women Affairs minister justified?

    By Kenneth Nonso Igwe

    In the dynamic landscape of Nigerian politics, few figures have demonstrated the resilience and visionary leadership of Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim, the current Minister of Women Affairs.

    Despite recent protests by a segment of ministry staff, a deeper look at her career reveals a pattern of dedication and effectiveness that continues to earn her widespread support.

    The protests, which included allegations of neglect and inaccessibility, seem to clash with the broader narrative of a leader known for her results-driven approach and unwavering commitment to public service.

    Imaan’s journey in public service is marked by a series of groundbreaking achievements. Before her current role, she served as the Federal Commissioner and Chief Executive Officer of the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants, and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI), where she worked tirelessly to protect some of Nigeria’s most vulnerable populations.

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    Her tenure as the Director-General of the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) further showcased her ability to tackle complex challenges with empathy and strategic precision.

    Notably, she was also the first female Minister of State for Police Affairs, a role in which she brought innovation and renewed vigour to police reform and gender inclusion in security governance.

    These roles underscore her capacity to deliver on mandates and drive tangible change, making the recent criticisms appear inconsistent with her established record. Indeed,  her appointment as Minister of Women Affairs stands as a testament to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s unwavering commitment to his Renewed Hope Agenda.

    Her leadership embodies the very essence of this visionary blueprint, translating its principles of economic growth, social empowerment, and institutional reform into tangible actions that directly impact the lives of millions.

    Central to Imaan’s philosophy is her dedication to actualizing President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda. Her focus on women’s empowerment, child protection, and social justice aligns perfectly with the administration’s goals.

    Under her leadership, the Ministry of Women Affairs has launched initiatives like the Nigeria for Women Scale-Up Project, which aims to provide financial literacy, business development training, and cooperative support to 4.5 million women across the country.

    She has also been a vocal advocate for legislative reforms, such as the Special Seats Bill for Women, to ensure stronger female representation in governance.

    Additionally, her efforts to strengthen child protection laws and promote gender-responsive climate action highlight her holistic approach to development.

    These programs are not just policy documents but lifelines for millions of Nigerian women and children, offering them opportunities for growth and security. Her multifaceted achievements across security, humanitarian affairs, and women’s empowerment are a validation of the President’s discerning appointment strategy and the overarching goals of the Renewed Hope Agenda.

    The recent protests at the ministry headquarters in Abuja, where some workers expressed grievances over welfare issues, must be viewed within a broader context.

    While the staff’s concerns are valid and deserve attention, it is important to recognize that Imaan’s role as a minister is primarily political and policy-focused.

    As she herself noted, administrative duties such as welfare and training largely fall under the purview of the Permanent Secretary and directors. This is not to dismiss the staff’s frustrations but to emphasize the structural limitations within which she operates.

    Moreover, Imaan has acknowledged these concerns and expressed her commitment to addressing them creatively. Her response to the protests—calm, diplomatic, and focused on dialogue—reflects her maturity as a leader.

    She even remarked that the incident had inadvertently raised her profile, noting, “People who didn’t know me now know me”. This perspective underscores her understanding of the political landscape and her ability to turn challenges into opportunities.

    The backlash against Imaan appears to be part of a larger pattern of resistance against strong female leaders. In a press briefing, she highlighted the coordinated efforts to undermine her leadership, stating, “There’s an attack on the Ministry of Women Affairs and on female politicians, and they are trying to use the staff against the ministry”.

    This sentiment resonates with many who see the protests as motivated by factors beyond genuine grievances. Critics, including political detractors and those wary of her rising influence, have sought to tarnish her reputation. Yet, these efforts have largely failed, thanks to the overwhelming support she has received from stakeholders across the country.

    Human rights activists, civil society organizations, and ordinary citizens have rallied behind her, describing the protests as an “affront to constituted authority”. This groundswell of support is a testament to the goodwill she has earned through years of dedicated service.

    Imaan’s impact extends beyond the federal level to her home state of Nasarawa, where she has implemented numerous empowerment initiatives. During President Tinubu’s recent visit to commission projects executed by Governor Abdullahi Sule, Imaan was singled out for commendation.

    As part of the event, she distributed grinding and sewing machines to over 500 women, helping them achieve self-sufficiency amid economic hardships. She also organized the Renewed Hope Year-End Intervention for Vulnerable Women and Families, providing essential items like rice, pasta, cooking oil, and tomato paste to hundreds of people in Akwanga, Kokona, and Keffi Local Government Areas.

    These efforts reflect her deep understanding of grassroots needs and her ability to translate policy into practical solutions. For many in Nasarawa, Imaan is not just a minister but a beacon of hope whose work has directly improved their lives.

    What sets Imaan apart is her resilience and unflinching resolve in the face of adversity. She has faced challenges before, from her time at NAPTIP to her role as Police Affairs Minister, and each time, she has emerged stronger and more determined.

    Her response to the current protests is no different. Instead of resorting to confrontation, she has chosen dialogue and collaboration, urging staff to focus on the bigger picture of women’s struggle in governance.

    She reminds them that the Ministry of Women Affairs is the “conscience of the country,” with a responsibility to protect women, children, and vulnerable groups. This vision-driven leadership style, combined with her empathy and strategic thinking, has earned her the respect of colleagues and stakeholders alike.

    After all said and done, the protests against Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim are up against a tall wall—a wall built on a foundation of proven performance, widespread popularity, and unwavering political support.

    President Tinubu’s public endorsement of her, including his birthday message where he praised her as a “reform-minded and results-driven public servant,” reinforces her position.

    Her ability to champion policies that resonate with ordinary Nigerians, from financial literacy programs for women to clean energy initiatives, demonstrates her commitment to nation-building.

    While the protests highlight legitimate administrative issues that need addressing, they do not define her leadership. Instead, they have inadvertently shone a light on her strengths: her resilience, her dedication, and her ability to turn challenges into opportunities.

    As Nigeria continues to navigate complex social and economic challenges, leaders like Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim are indispensable. Her work is a reminder that true leadership is not about avoiding conflicts but about navigating them with grace, empathy, and an unwavering focus on the greater good.

    • Igwe, a public affairs analyst writes from Abuja

  • How Eno is redefining learning in Akwa Ibom

    How Eno is redefining learning in Akwa Ibom

    By Racheal Udom

    When Pastor Umo Eno, the Governor of Akwa Ibom State, walked into the warm embrace of his old classmates at Victory High School Old Students’ Association (1981 set) during their special quarterly meeting in Ikeja, Lagos, the moment was more than just a reunion. It was a poignant reminder of how far life had brought him, from the humble corridors of a secondary school to the commanding heights of public office. For him, it was also a chance to reflect on the life-changing power of education and to reaffirm his commitment to lifting the next generation through qualitative learning.

    At the event, Governor Eno was bestowed with the title of Grand Patron of the association, an honour he described as humbling and inspiring. “Our alma mater played a crucial role in shaping us into who we are today,” he told his classmates. “Those of us whom God has lifted must, in turn, support the growth of our schools and educational institutions.”

    This conviction is not merely rhetorical. Since assuming office, Governor Eno has woven education into the very fabric of his administration’s vision. He sees it not only as the most sustainable tool for empowerment but also as the bedrock upon which Akwa Ibom’s future must be built. His presence at the reunion, therefore, was not only personal but symbolic of his broader agenda, one that places education at the heart of governance.

    In Akwa Ibom, Governor Umo Eno has already embarked on ambitious reforms designed to reimagine the learning environment for children and young people. At the meeting, he spoke passionately about these initiatives:

    His administration has commenced the construction of modern, fully-equipped model primary schools across the state. These are not just classrooms but comprehensive learning centres with digital facilities, science laboratories, libraries, and recreational amenities to nurture well-rounded pupils.

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    Recognising the importance of equity, the governor is ensuring that each senatorial district hosts at least one model secondary school. These schools are designed to meet global standards, serving as hubs for academic excellence and technical skills development.

    “Our children deserve access to sound, qualitative education no matter where they are born,” he affirmed. “By building these institutions, we are laying the foundation for a knowledge-driven economy in Akwa Ibom.”

    Governor Eno’s initiatives are already leaving an indelible mark. Among the most remarkable achievements so far are: Building on the foundation laid by previous administrations, his government has reinforced the policy of free and compulsory education for children in primary and secondary schools. Importantly, he has ensured that hidden costs such as exam fees, textbooks, and uniforms are addressed through targeted interventions.

    Beyond the model schools, renovation and upgrading of existing schools have been prioritised. Dilapidated classrooms are being replaced with modern blocks, equipped with desks, electricity, and ICT facilities. Rural communities, once plagued by overcrowded or collapsing structures, are now witnessing a new era of conducive learning environments.

    Recognising that no education system can rise above the quality of its teachers, the governor has invested heavily in training, welfare, and incentives for educators. Capacity-building workshops, digital literacy training, and new teacher recruitment drives are revitalising the workforce and improving learning outcomes.

    Governor Eno has also paid special attention to vocational training. Several technical schools across Akwa Ibom are being repositioned with state-of-the-art facilities for carpentry, welding, ICT, fashion design, and other trades. This focus ensures that students not inclined to white-collar careers have employable skills for self-reliance.

    His government has equally revived bursary schemes for undergraduates from Akwa Ibom and expanded scholarships for brilliant but indigent students. By easing the financial burden, more young people can pursue tertiary education without fear of dropping out.

    In line with global trends, the administration is integrating ICT into classrooms. Pilot schemes have seen the distribution of learning tablets, introduction of e-libraries, and partnerships with technology providers to boost digital literacy among students.

    While policy achievements are notable, what stands out about Governor Eno’s approach is the personal dimension he brings to leadership. During the reunion, he openly thanked his old classmates for the solidarity they showed him — both during his election and, more touchingly, during the passing of his wife.

    “Education remains the greatest gift we can give the next generation,” he reminded them, drawing parallels between the support they had given him and the collective responsibility society owes to children. For him, giving back to schools like Victory High and expanding opportunities in Akwa Ibom are deeply intertwined missions.

    Governor Eno’s vision for education transcends the classroom. He sees it as an economic enabler. By producing skilled, knowledgeable, and disciplined graduates, Akwa Ibom can strengthen its workforce, attract investment, and drive industrialisation.

    Model schools, vocational hubs, and ICT-driven learning are not just policies; they are components of a long-term development strategy. In his own words: “By investing in the education of today’s children, we are investing in tomorrow’s workforce, entrepreneurs, and leaders. This is the surest way to guarantee sustainable development for our state.”

    Governor Eno’s story is also a powerful testament to the enduring influence of secondary education. Victory High School shaped him not only academically but also in values, resilience, and social responsibility. Becoming the Grand Patron of the alumni association was, in a sense, a full-circle moment, a reminder that no leader ever outgrows the institutions that nurtured them.

    It also reflects his philosophy that those who rise must look back. His call to fellow alumni to support schools is consistent with his governance style, where partnerships between government, communities, and the private sector are seen as essential to sustainable development.

    As Akwa Ibom continues to witness reforms in education under his watch, there is a growing sense of optimism. Parents speak of improved learning environments, teachers testify to better support, and students are gradually accessing the kind of facilities once reserved for elite schools.

    For Governor Eno, the journey is far from over. He has repeatedly pledged that education will remain a top priority throughout his tenure. His recent reunion with classmates was therefore not just nostalgia, but a reaffirmation that the legacy he wishes to leave behind is one of enlightenment, empowerment, and transformation through education.

    From the classrooms of Victory High School to the Government House in Uyo, the trajectory of Umo Eno’s life has been shaped by education. Today, as he drives reforms in Akwa Ibom, he is ensuring that the same opportunities he had , and more,  are extended to every child, regardless of background.

    His reunion with classmates may have been a simple gathering, but it underscored a profound truth: education is the common thread that binds generations, shapes destinies, and builds nations. In Governor Eno’s Akwa Ibom, that thread is being woven into a stronger, brighter, and more inclusive future.

    • Udom, writes from Uyo, Akwa-Ibom state capital

  • Caught by own trap?

    Caught by own trap?

    Of course, it’s bad faith begetting bad faith.  But let no one forget who started it all.  The Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan senatorial saga just notched a new plot. 

    On the surface, the embattled senator’s six-month suspension, for breaching Senate rules, is over.  But she cannot return for now — at least, says the Senate management — because the matter is sub judice.

    Natasha had been three-quarter worsted in a suit with which she challenged her suspension.  Three-quarters, because, the court only reasoned that her six-month suspension might have been excessive — not because of any redemptive behaviour from Natasha, but because her suspension had put her constituents in jeopardy.

    Even then, the court didn’t order her recall. It only appealed to the Senate to reconsider the length.  Indeed, the court held that Natasha was validly suspended for breaching the rules — refusing to move seats when directed to do so. 

    More trouble: the court ordered her to apologize — not to the Senate, but to the court — for guilt over sub judice matters: writing a mock apology letter to the Senate President, in the social media, with the case still running before the court.

    But Natasha balked.  Instead, she appealled the matter to the Court of Appeal, with the Senate itself doing a cross-appeal.  That was the legal reality, when the six months ran out.

    So, might Natasha have snared herself in own legal trap?  It would seem so — and her nemeses in the chamber would appear savouring the perverse pleasure to see her squirm, in own self-imposed debacle.

    Unfortunately, the senator appears unable — in any case, reluctant — to learn from her unforced errors (to borrow that tennis term), as she recklessly plays in the court of social media.

    To her, there is no shortage of bad advice.  Her so-called elders and supporters seem utterly useless beyond the delusion of emotional scamming and Aluta agitations on X and sundry social media platforms. 

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    The latest ludicrous sortie is some woman senator from The Gambia, giving a peremptory order to the Nigerian Senate to recall Natasha, pretty much because she’s a woman; and if such is not checked, it could be her — in The Gambia — or other women next time!  What feminist carping!  How that helps Natasha’s case beggars belief.

    You will recall: Natasha too went on such emotive binge to a legislative gathering in New York, under the auspices of the United Nations, spewing an old wives’ tale of her suspension issuing from gender persecution, not from breaching Senate rules.  That didn’t get her far, did it?  And don’t humans learn from mistakes?

    Unfortunately, should the Senate stick to Natasha’s legalism to hang her, it could be morning yet on her suspension day!  No one would be blamed but Natasha herself.  Refusing that you’re wrong, even if you are, is no virtue.

    But maybe there’s another magnanimous way — not for the senator, but for her ill-fated constituents?  And shouldn’t Senate membership be made of more mature stuff?

  • Igbo unification as assault on minorities’ rights

    Igbo unification as assault on minorities’ rights

    Sir: What began a few years ago as a social media campaign by Biafra separatist agitators, and got escalated by social media content creators, has now crept into the Nigerian political space, and is beginning to assume a worrisome dimension. It is the idea of Igbo unification which is clearly turning into an expansionist agenda.

    I have followed with keen interest, the current National Assembly constitutional review activities, and particularly find the utterances and activities of some highly placed political actors quite disturbing, especially those of senators Ned Nwoko an Onyekachi Nwaebonyi.

    I have watched and listened to Senator Nwaebonyi claim that the people of the geographical area in Delta State referred to as Anioma are all Igbos. Also, Ned Nwoko who is the senator representing the Delta North senatorial district of Delta State is zealously campaigning for the creation of Anioma State from the present day Delta State, while also vigorously pursuing the so-called Igbo unification cause.

    Nwoko is so zealous about the two projects that he even wants the proposed Anioma State to be part of the Southeast geopolitical zone. This is curious!

    My concern here is that both senators Nwoko and Nwaebonyi are erroneously operating on the assumption that the part of Delta State referred to as Anioma is populated by a homogeneous ethnic group. This assumption is borne out of either ignorance or sheer mischief. 

    For the purpose of clarity there are largely three distinct but interrelated ethnic groups in the area referred to as Aniona today, namely Ika, Ukwuani, and Aniocha/Igbo.

    Ika people are not Igbo, and like every other minority group anywhere in the world, have the right not only to determine but also to maintain and promote their own identity. They (Ika people) are a separate, distinct ethnic nationality within Delta North senatorial district (often referred to as Anioma).

    Historically, Ika ethnic group, with its many communities, clans, and  kingdoms, had existed as a separate, distinct group and lived harmoniously with its neighbours, namely the Binis (Edos), the Esans, the Ukwuanis, and the Aniocha/Igbos. They had well established and organised social and political systems in their various clans and kingdoms with monarchies. It may be noteworthy to point out here that at the advent of British colonisation, the people of Owa, one of the kingdoms in Ika land fought a war against the British in 1906. Owa people lost that war, resulting in the Owa king (Obi Igbonoba) being exiled to Warri, where he eventually died.

    There is no doubt that Ikas have been substantially influenced by their neighbours over the centuries, particularly the Binis and Igbos, resulting in linguistic affinities and similarities of names shared with these neighbours. But they are neither Binis nor Igbos.

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    Like the Igbos, Ikas celebrate the new yam festival, and like the Binis the Ikas also celebrate the Igue festival. But beyond these, they also celebrate other festivals that are purely indigenous and exclusive to them, such Osiezi festival and others.

    Ikas are totally different from Igbos in their culture, customs and traditions. The current campaign by Ned Nwoko and his associates has moved beyond the original natural Igbo boundaries and is now encroaching on other peoples’ spaces. What we have today is a situation in which some Igbo politicians and social media warriors are attempting to impose an alien identity on minorities who live next to them, particularly Ika people of Delta State. By implication, they are demanding authority which they neither have nor deserve over Ika people.

    Following this development, brickbats are now being thrown on social media between Igbos and their neighbouring minorities. Experience shows that in vast majority of cases, what begins and gains traction on social media does not always end there; it often ends in the streets. This is why it has become imperative here to call on the Nigerian intelligence community to wake up now, begin to do their work more diligently, and advise government accordingly…and government must act swiftly to avert what could snowball into violent conflicts in the near future.

    And to our Igbo friends, neighbours and compatriots, it may be apt to remind them that international human rights law exists, which offers protection to minorities in order to ensure the preservation of their cultural, religious, and linguistic identities from the expansionist and assimilationist tendencies of majority groups. The time is now to learn to LIVE AND LET LIVE.

    •Solo Igunbor, Crownhill, Milton Keynes, United Kingdom.